THE    LIFE    OF 

JOHNA.RAWLINS 

JAMES  HARRISON  WILSON 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 


BRIG.-GEN.  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

CHIEF  OF  STAFF  U.  S.  A. 

1860 


Frontispiece 


THE  LIFE 

of 

JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 


Lawyer,  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  Chief  of 
Staff,  Major  General  of  Volunteers, 
and  Secretary  of  War 


BY 

JAMES   HARRISON  WILSON 

Major-General  U.S.A.;    Late  Major-General  U.S.V.;    Engineer  and  Inspector-General  on 

Grant's  Staff;  Commander  Third  Cavalry  Division,  Army  of  the  Potomac;  Commander 

Cavalry  Corps,  M.D.M.;  Commander  of  the  Sixth  and  First  Army  Corps,  and 

the  Department  of  Matanzas  and  Santa  Clara,  in  the  Spanish  War; 

Second  in  Command  of  the  U.  S.  forces  in  the  Boxer  Rebellion. 

Author  of  Under  the  Old  Flag,  etc.,  etc. 


THE  NEALE  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

440  FOURTH  AVENUE    ::    ::    NEW  YORK 
1916 


COPYRIGHT,  1916,  BY 
JAMES  HARRISON  WILSON 


Press  of 

J.  J.  Little  &  Ives  Co. 
New  York 


Only  one  course  is  left  for  us.    We  will  stand  by  the  Flag 
of  our  Country  and  appeal  to  the  God  of  Battles! 

Rawlins's  speech  at  Galena,  April  16,  1861. 

I  believe  more  in  the  infallibility  of  numbers  than  in  the 
infallibility  of  generals,  no  matter  how  great  their  reputation. 

Letter  of  March  28,  1864. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE 15 


I.  INTRODUCTORY 17 

Rawlins's  Relations  with  General  Grant — Grant's  Resignation 
and  Return  to  the  Army — His  General  Characteristics — Raw 
lins's  Qualifications  as  a  Staff  Officer. 

II.  EARLY  LIFE 23 

Race  Characteristics — Charcoal  Burning — Common  School  Edu 
cation — Rock    River    Academy — Political    Discussions — Studies 
Law — First    Speech — City    Attorney — Character    and    Personal 
Appearance — Associates. 

III.  POLITICAL  CONNECTIONS 37 

Galena  and  Its  Leading  Men — Candidate   for   Elector  on  the 
Douglas  Ticket — Canvass  of  the  District — Joint  Discussion. 

IV.  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR 45 

Resumes  Practice  of  Law — Confederates  Fire  on  Fort  Sumter — 
Addresses  Mass  Meeting — Influence  upon  Captain  Grant — Or 
ganization  of  Volunteers — Death  of  Wife — Grant  Invites  Raw- 

lins  to  Join  His  Staff — Correspondence. 

V.  FIRST  MILITARY  SERVICES 57 

Enters  Army  as  Captain — Reports  at  Cairo — Condition  of  Af 
fairs — Battle  of  Belmont — Relations  with  Grant. 

VI.  EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY,  1861 64 

Occupation  of  Paducah— Letter  to  His  Mother— Rumors  About 
Grant's  Habits — Letter  to  E.  B.  Washburne — Capture  of  Forts 

7 


8  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

Henry  and  Donelson — Grant  Suspended  from  Command — Facts 
of  the  Case — Part  Taken  by  Rawlins — Grant  Reinstated — Armies 
Converge  on  Pittsburg  Landing — Order  Succeeded  by  Dis 
order. 


VII.  SHILOH     .  ...  .  .      85 

Campaign  and  Battle  of  Shiloh — Grant  Again  Virtually  Sus 
pended — Supported  by  Rawlins  and  Sherman — Controversies 
and  Ill-feeling  Growing  out  of  Campaign. 

VIII.  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862 99 

Rawlins  Explains  Conditions  at  Grant's  Headquarters — Case  of 
David  Sheean — Plans  of  President  and  Secretary  of  War — Tal- 
lahatchie  Campaign — Vicksburg  Campaign — Origin  of  Plan — 
Preliminary  Operations — Charles  A.  Dana  Joins  Headquarters — 
Letter  to  Washburne — Letter  to  Grant — Relief  of  McClernand — 
Rawlins  Promoted. 

IX.  AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG 150 

Grant  Goes  to  New  Orleans — Rawlins  in  Virtual  Command — 
Made  Brigadier-General — Battle  of  Chickamauga — Grant  Or 
dered  to  Chattanooga — Commands  Military  Division  of  the  Mis 
sissippi. 

X.  EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE 161 

Meeting  Between  Grant  and  Stanton — Plan  of  Operations — 
Battle  of  Missionary  Ridge — Knoxville,  Cumberland  Gap,  and 
Lexington — Headquarters  at  Nashville — Completes  Official  Re 
ports — Reflections  on  Campaign — Rawlins  Married. 

XI.  CHANGES  IN   RANK  AND  DUTIES 181 

Grant  Made  Lieutenant-General — Rawlins  Chief  of  Staff — Cor 
respondence — Grant's  Headquarters  with  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac — Rawlins  Strongly  Approves. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  9 

HAPTER  PAGE 

XII.     THE  NEW  FIELD       .  .     193 

Enlarged   Staff — Rawlins   Advocates   New   Policies — Letters  to 
His  Wife — Culpepper  C.  H. — Influence  on  Plan  of  Operations. 


XIII.  IN  VIRGINIA   .  ...  ...     205 

Headquarters  at  Culpepper— Overland  Campaign— Battles  in 
the  Wilderness. 

XIV.  NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END 253 

Petersburg  Mine  Explosion — Rawlins  on  Sick  Leave — Letters  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Bowers— Grant  Visits  Washington— Tactical 
Mistake  of  Dividing  the  Cavalry — Failure  to  Complete  Circum- 
vallation  of  Petersburg — Rawlins  Rejoins  Army — Sheridan's 
Campaign  Against  Early— Rawlins's  Letters  to  His  Wife— Wil 
son  Ordered  West — Hood's  Invasion  of  Middle  Tennessee — 
Rawlins  Opposes  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea  till  Hood  Could 
Be  Disposed  of — Sent  West  to  Forward  Reinforcments — His 
Views  Vindicated. 


XV.    VIEWS  ON   SHERMAN'S   CAMPAIGN 277 

Rawlins  Returns  from  the  West — Extract  from  Grant's  Memoirs 
Considered — Rawlins's  Letters  to  His  Wife — Sherman's  Army 
Ordered  to  City  Point — Movement  Discussed — Rawlins  Opposed 
to  Political  Generals. 


XVI.    WINTER  OF  1864-65  .  .     303 

Preparations  for  Final  Campaign — Sheridan  Rejoins  Army  of 
the  Potomac — Conference  with  Rawlins — Sheridan's  Memoirs — 
General  Forsyth's  Letter — General  M.  V.  Sheridan's  Letter — 
Campaign  Begins — Rawlins's  Letters  to  His  Wife — Proposed 
Withdrawal  of  Cavalry — Doubts  and  Discouragements — Raw 
lins's  Letters — Successes  of  Sheridan  and  Humphreys — Grant's 
Correspondence  with  Lee — Part  Taken  by  Rawlins — Lee's  Sur 
render. 


io  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVII.  THE  AFTERMATH 326 

Grant's  Headquarters  at  Washington— Rawlins  Chief  of  Staff 

of  the  Army — Completes  Grant's  Final  Report — French  With 
draw  from  Mexico — Reconstruction  of  Confederate  States — 
Rawlins  Accompanies  Grant  and  the  President  to  Chicago — 
Elected  First  President  of  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee — Resume  of  that  Army's  History. 

XVIII.  INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67 334 

Rawlins's  Galena  Speech — Life  on  the  Plains — Letters  to  His 
Wife — Suspension  of   Stanton  as  Secretary  of  War — Appoint 
ment  of  General  Grant  Ad  Interim — Controversy  Between  the 
President  and  General  Grant — Rawlins  Supports  Grant. 

XIX.  CLOSING   EVENTS 351 

Rawlins  Appointed  Secretary  of  War — Friends  Discharge  Mort 
gage  on  House — War  Department  Restored  to  Control  of  Sec 
retary — Relations  with  President  and  Cabinet — Friend  of  Cuba 

— Reflections  upon  Rawlins's  Conduct — Relations  with  Sherman. 

XX.  CONCLUSION 369 

Summary  of  Rawlins's  Character  and  Services — Patriotism  and 
Love  of  the  Union — Devotion  to  Grant — Cadwallader's  Letter — 
Parker's  Oration — Cox's  Tribute — Conclusion. 


APPENDIX  PAGE 

I.     Letters  from  General  Rawlins — The  Greater  Number  to  His  Wife    384 

II.    Extracts  and  Letters 428 

III.  Address   of    General   Rawlins,    First   President,   Society  Army 

of  the  Tennessee,  at  Cincinnati,  November  14,  1865     .         .  435 

IV.  Address  of  General  Rawlins,  Delivered  at  Galena,  Illinois,  June 

14,    1867 470 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  n 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

V.  Extracts  from  the  Funeral  Oration  of  General  Ely  S.  Parker, 
to  the  Memory  of  John  A.  Rawlins — Late  Secretary  of  War 
in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Grant 502 


INDEX 


CHRONOLOGY 
OF  THE  LIFE  AND  SERVICES  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Candidate  for  Elector  on  the  Douglas  Dem 
ocratic  Ticket , .1860 

Appointed  Captain  Assistant  Adjutant  Gen 
eral  of  Volunteers. August  30,  1861 

Accepted , September  26,  1861 

Appointed  Major  and  Assistant  Adjutant 

General  of  Volunteers. .May  14,  1862 

Served  as  Lieutenant  Colonel  and  Assist 
ant  Adjutant  General  of  Volunteers  by 
assignment November  i,  1862,  to  August  30,  1863 

Appointed  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteer sAugust  n,  1863 

Accepted    August  30,  1863 

Appointed  Brigadier  General  United  States 
Army  and  Chief  of  Staff  to  the  Major 
General  Commanding , March  3,  1865 

Brevetted  Major  General  of  Volunteers  for 
gallant  and  meritorious  services February  24,  1865 

Appointed  Major  General  United  States 
Army  for  meritorious  service  during  the 
campaign  terminating  with  the  surrender 
of  the  insurgent  army  under  General  Rob 
ert  E.  Lee ... April  p,  1865 

Resigned  from  the  Army March  12,  1869 

Appointed  Secretary  of  War March  n,  1869 

Died  while  Secretary September  6,  1869 


PREFACE 

THE  purpose  of  this  narrative  is  fully  set  forth  in  the  following 
pages,  the  preparation  of  which  was  begun,  at  his  request,  shortly 
after  the  death  of  General  Rawlins,  and  has  been  continued  at 
various  intervals  of  a  busy  life  up  to  the  present  time.  I  have 
explored  every  possible  source  of  information  which  promised  to 
throw  any  light  whatever  on  the  services  and  relations  of  General 
Rawlins  with  General  Grant.  I  have  consulted  the  Official  Rec 
ords,  the  "Memoirs"  of  General  Grant,  General  Sherman,  and 
General  Sheridan;  the  "Personal  History"  of  General  Grant  by 
Badeau,  as  well  as  those  by  Coffee,  Richardson,  Deming,  Dana  and 
Wilson ;  the  "Recollections  of  Charles  A.  Dana" ;  the  newspapers 
and  magazines  of  the  period,  and  especially  the  correspondence  of 
General  Rawlins. 

I  am  particularly  indebted  to  S.  Cadwallader,  Esquire,  of  Cali 
fornia,  formerly  war  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald, 
for  access  to  his  valuable  work  in  manuscript,  entitled  "Four 
Years  with  Grant" ;  to  Hempstead  Washburne,  Esq.,  of  Chicago, 
for  copies  of  his  father's  correspondence  with  Rawlins,  and  to 
David  Sheean,  Esq.,  of  Galena,  Illinois,  for  collecting  the  letters 
of  Rawlins  to  the  various  members  of  his  family,  for  furnishing 
me  with  the  family  records,  and  for  giving  me  his  assistance  with 
the  manuscript  and  proofs  at  every  stage  of  their  preparation. 

I  am  also  greatly  indebted  to  the  late  J.  Russell  Jones,  of 
Chicago,  and  to  the  late  Major  General  John  E.  Smith  and  the 
late  Doctor  E.  D.  Kittoe,  of  Galena,  who  were  all  lifelong  friends 
of  Rawlins  and  Grant  and  familiar  with  the  history  of  their  rela 
tions  in  both  military  and  civil  life. 

I  am  under  special  obligation  to  Major  General  Grenville  M. 
Dodge,  who  from  the  rich  stores  of  his  memory  and  his  records 
has  helped  me  with  valuable  facts  and  references,  covering  many 
incidents  in  Rawlins's  career  from  the  time  he  entered  the  army 
till  his  death  as  Secretary  of  War. 

To  each  of  these  gentlemen  I  extend  my  grateful  thanks,  with 
the  statement  that  I  have  used  the  matter  furnished  me  according 

15 


16  PREFACE 

to  my  own  judgment,  and  that  I  am  solely  responsible  for  the 
statements  and  opinions  contained  in  this  book,  as  well  as  for  the 
time  *of  its  publication. 

Finally,  having  served  with  Rawlins  on  the  staff  of  General 
Grant  from  the  beginning  of  the  operations  against  Vicksburg 
until  the  close  of  the  Chattanooga  and  Knoxville  campaigns  and 
having  maintained  the  closest  intimacy  with  him  to  the  end  of  his 
career,  I  had  ample  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with  his 
services  and  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  his  extraordinary  char 
acter.  As  will  be  more  fully  explained  in  its  proper  place,  Rawlins 
asked  me  shortly  before  his  death  to  become  his  literary  executor 
and  to  see  that  justice  should  be  done  to  his  memory  when  he  was 
gone.  This  touching  and  solemn  request  is  my  special  warrant 
for  becoming  his  biographer. 

JAMES  HARRISON  WILSON. 

Wilmington,  Delaware,  January,  1916. 


LIFE   OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  AARON  RAWLINS 


INTRODUCTORY 

Rawlins's  Relations  with  General  Grant — Grant's  Resignation  and 
Return  to  the  Army — His  General  Characteristics — Rawlins's 
Qualifications  as  a  Staff  Officer. 

JOHN  A.  RAWLINS,  all  things  considered,  was  the  most 
remarkable  man  I  met  during  the  Civil  War,  and  although  he 
came  from  the  plain  people  and  always  held  a  subordinate 
position  in  the  army,  it  was  his  good  fortune  to  exert  a  tre 
mendous  influence  not  only  upon  persons  of  high  rank  but 
upon  events  of  transcendent  importance.  He  never  com 
manded  troops  in  the  field  nor  became  charged  with  the  su 
preme  control  of  great  movements.  Whatever  he  did  was 
upon  and  through  others,  as  aid,  counsellor,  and  Adjutant 
General  to  General  Grant,  as  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Army, 
and  as  Secretary  of  War.  It  is  certain  that  in  all  these  positions 
he  exerted  a  very  great  influence  upon  men  and  events.  This 
was  especially  the  case  during  the  war  for  the  r establishment 
of  the  Union. 

While  Rawlins  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  qualities  and 
character,  it  cannot  be  claimed  that  he  was  to  General  Grant 
what  Berthier  was  to  Napoleon,  or  even  what  Gneisenau  and 


i8  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Muffling  were  to  Bliicher.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Berthier 
was  a  professional  soldier  of  great  experience  in  both  Amer 
ica  and  Europe,  and  that  Gneisenau  and  Muffling  were  highly- 
educated  Prussian  regulars  who  were  expected  to  guide  and 
direct  their  sturdy  but  thick-headed  chief.  According  to  the 
history  of  the  times,  they  conceived  the  plans  and  worked 
out  the  details  which  he  executed.  He  was  from  first  to  last 
merely  a  typical  dragoon  of  the  old  school,  always  ready 
to  march  and  fight  even  when  beaten,  as  well  as  after  he  had 
become  worn  down  with  years.  It  is  said  that  he  scarcely 
knew  either  how  to  use  a  map  or  write  an  order,  but  had 
the  good  sense  to  submit  himself  to  the  guidance  of  those 
officers  of  his  staff  who  were  able  to  make  plans  and  frame 
the  instructions  for  carrying  them  into  effect.  Rawlins  was 
but  a  country  lawyer  who  had  had  no  military  training  what 
ever  when  he  entered  the  volunteer  army,  and  never,  even 
to  his  dying  day,  made  the  slightest  pretensions  to  technical 
education  in  the  profession  of  arms.  His  was  a  special  and 
peculiar  field,  which  will  be  defined  with  the  progress  of  this 
narrative.  It  is  believed  that  it  was  in  many  respects  unlike 
that  of  any  other  man  recorded  in  history. 

Grant  was  a  soldier  of  another  sort.  It  will  be  recalled 
that  he  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  and  had  served  incon 
spicuously  but  with  credit  in  the  regular  army  during  the 
Mexican  War,  after  which  he  had  the  usual  tour  of  duty 
in  the  Indian  Country,  and  then  had  left  the  service  under 
a  cloud.  It  is  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  times  that  he  had 
fallen  for  a  season  into  the  evil  ways  of  military  men  serving 
on  the  remote  frontier  and  that  his  return  to  civil  life  was  com 
monly  believed  to  have  been  a  choice  between  resignation  and 
a  court-martial.  Rejoining  his  family  in  Missouri,  Grant 
settled  on  a  farm,  which  after  a  series  of  minor  business 
disappointments  he  gave  up  in  order  to  accept  the  position  of 
clerk  at  six  hundred  dollars  per  year  in  the  leather  and  harness 
store  of  his  kinsmen  at  Galena,  Illinois.  After  the  outbreak 


INTRODUCTORY  19 

of  the  war  between  the  States,  his  public  services  became  too 
important  and  too  well  known  to  require  recital  here,  but 
I  shall  show  in  the  course  of  this  narrative  that  in  some 
respects  his  character  had  not  been  fully  understood  and  that 
in  certain  particulars  it  was  happily  supplemented  by  that  of 
his  friend  and  adjutant,  John  A.  Rawlins. 

Grant  was  of  course  proficient  in  the  military  profession 
as  taught  at  West  Point.  While  his  services  with  the  troops 
had  made  him  familiar  with  the  use  of  maps  and  plans,  as 
well  as  with  the  details  of  army  administration,  it  has  never 
been  claimed  that  he  was  learned  in  military  history  or  in 
the  higher  branches  of  tactics,  logistics,  and  strategy  as  set 
forth  in  the  military  textbooks.  Indeed,  it  is  improbable 
that  he  had  ever,  during  his  active  service,  read  any  military 
treatise  more  complex  than  the  drill  book  or  the  army  regula 
tions.  That  he  had  not  done  so  was  doubtless  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  higher  branches  of  the  art  of  war  were  not  taught 
at  the  Military  Academy  in  his  day,  and  it  had  not  become 
the  fashion  for  infantry  officers  to  read  such  authors  at  any 
time  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  War  between  the  States. 
After  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  give  attention  to 
the  theoretical  study  of  his  profession.  He  was,  from  the 
first  day  of  his  participation  in  the  war,  occupied  with  the 
routine  work  of  administration  and  of  active  campaigning, 
in  which  he  got  no  help  except  from  his  own  experience,  or 
from  current  observation,  or  from  others  who  had  read 
and  studied  more  than  had  he  himself. 

But  it  was  not  in  respect  to  technical  or  strictly  profes 
sional  matters  that  Rawlins  or  any  other  officer  contributed 
materially  to  Grant's  success,  and  indeed  it  was  not  in  respect 
to  these  that  he  required  assistance,  or  that  his  character  was 
supplemented  by  others.  He  had  as  much  of  the  education 
supposed  to  be  essential  to  the  exercise  of  high  command  as 
had  most  of  his  contemporaries;  yet  this  is  paying  him  no 
great  compliment,  for  it  cannot  be  claimed  that  either  our 


20  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

government  or  our  generals  habitually  conducted  war  either 
economically  or  in  accordance  with  the  practice  and  precept 
of  the  great  masters  of  the  art.  It  is  well  known  that  our 
military  policy  and  volunteer  system,  largely  inherited  from 
the  mother  country,  were  crude  and  costly  in  the  highest 
degree,  that  our  administration  was  capricious  and  extrava 
gant,  and  that  our  plans  of  campaign  and  their  execution 
were  frequently  unscientific  to  an  extent  rarely  exceeded  in 
modern  warfare.  Finally,  the  tactics  of  our  battles  were  as 
a  general  rule  of  the  simplest  and  most  primitive  description. 
But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  we  were  victorious  over  the 
public  enemy,  whose  inexperience  was  as  great  as  our  own, 
and  came  out  of  the  four  years'  struggle  with  both  success 
and  honor.  We  owed  our  triumph  primarily,  however,  to 
our  superiority  in  numbers  and  resources,  and  secondarily 
to  the  exalted  spirit  of  patriotism  and  love  for  the  Union 
which  inspired  our  people  and  impelled  our  army  to  renewed 
exertions  after  repeated  failure  and  defeat. 

It  was  in  respect  to  the  qualities  that  constitute  character 
in  the  individual,  as  well  as  in  the  nation  at  large,  that  Raw- 
lins  as  their  exponent  became  a  potent  factor  in  the  struggle, 
and  supplemented  and  sustained  the  general  to  whom  his  serv 
ices  were  given  and  with  whom  his  fortunes  were  allied 
from  the  first  to  the  final  hour  of  the  conflict.  The  rela 
tions  which  existed  between  him  and  his  Chief  were  unusually 
close  and  intimate.  They  were  due  to  his  fidelity,  his  intense 
earnestness,  his  severe  morals,  his  aggressive  temper,  his  un 
selfish  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  position,  his  clear  percep 
tion  of  what  ought  to  be  done  from  time  to  time,  his  sound 
and  unfailing  judgment,  his  quick  and  unerring  grasp  of 
the  needs  of  the  army,  his  keen  insight  into  character,  his 
fearless  contempt  for  vice  and  vicious  men,  his  love  of  jus 
tice  and  fair  dealing,  his  prodigious  energy,  his  resolute  will 
and  his  unfaltering  self-denial  and  patriotism,  and  especially 
his  natural  capacity  for  war,  In  these  high  qualities  he  had 


INTRODUCTORY  21 

few  equals  and  no  superiors.  In  all  the  great  emergencies 
they  conspired  to  make  his  influence  irresistible. 

It  cannot  be  maintained  that  Rawlins  was,  or  ever  became, 
a  tactician,  for  he  not  only  never  set  a  squadron  in  the  field 
but  never  read  a  book  on  either  grand  tactics  or  strategy. 
He  was  not  learned  in  military  administration  nor  military 
organization,  and  he  knew  absolutely  nothing  of  the  duties 
of  either  the  staff  or  of  the  line  when  he  entered  the  army. 
He  was  merely  a  plain  citizen  of  average  education  and 
a  lawyer  by  profession,  all  of  whose  thoughts,  aspirations, 
and  pursuits  were  those  of  peace  up  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  between  the  States.  He  was  not  even  in  sympathy  with 
the  party  whose  candidate  had  been  elected  to  the  Presi 
dency,  and  yet  it  may  be  doubted  if  it  was  the  lot  of  any  man 
who  did  not  actually  reach  the  command  of  an  army,  or  be 
come  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  to  render  the  country  greater 
or  more  valuable  services  than  did  Rawlins  in  the  four  years' 
war  for  the  Union. 

Holding  always  the  position  of  a  confidential  staff-officer, 
it  was  Rawlins' s  pleasure  as  well  as  his  duty,  so  far  as  pos 
sible,  not  only  to  efface  himself  but  to  merge  his  individuality 
in  that  of  his  Chief.  The  Official  Records  contain  but  few 
reports  over  his  own  name.  It  is  true  that  that  name  appears 
frequently  on  the  returns  to  the  War  Department  and  on 
the  records  of  the  armies  with  which  he  served,  but  in  nearly 
every  case  as  the  Adjutant  or  the  Chief  of  Staff  of  General 
Grant.  For  this  reason  the  events  of  his  life  and  the  influ 
ence  exerted  by  him  must  be  gathered  mostly  from  family 
records,  private  correspondence,  and  the  recollections  of  his 
comrades  and  personal  friends. 

It  is  not  to  be  thought  that  an  officer  of  Rawlins's  impatient 
and  aggressive  temper  should  have  entirely  escaped  the  enmity 
of  smaller  souls,  for  such  is  not  the  case.  There  were  those 
who  were  doubtful  of  his  great  qualities,  and  did  what  they 
could  to  minimize  his  influence  and  to  belittle  his  services. 


22  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

It  is  perhaps  natural  that  the  superficial  observer  of  later 
times  should  fail  to  recognize  his  remarkable  personality  or 
to  give  him  his  true  place  in  the  career  of  the  great  general 
for  whom  he  did  so  much.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  staff  officer 
to  efface  himself,  and  this  duty  Rawlins  performed  without 
stint  or  hesitation.  But  it  is  equally  the  duty  of  those  who 
are  familiar  with  the  truth  to  make  it  known  when  there 
is  no  longer  a  just  excuse  for  concealing  it. 

It  is  my  purpose,  therefore,  so  far  as  the  materials  within 
reach  will  permit,  to  set  the  life  and  services  of  this  good 
citizen  and  fearless  officer  before  his  countrymen  in  their  true 
light;  and  I  do  this  all  the  more  confidently  because  I  knew 
him  intimately,  was  daily  associated  with  him  during  three 
of  the  greatest  campaigns  of  the  war,  and  held  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  him  to  the  end.  He  was  indeed  a  man 
without  guile,  whose  only  aim  was  to  serve  his  country  faith 
fully  and  leave  an  honored  name  behind  him.  While  he  was 
fortunate  in  his  friendships  and  opportunities,  his  fight  for 
life  against  an  insidious  disease  clouded  his  closing  years  with 
pain  and  apprehension.  I  record  it  with  sorrow,  mingled  with 
satisfaction,  that  when  the  end  was  near  at  hand  and  he  was 
prone  on  the  bed  of  sickness,  from  which  he  never  arose,  he 
sent  for  me,  a  thousand  miles  away,  and  with  a  pitiful  appeal, 
which  I  shall  never  forget,  requested  me — and  I  promised 
without  hesitation  or  reserve — to  become  his  literary  executor 
and  to  see  justice  done  to  his  memory  when  he  was  gone. 


II 


EARLY    LIFE 

Race  Characteristics — Charcoal  Burning — Common  School  Edu 
cation — Rock  River  Academy — Political  Discussions — Studies 
Law — First  Speech — City  Attorney — Character  and  Personal 
Appearance — Associates. 

JOHN  AARON  RAWLINS  was  the  second  child  in  a  family  of 
eight  brothers  and  one  sister.  He  was  born  at  East  Galena, 
Jo  Daviess  County,  Illinois,  on  February  13,  1831,  and  was 
of  Scotch-Irish  extraction.  His  father,  James  D.  Rawlins, 
the  son  of  a  Virginian,  was  born  in  Clark  County,  Kentucky, 
February  28,  1801,  and  removed  when  eighteen  years  of  age 
to  Howard  County,  Missouri,  where  on  October  5,  1828,  he 
married  Lovisa  Collier.  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Revo 
lutionary  soldier  of  Irish  descent,  and  was  born  in  Lincoln 
County,  Kentucky,  May  2,  1803. 

Shortly  after  marriage  the  young  couple  removed  from 
Missouri  to  the  lead-mine  district  of  Illinois,  then  the  center 
of  frontier  enterprise  and  activity.  The  tide  of  immigration 
was  then  flowing  strongly  into  that  region,  dotting  it  with 
villages  and  towns  and  filling  it  with  the  homes  of  agricultural 
people.  The  Mississippi  was  the  ample  highway  by  which 
it  was  reached.  Railroads  had  not  yet  penetrated  the  wilder 
ness,  but  the  spirit  which  opened  the  lead  mines  was  astir 
throughout  the  country.  It  received  a  further  impulse  in  1849 
from  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  and  among  the 
first  to  make  the  overland  trip  was  James  D.  Rawlins,  who 
for  three  years  led  an  adventurous  but  unsuccessful  life  as 
a  gold  seeker.  During  his  absence  the  care  of  the  farm 

23 


24  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  family  fell  almost  entirely  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  wife 
and  her  son  John.  The  struggle  for  existence  was  sharp  and 
discouraging.  Poverty  and  hardship  were  the  lot  which  con 
fronted  this  typical  family,  and  the  only  consolation  was 
that  they  were  no  worse  off  than  their  neighbors.  The  means 
of  communication  with  the  older  States  were  the  steamboat 
and  the  canvas-covered  wagon;  the  implements  of  industry 
were  the  plow,  the  axe,  and  the  spinning  wheel;  the  food  of 
the  people  was  mostly  Indian  corn  and  bacon,  while  their 
clothes  were  of  homespun  cloth.  The  church  and  school- 
house  were  costly  luxuries  that  came  later  and  were  but 
poorly  patronized.  A  large  family,  early  taught  to  labor 
in  field  and  forest,  was  the  poor  man's  greatest  wealth. 

It  was  into  this  active,  earnest,  intense,  and  robust  life  that 
John  A.  Rawlins  was  born,  and  it  was  this  life,  in  its  varying 
stages  of  evolution,  that  surrounded  him  until  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War.  His  parents  first  settled  at  Ottawa,  in  the 
town  of  East  Galena,  and  afterwards  removed  to  a  farm  in 
what  is  at  present  the  town  of  Guilford,  where  they  resided 
the  rest  of  their  lives.  James  D.  Rawlins  took  part  with  his 
neighbors  in  transporting  supplies  to  the  troops  engaged  in 
the  Black  Hawk  War,  and  after  it  was  ended  returned  to  the 
laborious  and  uneventful  life  of  a  farmer  and  charcoal  burner. 
As  can  well  be  understood,  the  family  never  acquired  wealth 
nor  high  social  position,  but  remained  as  they  began,  plain, 
hardy  and  industrious  people  of  but  little  means  and  of  limited 
education. 

The  father  was  a  man  of  determined  will,  but  of  unsettled 
purpose  and  roving  disposition,  which  received  but  little  if 
any  benefit  from  his  life  in  California.  It  is  said  that  it  was 
the  knowledge  of  this  that  early  caused  his  son  John  to  adopt 
and  live  up  to  the  rule  of  total  abstinence,  except  when  his 
doctor  ordered  otherwise.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that 
from  his  earliest  manhood  John  A.  Rawlins  exhibited  an  ear 
nest  and  uncompromising  hatred  for  strong  drink,  and  dur- 


EARLY  LIFE  25 

ing  his  military  life  waged  constant  warfare  against  its  use 
in  the  army.  His  dislike  of  it  amounted  to  a  deep  and  abid 
ing  abhorrence,  and  while  he  was  in  no  sense  a  pharisee,  he 
was  often  heard  to  declare  that  he  would  rather  see  a  friend 
of  his  take  a  glass  of  poison  than  a  glass  of  whiskey. 

His  mother,  who  survived  him,  from  all  accounts  was  a 
woman  of  strong  and  exemplary  character.  She  is  described 
as  having  had  excellent  judgment,  an  even  temper,  and  a 
most  kindly  and  benevolent  heart.  It  is  also  said  that  she 
impressed  herself  deeply  on  the  character  of  her  children  and 
that  her  son  John  was  especially  indebted  to  her  for  his  moral 
training  and  ambition,  while  he  owed  his  steady  courage  and 
determination  to  the  virile  qualities  of  his  father. 

An  anecdote,  which  has  been  preserved  by  one  who  knew 
the  family  well,  presents  in  a  favorable  light  not  only  the 
piety  of  the  mother  but  the  intelligence  of  the  child.  A 
Sunday-school  teacher,  who  had  come  from  a  distance  to 
instruct  the  children,  promised  a  -book  as  a  prize  to  such  as 
would  commit  the  Ten  Commandments  to  memory  within 
a  fortnight.  When  the  appointed  time  came  around,  little 
John,  the  smallest  of  the  lot, — so  small  indeed  that  he  had 
neither  learned  to  read  nor  to  talk  plainly, — declared  that 
he  could  say  them,  and  this  he  did,  to  the  delight  of  his  teacher 
and  with  no  fault  but  one  of  pronunciation.  Eager  to  get 
the  promised  prize,  he  had  beset  his  mother  to  read  the  Com 
mandments  to  him,  and  after  this  had  been  done,  at  most 
but  three  times,  he  had  them  by  heart  and  repeated  them 
triumphantly. 

The  Rawlins  family,  some  time  prior  to  the  year  1838, 
located  a  homestead  on  government  land,  in  the  town  of 
Guilford.  This  farm  consists  of  about  two  hundred  acres  of 
timber  and  grass-land  and  at  the  government  land  sales  in 
April,  1847,  was  bought  in  by  John,  who  early  became  the 
mainstay  of  the  family.  They  were  not  overthrifty,  and 
their  principal  income  was  from  the  sale  of  wood  and 


26  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

charcoal  produced  on  their  forest  land.  The  cultivated  portion 
was  small,  and  the  food  produced  was  barely  enough  for  the 
family's  use. 

As  has  already  been  indicated,  young  Rawlins  early  began 
to  show  the  characteristics  of  the  sturdy  and  aggressive  race, 
the  Scotch-Irish,  from  which  he  was  descended,  and  which 
has  given  so  many  distinguished  names  to  English  and  Ameri 
can  history.  His  family  on  both  sides,  as  far  back  as  it  can 
be  traced,  were  pioneers  and  farmers  in  the  settlement  of 
Virginia  and  the  Western  States,  and  while  they,  like  their 
neighbors,  were  lacking  in  the  refinement  and  education  which 
pertain  to  older  communities,  it  is  apparent  that  they  have 
been  in  some  degree  compensated  for  it  by  the  possession  of 
the  hardier  and  more  robust  characteristics  which  encour 
aged  them  to  fell  the  forest  and  subdue  the  soil  of  the  frontier 
world,  at  a  time  when  their  race  and  perhaps  their  very 
kindred  were  conquering  the  people  and  regenerating  the 
civilization  of  India  and  the  Far  East. 

Bosworth  Smith,  in  the  "Life  of  Lord  Lawrence,"  the  great 
Indian  administrator  during  and  after  the  Sepoy  rebellion, 
says,  with  an  insight  which  our  American  experience  shows 
to  be  true: 

.  .  .  The  people  who  have  sprung  from  that  sturdy  mixture  of 
Scotch  and  Irish  blood  are  not  without  their  conspicuous  faults. 
No  race  which  is  at  once  so  vigorous  and  so  mixed  is  ever  free 
from  them.  A  suspiciousness  and  caution  which  often  verges  on 
selfishness,  an  ambition  which  is  as  quiet  as  it  is  intense,  a  slow 
and  unlovable  calculation  of  consequences,  these  are  some  of  the 
drawbacks  which  those  who  know  and  love  them  best  are  willing 
to  admit.  On  the  other  hand,  there  have  been  formed  amongst 
them  men  who  under  the  most  widely  different  circumstances  in 
Great  Britain  itself,  in  that  Greater  Britain  which  lies  across  the 
Atlantic,  and  amongst  our  widely  scattered  dependencies,  last  not 
least,  in  that  greatest  dependency  of  all,  our  Indian  Empire,  have 
rendered  the  noblest  service  to  the  state  as  intrepid  soldiers,  as 
vigorous  administrators,  as  wise  and  far-seeing  statesmen. 


EARLY  LIFE  27 

Among  the  Scotch-Irish  there  have  been  found  men  who  have 
combined  in  their  own  persons  much  of  the  rich  humor  and  the 
strong  affections,  the  vivacity  and  the  versatility,  the  genius  and 
generosity  of  the  typical  Irishman,  with  the  patience  and  the  pru 
dence,  the  devotion  and  the  self-reliance,  the  stern  morality  and 
the  simple  faith  of  the  typical  Scotchman.  In  some  families  one 
of  these  national  types  seems  to  predominate  throughout,  almost 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  other.  In  others  the  members  differ  much 
among  themselves,  one  conforming  mainly  to  the  Scotch,  another 
to  the  Irish  type  of  character,  although  each  man  manages  to 
retain  something  which  is  distinctive  of  the  other. 

As  this  story  develops,  it  will  be  seen  that  Rawlins  was  a 
striking  embodiment  of  these  characteristics.  From  the  time 
he  was  big  enough  to  work  at  all  he  passed  his  life  on  the 
family  farm,  performing  the  various  tasks  suited  to  his 
age  and  strength.  Living  within  reach  of  the  lead  mines, 
where  concentrated  fuel  was  in  constant  demand,  the  prin 
cipal  occupation  of  father  and  sons  was  cutting  wood,  burn 
ing  it  into  charcoal  and  hauling  it  to  the  furnaces  and  smelt 
ing  works.  John  did  his  full  share  of  this  uninviting  work, 
and  from  his  own  account  took  special  interest  in  tending 
the  pits  during  the  night  watches.  The  life  was  rough,  yet 
not  without  beneficent  influences  in  the  shaping  of  his  char 
acter.  It  seems  to  have  made  a  deep  and  lasting  impression 
upon  him.  But  the  hardship  and  exposure,  the  rough  habits 
and  language  of  his  companions  and  the  meagre  profits  of 
the  business  gave  him  a  distaste  for  it  and  early  set  him  to 
thinking  of  how  he  should  get  out  of  it  into  something  bet 
ter.  In  the  silent  hours  of  the  night  he  pondered  long  and 
deeply  upon  life  and  its  problems. 

Looking  about  him,  John  soon  saw,  as  does  every  American 
boy,  that  his  own  condition  was  but  the  circumstance  of  a 
day,  and  that  he  might  fairly  hope  by  industry  and  study, 
education  and  character,  not  only  to  escape  from  it  but  to 
rise  to  the  highest  place  in  the  land.  Lifted  by  this  hope 
and  by  the  numerous  examples  of  success,  under  even  more 


28  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

discouraging  conditions,  which  abound  in  American  history, 
which  he  read  with  avidity,  he  resolved  that  nothing  should 
keep  him  in  ignorance  or  bind  him  to  the  lot  of  hardship 
and  toil  wherein  his  awakening  ambition  found  him. 

John's  parents  were  too  poor  to  send  him  to  the  neigh 
boring  school  continuously  even  in  childhood.  He  began  his 
first  term  in  the  winter  of  1838,  when  only  seven  years  old, 
and  from  that  time  to  the  winter  of  1849-50  he  attended  eight 
terms  of  three  months  each,  or  two  years  in  all.  From  the 
day  he  learned  to  read  he  became  a  lover  of  poetry,  biography 
and  history.  Whenever  he  could  find  time,  or  get  books,  he 
devoured  and  absorbed  them  so  that  when  he  reached  the 
age  of  twenty  he  had  gathered  an  unusual  but  heterogeneous 
store  of  general  information,  and  was  much  better  prepared 
for  the  struggle  of  life  than  many  young  men  who  had  en 
joyed  superior  opportunities.  He  did  his  best  at  the  neigh 
borhood  school  and  got  out  of  it  all  its  range  of  instruction, 
with  his  irregular  attendance,  would  permit.  As  has  been 
seen  from  the  incident  of  the  Ten  Commandments,  from 
childhood  he  had  a  tenacious  memory,  and  fortunately  it 
remained  with  him  throughout  life,  holding  firmly  whatever 
engaged  its  attention.  It  was  accurate  in  little  things  as 
well  as  in  great,  and  aided  by  industry,  concentration  and 
acute  powers  of  observation,  it  was  always  easy  for  him  to 
acquire  knowledge  and  retain  it.  His  tendency  and  pref 
erence  seem  to  have  been  for  history,  rhetoric,  logic  and  lan 
guage,  rather  than  for  mathematics  and  science;  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  his  mind  was  capable  of  mastering  all  branches 
of  learning,  which,  with  proper  opportunity  and  means,  he 
would  have  explored  to  their  utmost  limits. 

But  the  country  schools  of  those  days  dealt  merely  with 
the  rudiments  of  education.  Spelling,  reading,  writing,  arith 
metic,  and  grammar  were  as  much  as  the  average  teacher  was 
expected  to  know.  Few  boys  counted  upon  passing  beyond 
them,  but  young  Rawlins  could  not  be  confined  to  such  nar- 


EARLY  LIFE  29 

row  limits,  and  so,  at  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1850-51, 
he  went  to  Galena,  and  was  received  into  the  house  of  Mr. 
Hallett,  where  he  became  the  schoolmate  and  friend  of  his 
son  Moses,  late  the  distinguished  Judge  of  the  United  States 
Court  for  the  District  of  Colorado. 

John  attended  the  high  school  for  only  one  term,  but  the 
change  had  stimulated  the  country  boy's  ambition.  During 
the  remainder  of  the  year,  he  again  assisted  on  the  farm  and 
at  the  charcoal  pits,  saving  his  earnings  for  the  purpose  of 
paying  his  sister's  expenses  at  the  Galena  Academy  and  his 
own  at  the  Rock  River  Seminary,  an  institution  of  local  repu 
tation,  situated  at  Mount  Morris,  in  Ogle  County,  Illinois. 
He  entered  this  Seminary  in  January,  1852,  and  remained 
there  until  the  following  April,  when  he  was  compelled  by 
the  exhaustion  of  his  slender  purse  to  return  home  to  work 
on  the  farm  and  at  charcoal  burning.  This  lasted  till  Sep 
tember  of  the  same  year,  when  he  reentered  the  Seminary  at 
Mount  Morris  and  resumed  his  studies  with  renewed  ardor 
and  determination,  continuing  them  till  the  end  of  the  aca 
demic  year  in  June,  1853.  ^e  occupied  a  room  at  Mount 
Morris  with  his  friend,  Moses  Hallett,  and  amongst  their 
fellow  students  were  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  late  the  venerable 
senior  Senator  from  Illinois ;  G.  C.  Barnes,  late  Circuit  Judge 
at  Lacon,  Illinois;  Greenbury  L.  Fort,  late  member  of  Con 
gress  from  Wisconsin;  R.  R.  Hitt,  long  a  congressman  from 
Illinois;  Smith  D.  Atkins,  Colonel  of  the  Ninty-second  Illi 
nois  Infantry,  and  a  number  of  other  youths  who  subse 
quently  distinguished  themselves  in  the  army  or  in  civil  life. 

During  his  stay  at  the  Seminary,  Rawlins  studied  Geometry, 
Moral  Science,  and  Political  Economy,  and  read  part  of  both 
Caesar  and  Virgil.  Politics  and  debating,  however,  occupied 
a  great  part  of  his  time,  as  they  did  that  of  his  associates. 
His  room  was  the  scene  of  many  hot  controversies,  and,  hav 
ing  a  strong  voice,  he  never  failed  to  make  himself  heard 
above  the  din,  no  matter  how  loud  it  became. 


30  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

He  was  an  earnest  and  vehement  debater,  with  cordial  and 
open  manners,  which  emphasized  the  strength  of  his  convic 
tions  without  producing  the  slightest  impression  of  dog 
matism.  His  sole  desire  seemed  to  be  that  others  should 
accept  the  truth  as  fully  as  he  believed  it.  His  friend,  Hallett, 
aptly  said  many  years  afterwards:  "His  flashing  black  eyes 
were  more  eloquent  than  his  tongue.  In  private  life  he  was 
a  most  engaging  person,  strong  for  every  good  work  and 
beloved  by  all  who  knew  him." 

At  that  time  political  discussion  turned  mostly  upon  slavery 
in  the  territories,  and  Rawlins,  who  was  an  ardent  Democrat 
and  a  great  admirer  of  Senator  Douglas,  took  an  active  part 
in  all  the  academic  controversies.  At  the  close  of  the  year 
he  delivered  an  original  oration  in  which  patriotism  was  his 
theme.  His  manner  upon  that  occasion  is  described  as  im 
passioned  and  eloquent  and  as  showing  powers  which,  if  cul 
tivated,  could  not  fail  to  bring  him  distinction  as  an  orator. 
While  attending  the  Mount  Morris  Seminary  he  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  "Amphictyonic"  Society  and  seldom  failed  to  speak 
at  its  weekly  meetings.  He  was  also  a  leading  member  of  a 
private  club  known  as  the  "Hekadelphoi."  These  circum 
stances  serve  to  show  that,  notwithstanding  his  disadvantages, 
he  not  only  made  noticeable  progress  in  his  academic  work 
but  impressed  himself  upon  his  associates  as  a  youth  of  un 
usual  ability  and  promise. 

When  he  left  the  Seminary  in  June,  1853,  it  was  ms  inten 
tion  to  return  and  graduate,  but,  like  many  another  poor 
young  man,  he  could  not  get  the  necessary  money  for  his 
expenses.  His  family  could  not  furnish  it,  and  he  was  too 
proud  to  ask  a  loan  of  it  from  his  friends.  Without  hesita 
tion  or  delay  he  therefore  returned  to  burning  charcoal,  cut 
ting  his  own  wood,  preparing  his  own  pits,  and  finally,  in  the 
absence  of  other  help,  hauling  his  own  coal  to  market.  Start 
ing  with  his  last  load  on  a  hot  September  day,  although  he 
had  two  yoke  of  oxen,  the  heavy  load  and  the  hot  weather 


EARLY  LIFE  31 

proved  too  much  for  them.  To  go  on  was  impossible,  and 
there  was  nothing  left  for  him  but  to  lie  by  for  the  night. 
Starting  again  in  the  cool  of  the  next  morning,  he  went  on 
till  he  reached  the  Galena  branch  of  the  Illinois  Central  Rail 
road,  which  was  then  under  construction.  There  his  team 
again  gave  out,  but  receiving  an  offer  from  the  contractors 
for  his  oxen  and  wagon,  he  accepted  it  on  the  condition  that 
the  charcoal  should  also  be  included  in  the  sale  at  its  market 
value.  With  the  proceeds,  amounting  to  something  like 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  he  pushed  on  to  town  and  on 
the  way  made  up  his  mind  to  give  up  charcoal  burning 
forever. 

He  was  then  in  his  twenty-third  year,  and  casting  about 
for  a  new  occupation  more  congenial  to  his  taste  and  aspi 
rations,  he  concluded  to  study  law  as  the  profession  of  his 
life.  He  had  gained  confidence  in  himself  by  associating  with 
his  fellow-students  at  the  Seminary,  and  although  painfully 
conscious  of  the  insufficiency  of  his  education,  he  saw  no  help 
for  it  but  to  devote  himself  to  his  law  books  all  the  more 
closely,  and  by  industry  and  application  to  gather  professional 
knowledge  as  he  gathered  experience,  and  so  he  left  the  farm 
forever  and  definitely  located  at  Galena.  After  some  discour 
agements  from  well-meaning  friends,  he  began  studying  law 
under  the  instruction  of  Isaac  P.  Stevens,  Esquire,  then  a 
practicing  attorney  of  excellent  character  and  standing  at  the 
bar  of  Jo  Daviess  County. 

Rawlins  was  at  that  time  blessed  with  a  strong,  robust 
body,  a  vigorous  constitution,  and  a  mind  which,  although 
but  partly  developed,  was  self-reliant  and  confident.  He  had 
already  made  many  friends  and  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  leading  men,  and  this,  together  with  the  hopefulness  of 
youth,  encouraged  him  to  apply  himself  to  his  studies  with 
such  assiduity  that  by  October,  1854,  or  at  the  end  of  a  single 
year,  he  was  not  only  admitted  to  the  bar  but  was  taken  into 
partnership  by  his  preceptor,  with  whom  he  continued  till 


32  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

August,  1855,  when  the  latter  retired,  leaving  his  entire  busi 
ness  to  his  young  partner.  From  that  time  Rawlins  had  a 
remunerative  practice,  and  a  rising  reputation,  which  spread 
farther  and  farther  as  his  abilities  expanded  and  his  acquaint 
ance  increased.  He  soon  became  known  throughout  the 
county  as  an  excellent  lawyer  and  a  rising  man. 

In  March,  1857,  he  was  elected  City  Attorney,  in  which 
capacity  he  served  for  one  year,  with  credit  to  himself  and 
benefit  to  the  city.  In  February,  1858,  he  formed  a  partner 
ship  with  David  Sheean,  who  had  been  reading  law  with  him 
since  July,  1856,  and  had  just  been  admitted  to  the  bar.  This 
partnership  continued  with  mutual  satisfaction  till  January, 
1862,  Mr.  Sheean  conducting  the  business  of  the  firm  alone 
from  August,  1861,  at  which  time  Rawlins  was  preparing  to 
enter  the  army. 

Rawlins  had  developed  rapidly  as  a  general  practitioner, 
but  his  special  distinction  was  in  jury  trials.  In  one  of  his 
earliest  cases  he  acted  as  assistant  to  John  M.  Douglas,  later 
president  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad,  a  lawyer  of  high 
character  and  standing,  and  after  the  witnesses  had  been  ex 
amined,  Mr.  Douglas,  feeling  especially  pleased  with  the  skill 
displayed  by  his  young  assistant  in  bringing  out  the  points  of 
the  case,  said: 

"Now,  John,  I  want  you  to  talk  to  the  jury ;  to  sum  up  the 
proofs  and  apply  the  law  to  this  case." 

Rawlins  replied  with  trepidation : 

"But  I  can't  make  such  a  speech  as  this  case  requires,  Mr. 
Douglas." 

"Oh,  yes,  you  can,  John,"  said  the  old  counsellor;  "but  I 
did  not  ask  you  to  make  a  speech,  I  merely  asked  you  to  'talk 
to  the  jury.'  I  want  you  to  tell  them  quietly  all  the  facts,  just 
as  you  would  tell  your  mother,  and  then,  after  citing  the  law, 
we  shall  get  a  decision  in  our  favor." 

And  John,  catching  the  lesson  promptly,  did  as  he  was  told, 


EARLY  LIFE  33 

with  such  clearness  and  cogency  as  to  secure  a  judgment  for 
his  client. 

But  it  would  be  wrong  to  suppose  that  Rawlins's  style  was 
uniformly  colloquial  and  quiet,  for  such  was  far  from  the 
fact.  He  could  assume  a  quiet  manner  whenever  necessary, 
but  he  was  naturally  passionate,  vehement,  and  emphatic ;  and 
yet,  his  words  were  generally  well  chosen  and  deliberately 
uttered.  While  they  sometimes  poured  forth  like  a  torrent, 
each  was  in  its  proper  place  to  convey  the  idea  he  had  in 
mind.  They  did  not  become  confused  and  tumble  over  one 
another  in  the  fervid  rush  of  passion  or  indignation,  as  is 
too  frequently  the  case  with  impetuous  young  lawyers,  but 
even  in  the  midst  of  the  hottest  debate  each  was  so  clearly 
and  distinctly  enunciated  as  to  carry  his  hearers  forcibly  along 
with  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  most  of  his  life  had  been 
passed  in  farming,  wood-chopping,  and  charcoal-burning,  he 
rapidly  acquired  unusual  prominence  as  a  clear-headed  and 
successful  lawyer.  He  became  known  in  due  time  as  a  formi 
dable  and  earnest  advocate  and  a  close,  logical  reasoner.  Like 
many  another  great  lawyer  of  the  state,  he  was  more  or  less 
ignorant  of  the  technicalities  and  refinements  of  the  profes 
sion  at  first  and  therefore  minimized  their  importance  or  swept 
them  contemptuously  aside  when  they  were  in  his  way.  A 
close  observer  of  human  nature,  and  a  careful  and  indefati 
gable  student  of  his  cases,  he  made  it  a  rule  to  master  every 
detail,  not  only  of  his  own  side  but  also  of  his  opponent's. 
But  as  he  was  always  terribly  in  earnest,  like  all  such  men, 
he  occasionally  emphasized  the  merits  of  his  cause  by  appeal 
ing  to  common  sense  and  the  eternal  principles  of  justice. 
While  he  had  the  faculty  of  marshalling  the  main  points  at 
issue,  he  permitted  no  detail,  however  insignificant,  to  drop 
from  its  proper  place,  nor  to  fail  of  its  due  effect  upon  the 
cause  he  was  arguing.  His  popularity  was  enhanced  from 
the  first  by  the  sturdiness  with  which  he  stood  up  for  the 


34  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

rights  of  his  clients,  however  humble  they  might  be.  He 
was,  according  to  his  partner,  most  persistent  in  demanding 
every  courtesy  and  consideration  for  them,  and  would  permit 
neither  Judge  nor  opposing  counsel  to  minimize  their  just 
deserts.  The  very  thought  of  injustice  or  of  wrongdoing 
filled  him  with  anger,  while  at  the  slightest  show  of  rights 
denied  to  him  or  to  his  client  he  poured  forth  a  vehement  and 
impassioned  flood  of  protest,  which  rarely  ever  failed  to  secure 
what  he  was  contending  for. 

And  yet  in  the  preparation  and  management  of  his  cases 
he  exhibited  the  greatest  tact  and  good  judgment.  He  never 
annoyed  witnesses  nor  fatigued  the  court  by  piling  proof 
upon  proof.  His  rule  was  to  bring  in  sufficient  evidence  for 
his  purpose  and  then  to  allow  his  witnesses  to  be  discharged. 
The  weak  points  on  his  own  side  he  guarded  and  concealed 
with  consummate  skill,  while  he  exposed  those  of  his  ad 
versary  with  unusual  quickness  and  attacked  them  with  tre 
mendous  vigor.  His  patience  was  unwearying  and  his  appli 
cation  and  industry  quite  beyond  the  common.  He  was  pre 
eminently  a  man  of  vigilance  and  clear  perceptions,  who 
readily  understood  the  character  of  men  and  divined  their 
motives  and  purposes  with  intuitive  but  unerring  certainty. 
Honorable  and  chivalric  by  nature,  free  from  envy  and  malice, 
and  scorning  all  selfish  and  immoral  purposes,  he  was  unre 
lenting  in  exposing  the  want  of  those  virtues  in  others,  and 
was  rarely  ever  mistaken  when  he  uttered  a  sentence  of 
condemnation. 

According  to  all  accounts,  he  was  eminently  successful  not 
only  in  getting  but  in  winning  cases;  and  yet  he  was  always 
financially  poor.  Generous  and  free  with  money,  he  seemed 
to  care  but  little  for  collecting  it,  and  still  less  for  saving  it. 
His  controlling  sentiment  was  ambition,  but  ambition  al 
ways  subordinate  to  patriotism  and  to  the  aspirations  of  an 
honest  and  generous  heart.  He  desired  fame  and  dreamed 
of  it  and  worked  for  it,  and  it  is  altogether  to  his  credit 


EARLY  LIFE  35 

that  he  bent  all  his  energies  to  its  achievement  even  to  the 
total  disregard  of  his  financial  interests.  To  prepare  and 
try  his  case  well,  to  make  a  good  argument,  and  to  succeed 
in  the  trial  were  more  important  to  him  than  the  money  he 
was  to  get  for  his  services.  The  consciousness  of  duty  well 
performed  and  the  credit  of  having  won  his  client's  com 
mendation  were  far  more  gratifying  to  him  than  any  fee, 
however  great,  or  however  freely  bestowed. 

Struggling  upwards  constantly,  and  yet  conducting  himself 
everywhere  with  becoming  modesty,  he  gained  the  good  will 
of  all  with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  so  that  within  half  a 
decade  no  man  in  the  community  enjoyed  its  confidence  and 
respect  more  fully  than  did  Lawyer  Rawlins.  He  was  popu 
lar  with  old  and  young,  for  although  a  man  of  decided  views, 
and  always  ready  upon  proper  occasions  to  state  and  enforce 
them,  he  never  failed  to  pay  due  deference  and  becoming 
respect  to  the  character  and  opinions  of  his  elders. 

One  of  his  earliest  and  best  friends,  whom  he  met  first 
at  Galena  in  1853  while  he  was  still  a  student,  says : 

His  personal  appearance  was  even  then  such  as  to  arrest  at 
tention.  I  passed  him  on  the  sidewalk.  A  strong,  sturdy  looking  ' 
young  fellow,  swarthy  in  complexion,  with  hair  and  eyes  black 
as  night,  which  when  they  looked  at  you  looked  through  you. 
But  in  those  youthful  days  they  had  in  them  a  merry  and  kindly 
twinkle  which  at  once  impressed  you  with  the  notion  that  they 
were  the  windows  of  a  large  and  generous  soul.  After  he  had 
passed  I  turned  and  looked  at  him  and  my  mental  comment  was : 
"There  goes  a  fellow  worth  knowing."  It  was  not  long  until  I  did 
know  him  and  from  that  time  until  he  went  to  the  war,  which  was 
at  least  a  year  before  I  went,  our  acquaintance  and  association 
were  intimate.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  my  first  guess  about  him 
was  right.1 

After  these  young  men  became  acquainted  they   formed 
an  association  with  two  others,  Sheean  and  McQuillan,  and 

1  Captain,  afterwards  Judge,  John  M.  Shaw  of  Minneapolis. 


36  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

were  accustomed  to  meet  of  evenings  in  Rawlins's  office, 
where  they  read  the  standard  books,  criticised  the  leading 
men,  and  discussed  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  Rawlins, 
with  a  fine  and  sonorous  voice,  read  poetry  with  much  feel 
ing  and  effect.  He  was  specially  fond  of  Burns,  and  his 
thrilling  rendition  of  "A  Man's  a  Man  for  a'  That"  stirred 
the  souls  and  lingered  long  in  the  memory  of  his  companions. 
Three  of  the  party  were  Democrats,  while  only  one  was  an 
out-and-out  abolitionist.  Their  discussions  were  an  epitome 
of  what  was  taking  place  during  that  decade  everywhere 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  not  only  gave  them  a 
clearer  view  of  the  great  principles  involved,  the  great  in 
terests  at  stake,  and  of  the  great  men  upon  the  stage,  but 
heightened  their  skill  in  debate,  and  stimulated  both  their 
patriotism  and  their  ambition. 


Ill 


POLITICAL    CONNECTIONS 

Galena  and   Its    Leading  Men — Candidate   for  Elector   on  the 
Douglas  Ticket — Canvass  of  the  District — Joint  Discussion. 

IT  may  be  doubted  if  there  is  any  occupation  which  more 
quickly  develops  character  than  that  of  a  lawyer  in  a  growing 
Western  town  such  as  Galena  was  in  the  decade  of  1850 
and  1860.  It  was  the  seat  of  an  active  commerce  not  only 
with  the  lead  mines  and  surrounding  country,  but  also  with 
the  towns  and  cities  on  both  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  rivers, 
with  which  it  was  connected  by  steamboat  lines  owned  and 
controlled  mostly  by  its  own  citizens.  The  population  con 
tained  an  unusual  number  of  men  of  prominence  and  ability. 
Both  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  who  so  long  represented  the  Galena 
district  in  Congress  and  afterwards  held  with  high  honor 
the  position  of  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  Paris,  and  J. 
Russell  Jones,  Lincoln's  United  States  Marshal  for  the 
Northern  District  of  Illinois  and  Grant's  United  States  Min 
ister  at  Brussels  for  seven  years,  resided  there.  The  latter 
was  the  wise  and  sagacious  friend  of  both  Lincoln  and  Grant, 
and  was  noted  throughout  the  region  for  his  ability  and  suc 
cess  as  a  business  man.  John  M.  Douglas,  for  many  years 
a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  president  of  the  Illinois  Central 
Railroad,  John  E.  Smith,  a  successful  business  man  and 
afterwards  a  Colonel,  Brigadier  General  and  Major  General 
of  Volunteers,  and  finally  Colonel  and  Brevet  Major  General 
in  the  Regular  Army,  and  Dr.  Edward  D.  Kittoe,  an  Eng 
lishman  belonging  to  a  historical  family,  a  learned  and  suc 
cessful  practitioner  of  surgery  and  medicine,  born  and  edu- 

37 


38  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

cated  abroad,  but  a  thorough  American  both  by  adoption 
and  conviction,  were  also  at  that  time  citizens  of  that  thrifty 
town.  .Along  with  Maltby,  Chetlain,  and  Rowley,  all  of 
whom  entered  the  Volunteers,  they  early  became  the  staunch 
friends  of  Rawlins.  They  gave  character  and  direction  to 
the  social  as  well  as  the  professional  and  business  life  of  the 
place  and  surrounding  country.  While  they  differed  in  poli 
tics  from  one  another,  and  most  of  them  differed  widely  from 
Rawlins,  the  white  heat  of  the  great  war  soon  burnt  down  all 
party  lines,  leaving  nothing  but  Union  men  and  patriots  in  all 
that  region. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  Rawlins  was  by  birth,  asso 
ciation,  and  conviction  a  Democrat  and  that  in  the  exciting 
political  canvass  which  resulted  in  the  election  of  Lincoln 
to  the  Presidency,  he  gave  his  support  to  the  principles  of 
the  Democratic  party  as  set  forth  by  Senator  Douglas,  the 
author  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  but  the  vigilant  oppo 
nent  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  in  the  United  States 
Senate. 

By  1860  Rawlins,  the  charcoal  burner,  had  become  so  promi 
nent  a  lawyer  and  public  speaker  that  he  was  almost  unani 
mously  nominated  for  the  office  of  presidential  elector  on  the 
Douglas  ticket  for  the  first  Congressional  district  of  Illinois, 
and  with  characteristic  fearlessness  he  challenged  the  Re 
publican  candidate,  Allen  C.  Fuller,  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
speakers  in  the  State,  to  a  series  of  joint  discussions.  The 
challenge  was  accepted,  and  the  opponents  met  in  every  county 
of  the  district.  Party  feeling  ran  high ;  the  people  were  thor 
oughly  aroused,  and  while  it  is  fair  to  admit  that  a  large 
majority  of  both  parties  was  entirely  loyal  and  patriotic,  it 
is  equally  certain  that  even  the  wisest  men  were  far  from 
agreed  as  to  just  what  was  best  to  be  done  to  ensure  public 
tranquillity,  and  to  preserve  the  national  Union.  Slavery  as 
an  institution  was  abhorrent  to  the  feelings  of  many  Demo 
crats  as  well  as  to  most  Republicans,  and  to  no  one  more  so 


POLITICAL  CONNECTIONS  39 

than  to  Rawlins;  but  he,  like  many  other  worthy  and  pa 
triotic  citizens,  considered  it  as  having  been  established  in  the 
earlier  days  of  the  country,  under  the  sanction  of  custom  and 
law  older  than  the  Constitution  itself,  and  that  it  was  not 
only  tolerated  but  protected  in  terms  by  that  great  instrument 
of  government. 

No  party  at  that  time,  except  the  abolitionists,  thought  of 
disturbing  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  existed.  Both  Lin 
coln  and  Douglas  were  willing  to  give  it  every  legal  and  con 
stitutional  protection  so  long  as  it  should  be  confined  to  the 
old  slave  States.  The  great  object  and  aim  of  the  Republi 
can  party  was  to  prevent  its  further  spread  and  to  preserve 
the  Union  of  the  States  at  all  hazards.  They  were  unwilling 
that  any  new  States  should  be  admitted  into  the  Union  with 
slavery  as  one  of  its  institutions,  no  matter  whether  it  was 
situated  north  or  south  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line. 
They  claimed  that  in  the  interest  of  justice  and  humanity 
Congress,  which  under  the  Constitution  has  absolute  power 
and  control  over  the  territories,  should  by  law  prohibit  the 
introduction  of  slavery  into  any  of  them  and  by  that  means 
restrict  its  extension. 

The  Southern,  or  pro-slavery,  Democrats  claimed  the  abso 
lute  right  for  citizens  of  the  slave  States  to  remove  to  any  new 
territory  with  their  slaves  and  to  keep  them  there  indefinitely 
under  the  protection  of  the  laws.  They  also  claimed  that 
all  States  which  should  be  thereafter  organized  south  of  the 
old  line  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  should  be  slave  States 
absolutely,  and  that  all  others  should  be  free  to  adopt  slavery 
if  they  chose.  Douglas  and  his  followers  held  a  middle  posi 
tion,  and  contended  for  the  so-called  doctrine  of  "Popular 
Sovereignty" ;  the  substance  of  which  was  that  the  settlers  and 
inhabitants  of  the  new  territories  should  have  the  right  to 
decide  for  themselves  whether  or  not  they  would  have  slav 
ery  amongst  them,  and  that  this  right  should  inhere  without 
reference  to  the  territory's  immediate  or  ultimate  admission 


40  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

into  the  Union  of  States.  The  idea  was  both  ingenious  and 
popular.  Besides,  it  was  not  inconsistent  with  what  had  been 
the  policy  and  practice  of  the  people  in  earlier  days;  but, 
like  all  half  or  intermediate  measures  in  times  of  great  ex 
citement,  it  was  favored  by  neither  of  the  extremes.  It  did 
not  satisfy  such  of  the  Northern  people  as  believed  with  Gar 
rison  and  Phillips  that  slavery  was  "the  sum  of  all  villainies," 
and  that  no  new  community  of  Americans,  whether  from  the 
South  or  North,  should  have  the  right  to  adopt  it  under  any 
form  of  sovereignty.  It  was  equally  unsatisfactory  to  a  large 
majority  of  the  Southern  Democrats;  for  it  conceded  the 
right  of  settlers,  or  "squatters"  as  they  were  derisively  called, 
to  exclude  slaves  from  any  territory  of  which  the  majority 
of  the  population  might  happen  to  be  composed  of  people 
from  the  North. 

In  the  joint  debate  which  took  place  between  Rawlins  and 
Fuller,  the  whole  ground  of  the  controversy  was  fought  over 
before  the  electors.  The  political  history  of  the  country  from 
the  days  of  the  Revolution  down  to  the  time  of  the  discus 
sion  was  laid  before  the  people  and  the  two  candidates,  with 
great  fervor,  urged  them,  each  according  to  his  ideas  of  pro 
priety  and  duty,  to  gravely  consider  and  wisely  decide  what 
should  be  done  in  the  crisis  then  upon  them.  Every  town 
in  the  district  was  visited,  and  each  candidate  in  turn,  under 
the  rules  adopted,  strove  to  his  utmost  to  enlighten  his  hear 
ers  and  confute  the  arguments  of  his  opponent.  From  the 
published  accounts  of  the  debates  it  is  evident  that  Rawlins 
threw  his  whole  soul  into  them,  relying  altogether  upon  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  laws  enacted  by  Con 
gress  thereunder,  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
the  speeches  and  writings  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  Clay,  Web 
ster,  Cass,  and  Douglas  to  support  him  in  his  contentions. 

In  the  discussion  at  Freeport  on  September  29,  1860,  Raw 
lins  displayed  powers  of  reasoning  and  a  ready  familiarity 
with  the  facts  and  arguments  pertaining  to  the  slavery  ques- 


POLITICAL  CONNECTIONS  41 

tion  which  surprised  not  only  his  supporters  but  his  oppo 
nents.  He  began  with  the  earliest  records,  and  showed  that 
Congress  had  not  legislated  against  slavery  in  the  territories 
previous  to  the  passage  of  what  was  known  as  the  Missouri 
Compromise  Bill,  and  that  many  of  the  wisest  statesmen  of 
that  day,  amongst  them  both  Jefferson  and  Madison,  had 
deprecated  that  measure  as  unwise  and  dangerous  to  the 
peace  and  unity  of  the  country.  He  then  discussed  the  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  and  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850,  follow 
ing  the  line  of  argument  and  supporting  the  positions  taken 
by  Douglas  in  that  memorable  controversy.  He  justified  the 
Compromise  of  1850,  brought  forward  by  Henry  Clay  and 
carried  through  by  the  aid  of  Daniel  Webster;  defended  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  which  repeated  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  of  1820,  and  supported  the  doctrine  of  Popular  Sov 
ereignty,  under  which  new  states  were  to  decide  whether 
they  would  have  slavery  or  not.  It  was  during  the  discus 
sion  of  1850  that  Seward  in  the  United  States  Senate  first  pro 
claimed  a  "Higher  Law"  than  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States;  and  while  this  doctrine  was  a  favorite  one  with  the 
abolitionists,  Rawlins  condemned  it  as  both  dangerous  and 
unsound.  He  contended  with  force  and  ingenuity  that  it  was 
better  for  the  cause  of  freedom  itself,  as  well  as  more  in  con 
sonance  with  precedent,  that  the  people  of  the  territories 
should  exclude  or  adopt  slavery  in  each  case  than  that  Con 
gress  should  arbitrarily  dispose  of  it  in  either  way. 

Now  that  Slavery  has  been  abolished  by  the  conflict  of  arms 
and  at  the  cost  of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  it  is  diffi 
cult  for  the  people  of  this  day  to  perceive  how  there  could 
have  been  such  wide  differences  of  opinion  about  it  between 
the  North  and  the  South;  but  it  was  a  question  of  profound 
and  growing  interest  to  all  parts  of  the  Great  Republic. 
When  it  is  recalled  that,  although  it  might  be  "the  sum  of 
all  villainies"  and  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  Golden  Rule,  it 
was  distinctly  recognized  by  the  Constitution  as  existing  in 


42  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  original  States  and  as  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
laws  passed  by  Congress  for  the  arrest  and  return  of  fugitive 
slaves  to-  their  masters,  and  finally  that  those  laws  had  been 
pronounced  by  the  Supreme  Court  to  be  in  accordance  with 
the  Constitution,  it  is  easy  to  understand  how  Rawlins,  him 
self  a  lawyer,  as  well  as  hundreds  of  thousands  of  good 
citizens  who  abhorred  slavery,  could  advocate  the  doctrine 
that  it  should  not  be  interfered  with  directly  or  indirectly 
by  the  Congress  or  by  the  people  themselves  in  the  older 
States,  and  that  the  people  of  the  inchoate  States  claiming 
admission  into  the  Union  should  be  left  free  to  adopt  or 
reject  it  as  a  majority  of  them,  ascertained  in  the  usual  way, 
should  decide.  It  is  a  fact  creditable  to  human  nature,  how 
ever,  that  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the  free  States  were 
firmly  opposed  to  the  spread  of  slavery,  no  matter  under  what 
pretext  or  color  of  law  that  end  might  be  sought.  They  felt 
that  if  the  Constitution  as  it  stood  favored  the  extension  of 
slavery,  it  should  be  so  amended  as  to  forever  prohibit  its 
extension,  while  the  more  uncompromising  abolitionists,  who 
were  fortunately  never  very  numerous,  openly  claimed  that 
the  Constitution  was  "a  covenant  with  death  and  an  agree 
ment  with  hell,"  and  should  therefore  be  destroyed  along 
with  the  Union  itself  if  no  other  way  could  be  found  to  rid 
the  country  of  that  hated  institution. 

From  1850  to  1860  this  all-absorbing  question  monopolized 
the  attention  of  the  pulpit  and  the  press,  as  well  as  of  Con 
gress  and  the  State  Legislatures,  to  the  exclusion  of  almost 
every  other  topic,  and  Rawlins  but  followed  the  example  of 
his  elders  in  familiarizing  himself  with  every  phase  of  the 
discussion,  so  that  when  he  was  called  upon  to  take  part  in 
it,  he  was  familiar  with  every  view  that  had  been  taken  of 
slavery,  as  well  as  with  every  argument  that  could  be  made 
for  or  against  it.  His  speeches,  which  were  closely  reasoned 
and  impressively  delivered,  won  a  great  local  reputation  for 
him  as  a  public  speaker.  They  included  all  that  could  be  said 


POLITICAL  CONNECTIONS  43 

in  favor  of  the  middle  ground  occupied  by  Douglas;  and 
while  these  arguments  failed  to  carry  the  people  of  his  dis 
trict  with  him,  they  were  not  without  great  effect  upon  them 
as  well  as  upon  Rawlins  himself.  They  showed  both  the  fu 
tility  of  trying  to  settle  a  question  affecting  the  very  founda 
tions  of  human  society  by  the  quiet  methods  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  made  clear  the  course  they  should  pursue  in  case 
the  arbitrament  of  arms,  the  last  argument  of  people  as  well 
as  of  kings,  should  be  forced  upon  them  by  their  brethren  of 
the  Southern  States. 

No  precept  or  statement,  no  appeal  to  the  Constitution,  no 
authority  of  scripture  or  law,  no  example  of  custom  or  his 
tory,  however  antiquated  or  sacred,  could  convince  Rawlins 
or  the  people  that  slavery  itself,  mild  and  mitigated  as  it 
might  be,  was  essentially  right,  or  could  ever  be  regarded 
as  beneficial  to  either  slave  or  master.  His  very  soul  revolted 
against  the  idea  of  property  in  human  beings.  His  whole 
life  so  far  was  at  war  with  a  condition  of  society  in  which 
such  an  idea  could  prevail;  and  yet  it  does  not  appear  that 
he  denounced  it  in  its  moral  aspects  in  any  public  speech. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  failed  to  find  a  single  word 
ever  uttered  by  him  in  its  favor.  He  evidently  saw  none  of 
the  advantages  claimed  for  slavery  by  its  advocates,  and  rec 
ognized  none  of  its  so-called  blessings.  Indeed,  so  far  as 
can  be  discovered,  he  never  felt  called  upon  to  consider  or 
discuss  it  as  an  abstract  question  of  morals,  or  even  of  eco 
nomics,  much  less  to  uphold  it  as  an  ideal  condition  of  society. 
It  was  a  concrete  fact,  for  which  neither  he  nor  any  living 
citizen  of  the  Republic  could  be  held  primarily  responsible. 
He  therefore  considered  it  merely  as  an  established  institu 
tion,  which  it  was  his  duty  as  a  citizen  to  assist  in  protecting 
by  such  means  and  in  such  way  as  would  not  interfere  with 
vested  and  established  rights,  but  which  should  best  promote 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  country  as  well  as  of 
the  people  more  immediately  concerned. 


44  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Rawlins  came  out  of  the  joint  discussion  with  increased 
strength  and  confidence  in  himself.  He  had  met  an  able  and 
experienced  debater,  before  large  and  deeply  interested  gath 
erings  of  intelligent  citizens;  he  had  acquitted  himself  as  a 
logician  and  orator  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  own  party,  and 
had  gained  the  respect  of  his  opponents  as  an  honest,  fear 
less,  and  able  advocate  of  the  cause  which  he  had  espoused. 
But  he  also  came  out  of  the  discussion  with  grave  appre 
hensions  as  to  the  future.  Like  Douglas,  his  great  leader, 
he  feared  that  the  day  for  argument  had  gone  by  and  that 
the  hot  heads  of  the  South  and  the  extremists  of  the  North 
would  speedily  bring  on  a  conflict  in  which  all  minor  ques 
tions  would  be  lost  sight  of,  and  the  very  existence  of  the 
Union  itself  would  be  imperilled. 


IV 


BEGINNING    OF    THE    WAR 

Resumes  Practice  of  Law — Confederates  Fire  on  Fort  Sumter — 
Addresses  Mass  Meeting — Influence  Upon  Captain  Grant — 
Organization  of  Volunteers — Death  of  Wife — Grant  Invites 
Rawlins  to  Join  His  Staff — Correspondence. 

AFTER  the  canvass  was  over  and  the  election  of  Lincoln 
to  the  Presidency  had  become  known,  Rawlins  returned  to 
the  practice  of  his  profession,  feeling  that  he  had  done  his 
whole  duty  to  his  fellow-citizens.  He  had  striven  with  all  his 
abilities  to  guide  them  aright  through  the  political  crisis  which 
was  upon  them.  He  was  inspired  throughout  by  love  for  the 
Union  and  respect  for  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the 
Fathers  who  had  established  it.  He  was  entirely  free  from 
sectionalism  or  bigoted  partizanship.  He  loved  his  whole 
country,  and  knew  "no  North,  no  South,  no  East,  no  West." 
He  revered  the  Constitution  as  the  greatest  charter  of  Gov 
ernment  ever  framed  by  human  wisdom.  His  sole  desire 
was  to  preserve  it  unchanged  and  hand  it  down  to  posterity 
unviolated,  and  in  full  force  and  effect  throughout  the  land. 
He  had  done  his  very  best,  according  to  his  light,  to  culti 
vate  a  feeling  of  moderation  and  compromise  and  to  avert 
the  war  which  now  seemed  about  to  burst  forth.  Reflect 
ing  on  all  this,  without  reference  to  party  allegiance  or  to 
the  course  of  others,  he  saw  plainly  what  his  duty  as  a  citizen 
might  require,  and  when  the  dread  hour  came  his  course  lay 
clear  before  him. 

On  April  12,  1861,  the  Secessionists  of  South  Carolina 
fired  on  Fort  Sumter  in  Charleston  Harbor.  The  whole  coun- 

45 


46  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

try  was  aroused  as  if  by  the  shock  of  an  earthquake.  There 
was  no  longer  any  doubt  or  hesitation  in  the  minds  of  loyal 
men.  All  knew  that  war  was  at  hand,  and  that  the  forts  must 
be  repossessed  and  the  rebellion  put  down,  no  matter  at  what 
cost  in  blood  and  treasure.  Some  few  hesitated  till  they 
could  learn  what  course  their  favorite  leaders  would  adopt. 
Douglas,  although  friendly  with  the  President  and  opposed 
to  disunion,  had  not  publicly  declared  for  coercion,  but  Raw- 
lins  was  one  of  those  who  did  not  wait.  He  was  aroused, 
indignant,  and  outspoken  in  denunciation  of  the  lawless  and 
sacrilegious  act  of  the  "fire-eaters"  and  Secessionists.  On  the 
1 5th  the  news,  which  had  been  flashed  over  the  country  by 
telegraph,  reached  Galena  that  Sumter  had  fallen.  On  the 
1 6th  the  stores  were  closed,  business  was  suspended,  and  the 
country  people  from  far  and  near  hurried  into  town.  The 
greatest  excitement  prevailed,  bands  paraded  the  streets  play 
ing  the  national  airs,  and  the  stars  and  stripes  were  unfurled 
amid  the  cheers  of  the  aroused  and  patriotic  multitude.  In 
the  evening  the  citizens,  without  regard  to  past  party  differ 
ences,  assembled  in  mass  convention.  The  Mayor  undertook 
to  explain  the  objects  of  the  meeting.  His  remarks  were 
desultory,  uncertain,  and  disappointing.  He  was  followed 
by  E.  B.  Washburne,  the  Republican  member  of  Congress, 
whose  commanding  figure  and  resounding  voice  proclaimed 
that  the  hands  of  the  legally  elected  President  must  be  upheld 
at  every  cost;  that  the  day  of  compromise  had  passed,  and 
that  "the  wicked  and  unjustifiable  war"  which  had  been  be 
gun  by  the  South  Carolinians  must  be  fought  through  to 
the  bitter  end,  till  the  rebellious  States  had  been  coerced  back 
into  the  Union,  and  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  should  be  admitted  to  be  paramount  throughout  the 
land.  Amid  loud  cheering  the  sturdy  Washburne  took  his 
seat,  and  then  a  cry  arose  from  all  sides  for  "Rawlins — Raw- 
1ms!"  And  it  may  not  be  doubted  that  many  who  joined 
in  the  meeting  hoped  that  he  would  take  the  "Democratic 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  47 

view"  of  the  crisis  and  show  that  there  was  no  legal  or  con 
stitutional  power  in  the  National  Government  "to  coerce  a 
sovereign  State,"  that  "war  could  not  reestablish  the  Union," 
and  that  it  was  better  if  no  compromise  should  be  found,  that 
the  discontented  sister  States  should  be  permitted  to  "depart 
in  peace"  rather  than  that  war  should  be  made  upon  them. 

On  the  day  of  the  meeting  a  doubting  Democratic  friend 
said  to  Rawlins,  in  words  which  had  already  become  familiar : 
"It  is  an  abolition  meeting.  Do  not  mix  up  in  it,  for  if  you 
do,  it  will  injure  both  you  and  your  party."  Another  ad 
vised  him  to  abstain  from  speaking,  because  the  time  had  not 
yet  come  for  war  measures;  still  another  claimed  that  the 
General  Government  had  no  authority  "to  coerce  a  state" ;  but 
Rawlins  was  deaf  to  all  such  appeals.  With  flashing  eye  and 
clenched  fist  he  declared : 

"I  shall  go  to  the  meeting,  and  if  called  upon,  I  shall 
speak.  I  know  no  party  now ;  I  only  know  that  traitors  have 
fired  upon  our  country's  flag." 

And  so,  when  he  heard  the  call  of  his  fellow-citizens,  from 
his  modest  place  at  the  rear,  he  elbowed  his  way  through  the 
dense  and  excited  throng  to  the  little  open  space  on  the  plat 
form  and  took  his  stand  before  them,  quivering  in  every 
muscle  with  excitement  and  patriotic  fervor. 

Rawlins  was  at  that  time  barely  thirty  years  of  age,  his 
form  was  spare  but  muscular  and  erect,  his  face  pale  but 
swarthy,  his  hair  black  and  brushed  back  from  a  high  and 
ample  forehead,  his  eyes  dark  as  night  and  flashing  with  anger 
at  the  cowardly  advice  of  his  political  friends.  Looking  the 
audience  squarely  in  the  face,  he  began  his  address  with  de 
liberation.  Silence  fell  at  once  upon  the  meeting,  for  the 
orator  was  a  favorite  of  both  parties  in  the  community. 
Speaking  with  a  deep,  rich,  and  penetrating  voice,  every  word 
he  uttered  reached  its  mark,  and  had  the  audience  been  ten 
times  as  large,  every  man  of  it  would  have  heard  all  he  had 
to  say.  For  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  amidst  the  profound- 


48  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

est  silence,  he  described  the  history  and  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  the  nature  and  growth  of  political  parties,  and 
the  transcendent  advantages  of  the  Union.  He  reviewed  the 
past,  from  the  foundation  of  the  Government,  repeated  the 
real  and  the  fancied  wrongs  of  the  slave  holders,  dwelt  upon 
the  good  faith  with  which  the  Northern  Democrats  had  fought 
their  battles  under  the  Constitution,  and  commended  the  cheer 
fulness  with  which  the  minorities,  hitherto  out-voted,  had 
submitted  to  the  will  of  the  majority,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  the  Mexican  War,  and  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill.  He  showed  his  fellow-citizens  that  the  Amer 
ican  way  was  to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  majority  and  to 
trust  the  future,  the  good  sense,  the  justice  and  sober  second 
thought  of  the  people,  in  every  emergency.  He  then  pointed 
out  the  wickedness  of  the  overt  act  which  had  been  committed 
against  the  sovereignty  of  the  National  Government,  and 
declared  that  it  was  the  work  of  "fire-eaters"  and  "hot  heads," 
entirely  without  legal  right  or  justification.  Finally,  in  the 
full  glow  of  patriotic  fervor,  his  voice  ringing  out  like  a  trum 
pet  through  the  open  space  into  the  narrow  streets  beyond, 
he  rose  to  his  splendid  climax  in  words  that  should  never  be 
forgotten : 

...  I  have  been  a  Democrat  all  my  life ;  but  this  is  no  longer 
a  question  of  politics.  It  is  simply  Union  or  disunion,  country  or 
no  country.  I  have  favored  every  honorable  compromise,  but  the 
day  for  compromise  is  past.  Only  one  course  is  left  for  us.  We 
will  stand  by  the  flag  of  our  country  and  appeal  to  the  God  of 
Battles!  .  .  . 

The  effect  was  electric  and  instantaneous.  The  audience, 
springing  to  its  feet,  gave  cheer  after  cheer  for  the  Union  and 
for  its  defence  and  maintenance  at  whatever  cost.  No  op 
posing  voice  was  heard ;  party  lines  were  forgotten  in  the  wild 
tumult  of  applause,  and  Major  Anderson,  the  gallant  de 
fender  of  Fort  Sumter,  became  at  that  moment  the  hero  alike 
of  both  Democrats  and  Republicans.  The  white  heat  of 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  49 

patriotic  eloquence  had  for  the  time  fused  all  opinions  into 
an  united,  unquestioning  love  of  the  Union,  which  would 
brook  no  rebellious  resistance  to  its  Constitution  or  its  laws. 
The  speech  was  a  genuine  surprise  to  the  Republicans.  They 
knew  that  Rawlins  was  earnest  and  able,  but  they  were  not 
prepared  for  such  a  flood  of  cogent  argument  or  its  thrilling 
climax.  As  for  the  Democrats,  they  were  simply  amazed 
and  overwhelmed.  They  had  come  to  the  meeting  in  hesi 
tation  and  doubt,  but  they  left  it  to  doubt  no  longer. 

Among  the  citizens  present  was  Captain  U.  S.  Grant,  late 
of  the  regular  army  and  a  graduate  of  West  Point.  He  was 
then  a  clerk  in  his  brother's  leather  store,  but  neither  a  politi 
cian  nor  a  partizan,  though  he  had  always  called  himself  a 
Democrat,  and  had  cast  his  only  vote  for  President,  four 
years  before,  for  James  Buchanan.  How  he  felt  when  he 
went  to  that  meeting  is  not  recorded;  whether  he  was  for 
Douglas  or  for  Breckenridge  in  the  late  election  is  also  un 
known.  He  was  at  that  time  nearly  forty  years  of  age, 
a  modest,  quiet  citizen  who  had  lived  at  Galena  less  than 
the  requisite  time  to  acquire  the  right  to  vote.  He  had  but 
few  acquaintances  in  the  community  and  fewer  intimate 
friends.  Lawyer  Rawlins  was  attorney  for  the  leather  store, 
and  had  met  Captain  Grant  both  socially  and  on  business,  but 
as  yet  there  had  been  no  intimacy  between  them.  Rawlins 
was  favorably  known  to  nearly  every  man  and  woman  of 
the  district.  He  had  lived  and  grown  up  among  them,  and 
had  by  his  own  energy  and  industry  made  himself  a  conspicu 
ous  figure;  so  that  at  this  time  it  is  but  the  simple  truth 
to  say  that  he  was  a  much  more  considerable  man  in  the  pub 
lic  estimation  at  Galena  than  was  Captain  Grant.  So  much  is 
certain,  for  General  Grant  told  me,  when  the  speech  was 
still  fresh  in  his  memory,  that  he  had  listened  to  it  with 
rapt  attention,  that  it  had  stirred  his  patriotism  and  rekindled 
his  military  ardor.  But  this  is  not  all.  It  appears  to  have 
removed  all  doubt  from  his  mind,  if  any  existed,  as  to  the 


50  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

course  he  should  pursue,  and  it  is  a  notable  fact  that  from 
that  day  forward  he  supported  the  doctrines  of  coercion  which 
Rawlins  had  so  eloquently  proclaimed. 

We  are  told  by  Richardson,  who  was  Grant's  first  author 
ized  biographer  1  and  whose  work  was  corrected  by  Rawlins, 
that  on  his  way  home  from  the  first  Galena  mass  meeting, 
Grant  said  to  his  brother  Orville  that  he  thought  he  ought  to 
reenter  the  army.  The  next  day  a  company  of  volunteers 
was  enrolled,  and  the  former  captain  of  the  regular  army, 
being  the  only  man  in  town  who  even  knew  the  manual  of 
arms  or  had  had  any  military  experience  whatever,  was  asked 
to  drill  it.  Four  days  later  he  was  on  his  way  with  this 
company  to  Springfield,  where  through  the  recommendation 
of  Russell  Jones  and  other  home  friends,  he  was  temporarily 
employed  by  Governor  Yates  as  a  clerk  in  the  Adjutant 
General's  office.  He  appears  to  have  been  the  only  person 
within  reach  who  knew  how  to  make  out  a  requisition  for 
arms  or  other  supplies  in  proper  form,  or  to  what  bureau  of 
the  War  Department  it  should  be  sent,  and  hence  his  assist 
ance  at  that  particular  juncture  was  invaluable. 

It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  about  this  time  Grant  ad 
dressed  an  official  letter  to  the  Adjutant  General  at  Washing 
ton,  telling  him  who  he  was  and  offering  his  services  again 
to  the  country,  but,  curiously  enough,  he  never  received  the 
courtesy  of  a  reply.  Shortly  after  reaching  Springfield  fam 
ily  business  took  him  to  Covington,  Kentucky,  where  his  fa 
ther  resided,  and  while  there  he  called  twice  on  Major- 
General  McClellan,  just  appointed  to  command  the  Ohio 
militia,  with  headquarters  at  Cincinnati.  The  ex-captain  of 
infantry  entertained  the  hope  that  a  casual  acquaintance  with 
that  distinguished  officer  during  the  Mexican  War  would  se 
cure  for  himself  an  offer  of  employment,  but  in  this  he  was 
also  disappointed.  He  then  returned  to  Springfield,  where 

1  "Personal  History  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant,"  American  Publishing  Com 
pany,  Hartford,  1868. 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  51 

Governor  Yates  gave  him  further  employment  in  connection 
with  the  organization,  equipment  and  supply  of  the  volun 
teers,    then   being   enrolled   under    President   Lincoln's   first 
call.     While  he  was  there  teaching  others,  from  his  abundant 
experience,  how  to  get  clothing,  arms,  and  military  munitions, 
and  instructing  the  green  and  untrained  officers  how  to  or 
ganize  and  drill  their   newly  enrolled   companies  and  regi 
ments,  the  Battle  of  Bull  Run  was  fought,  the  country  was 
plunged  into  still  greater  excitement,  and  more  troops  were 
called   for   by  the  President.      In  a   short  time  the  modest 
ex-captain,   by  his  industry  and  knowledge  of  military  de 
tails,  had  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Governor,  who  at  the 
suggestion  of  others,  but  with  some  hesitation,  gave  him  the 
appointment  of  Colonel  to  the  Twenty-first  Regiment  of  Illi 
nois  Infantry  Volunteers  on  June  21,  1861,  in  place  of  Colo 
nel  Goode,  a  volunteer  of  the  Mexican  War  and  a  partici 
pant   in   Lopez's   filibustering   expedition  to   Cuba,   who,   in 
accordance  with  the  custom  of  the  day,  had  been  elected  first 
by  the  men  to  that  important  office.     As  a  measure  of  in 
struction  and  discipline,  and  for  lack  of  rail  transportation, 
the  new  Colonel,  when  the  proper  time  came,  asked  permis 
sion  to  march  his  regiment  from  its  camp  near  Springfield, 
across  country  to  the  town  of  Mexico  in  northeastern  Missouri, 
and  obtained  authority  to  do  so,  as  the  best  means  of  get 
ting    it    under    discipline    and    giving    it    practical    military 
instruction. 

Meanwhile  Rawlins  had  been  invited  by  his  friends,  John 
E.  Smith  and  James  A.  Maltby,  to  help  them  raise  an  inde 
pendent  cavalry  regiment,  with  the  understanding  that  he 
was  to  have  the  rank  of  major,  but  owing  probably  to  the  in 
difference  of  General  Scott  to  that  arm  of  service  this  fell 
through,  whereupon  he  helped  them  with  the  Forty-fifth 
Illinois  Infantry,  known  later  as  "The  Lead  Mine  Regiment," 
and  it  is  certain  that  his  name  had  quite  as  much  influence 
as  that  of  either  of  his  seniors  in  attracting  the  best  class  of 


52  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

men  to  the  organization,  which  afterwards  gained  much  dis 
tinction  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

In  the  midst  of  the  excitement  of  recruiting,  Rawlins  was 
called  to  Goshen,  New  York,  to  attend  the  bedside  of  his  dying 
wife,  who  had  long  been  ill  of  consumption.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Hiram  Smith  of  that  place,  and  had  returned 
to  her  father's  house  in  the  hope  that  a  change  of  climate  and 
scenery  would  have  a  beneficial  effect,  but  in  this  she  and 
her  husband  were  doomed  to  grievous  disappointment. 

In  those  exciting  days  events  occurred  rapidly.  The  Gov 
ernment  was  organizing  armies  and  arranging  in  earnest 
for  suppressing  the  outbreak  against  the  Union.  Fremont, 
as  a  popular  hero,  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  at  St. 
Louis,  and  had  general  charge  of  all  military  operations  in 
the  region  south  and  west  of  that  place.  New  generals  were 
required,  and  Congressmen  of  influence  were  called  upon  to 
make  nominations.  Mr.  Washburne  of  the  Galena  district, 
who  was  always  active  and  vigilant  in  looking  out  for  the 
public  interests,  gave  prompt  consideration  to  the  qualifica 
tions  and  claims  of  his  own  constituents  and  the  necessity 
for  military  training  and  experience.  Amongst  others  he  be 
thought  him  of  Captain  Grant,  even  before  the  latter  had 
received  his  commission  of  colonel.  West  Point  men  of  ex 
perience  were  but  few,  and  specially  in  demand.  At  Wash- 
burne's  request  the  other  members  of  the  Illinois  delegation 
joined  in  recommending  this  modest  and  comparatively  ob 
scure  man  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  President. 
In  a  few  weeks,  and  apparently  without  reference  to  the  fact 
that  the  Governor  had  already  given  him  a  colonel's  commis 
sion,  the  President  appointed  him  a  brigadier  general  of 
volunteers  to  date  from  May  17,  1861,  or  but  one  month  back 
of  his  colonel's  commission.  On  account,  however,  of  the 
precedence  which  this  State  Commission  gave  him  over  other 
colonels  with  commissions  of  later  date,  serving  in  the  same 
field,  Grant  found  himself  commanding  a  brigade  of  volun- 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  53 

teers  in  the  Department  of  Missouri.  He  had  evidently  not 
forgotten  his  neighbor's  patriotic  war  speech  at  Galena  a 
few  months  before,  and  although  the  latter  had  at  that  time 
never  seen  a  company  of  uniformed  soldiers  and  was  abso 
lutely  without  technical  military  knowledge,  Grant  hastened, 
on  the  same  day,  to  send  Rawlins  a  formal  letter  offering 
him  the  position  of  aid-de-camp,  and  asking  him  to  get  a 
lieutenant's  commission  in  the  Galena  regiment  then  about 
ready  for  the  field,  and  to  report  to  him  for  duty  at  his  earliest 
convenience.  As  this  was  probably  the  very  first  letter  Grant 
wrote  giving  a  position  on  his  staff  to  any  one,  it  seems  to 
show  that  he  had  even  at  that  early  day  become  a  good  judge 
of  men,  and  makes  it  certain,  at  all  events,  that  Rawlins  had 
by  one  means  or  another  already  made  a  profound  impres 
sion  upon  the  future  army  commander. 

To  this  letter  Rawlins  replied  only  five  days  later  as  follows : 

Galena,  August  12,  1861. 
BRIGADIER  GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT, 

Saint  Louis,  Missouri. 
DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  letter  bearing  date  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  August  7th,  A.  D. 
1 86 1,  tendering  me  the  position  of  aid-de-camp  on  your  staff  is 
before  me.  It  is  a  compliment  unexpected ;  but  fully  appreciating 
your  kindness  and  friendship  for  me,  and  believing  from  your 
long  experience  in  and  knowledge  of  the  military  service,  and  its 
duties,  you  would  not  have  offered  me  the  position  were  you  not 
satisfied  it  is  one  I  could  fill,  gladly  and  with  pleasure  I  accept  it 
and  whatever  the  duties  and  responsibilities  devolved  upon  me  by 
virtue  of  the  same,  I  will  with  the  help  of  God  discharge  them  to 
the  best  of  my  ability. 

Wishing  you  success  in  the  cause  of  Constitutional  freedom  for 
which  you  are  fighting,  I  remain, 

Yours  obediently, 

JOHN  A.  RAWLINS. 

But  before  he  could  complete  his  arrangements  to  take  the 
field  it  became  necessary  for  Rawlins  to  rejoin  his  wife  at 


54  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Goshen,  where  she  died,  August  30,  leaving  one  son  and  two 
daughters,  the  eldest  only  five  years  of  age. 

Meanwhile  Grant's  appointment  to  the  actual  rank  of 
Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers  reached  him,  and  this  en 
titled  him  under  the  law  to  an  Adjutant,  Quartermaster,  and 
Commissary,  all  with  the  rank  of  Captain  of  United  States 
Volunteers,  besides  two  aids-de-camp  to  be  selected  from  his 
actual  command.  True  to  the  prepossessions  already  noted, 
the  new  general  now  made  haste  to  offer  the  first  of  those 
offices  to  Rawlins,  and  this  gave  him  in  due  time  the  first  and 
most  important  position  on  Grant's  staff.  This,  it  should  be 
noted,  he  retained  with  the  increasing  rank  which  came  to 
him  in  due  course,  as  his  chief  was  promoted  from  grade 
to  grade,  and  from  command  to  command.  To  the  infinite 
credit  of  both,  there  was  never  any  suggestion  of  change,  and 
the  close  relations  which  grew  up  between  them  from  the 
start  remained  unbroken  to  the  end.  The  correspondence 
relating  to  the  position  of  Adjutant  General  has  not  been 
found,  though  its  character  can  well  be  inferred  from  that 
already  given  in  reference  to  the  appointment  of  aid-de-camp. 
Rawlins  frequently  mentioned  it  with  satisfaction  in  his  con 
versations  with  me  while  we  were  intimately  associated — 
as  will  be  more  fully  referred  to  hereafter — on  the  same 
staff  during  the  Vicksburg  Campaign. 

But  all  doubt,  if  any  exists,  as  to  Grant's  feelings  towards 
Rawlins  as  well  as  towards  Congressman  Washburne,  their 
common  friend,  is  fully  removed  by  a  letter  from  Grant  to 
Washburne  now  in  possession  of  the  Library  of  Congress. 
It  runs  as  follows: 

Cairo,  Illinois, 

September  3,  1861. 
HON.  E.  B.  WASHBURNE, 

Galena,  Illinois. 
DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  very  kind  letter  was  duly  received  .  .  .  and  would  have 
been  answered  at  once  but  for  the  remark  that  you  were  about  to 


BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  55 

start  for  New  York  City  and  would  not  receive  it  for  some  days. 
I  should  be  most  pleased  to  have  you  pay  me  the  visit  here,  or 
wherever  else  I  may  be,  that  you  spoke  of  paying  me  there. 

In  regard  to  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Rawlins  I  never  had  an 
idea  of  withdrawing  it  so  long  as  he  felt  disposed  to  accept,  no 
matter  how  long  his  absence.  Mr.  Rawlins  was  the  first  one  I 
decided  upon  for  a  place  with  me,  and  I  very  much  regret  that 
family  affliction  has  kept  him  away  so  long.  The  post  would 
have  been  a  good  school  of  instruction  for  him  in  his  new  duties ; 
the  future  bids  fair  to  try  the  backbone  of  our  volunteers.  I  have 
been  kept  actively  moving  from  one  command  to  another,  more  so, 
perhaps,  than  any  other  officer.  So  long  as  I  am  of  service  to  the 
cause  of  our  country,  I  do  not  object  however. 

General  Fremont  has  seen  fit  to  entrust  me  with  an  important 
command  here,  embracing  all  the  troops  in  southeast  Missouri, 
and  at  this  place.  ...  A  little  difficulty  of  an  unpleasant  nature 
has  occurred  between  General  Prentiss  and  myself  relative  to 
rank,  he  refusing  to  obey  my  orders,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  he 
will  see  his  error  and  not  sacrifice  the  interest  of  the  cause  to  his 
ambition  to  be  Senior  Brigadier  General  of  Illinois,  as  he  contends 
he  is. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Washburne,  allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the 
part  you  have  taken  in  giving  me  my  present  position.  I  think 
I  see  your  hand  in  it,  and  admit  that  I  had  no  personal  claims  for 
your  kind  office  in  the  matter.  I  can  assure  you,  however,  my 
whole  heart  is  in  the  cause  which  we  are  fighting  for,  and  I  pledge 
myself  that  if  equal  to  the  task  before  me,  you  shall  never  have 
cause  to  regret  the  part  you  have  taken. 

Yours  very  truly, 
U.  S.  GRANT, 

Brig.  Gen.  Vols. 

It  is  probable  that  Rawlins's  letter  of  appointment  came  to 
Galena  and  was  remailed  to  him  at  Goshen.  His  acceptance 
was  doubtless  written  at  the  same  place,  about  the  first  of 
September,  for  it  is  known  that  as  soon  as  he  could  arrange 
for  the  care  of  his  young  children  he  started  for  Cairo,  and 
was  there  on  September  14.  Thenceforth  he  was  the  con 
stant  companion  of  his  chief  and  always  on  duty,  except  for 
two  months,  between  August  and  October,  1864.  During  this 


56  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

period  he  was  absent  on  sick  leave  under  medical  treatment  for 
what  he  and  the  staff  surgeon  persistently  believed  to  be  merely 
a  severe  ^bronchial  affection  contracted  in  service,  but  which 
finally  developed  into  pulmonary  tuberculosis  and  proved  fatal 
four  years  after  the  war.  But  even  during  this  absence,  his 
faithful  friend  and  assistant,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Theodore  S. 
Bowers,  of  Mt.  Carmel,  Illinois,  kept  him  constantly  informed 
of  what  was  going  on  at  headquarters,  with  the  understanding 
that  in  case  of  any  movement  of  the  Army  or  any  emergency 
in  its  affairs,  or  in  those  of  General  Grant,  he  would  return 
at  once  to  his  post. 


V 


FIRST    MILITARY    SERVICES 

Enters  Army  as  Captain — Reports  at  Cairo — Condition  of  Af 
fairs — Battle  of  Belmont — Relations  with  Grant. 

As  heretofore  stated,  Rawlins  at  the  time  of  his  entry  into 
the  Army  knew  absolutely  nothing  of  military  affairs,  and 
indeed  it  was  impossible  that  it  should  have  been  otherwise. 
His  life  had  been  passed  far  from  military  scenes,  or  the 
thought  of  military  employment.  He  had  never  even  seen 
a  company  of  regular  infantry,  a  battery  of  artillery  or  a 
squadron  of  cavalry.  He  knew  nothing  whatever  of  tactics, 
organization,  or  military  administration,  and  never  even 
thought  of  the  functions  of  the  staff  and  staff  corps,  or  of 
the  relations  and  uses  of  the  various  arms  of  service  to  one 
another.  It  would  seem  almost  incredible  that  a  civilian  of 
such  limitations  should  have  been  assigned  at  such  a  time  to 
the  most  important  duties,  after  those  of  the  commanding 
general,  connected  with  the  troops  in  that  military  district; 
and  yet  the  sequel  will  show  that  General  Grant  had  made 
no  mistake  in  his  choice.  The  young  lawyer,  while  lacking 
the  very  rudiments  which  he  would  find  necessary  for  the 
correct  performance  of  his  daily  duty,  had  every  natural 
qualification  for  his  place.  His  study  and  practice  of  law, 
especially  of  the  Constitution,  had  taught  him  the  relations 
between  the  civil  and  the  military  powers  of  the  State,  as 
well  as  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  several  States  and  of 
their  citizens  towards  one  another  and  towards  the  general 
Government.  Besides,  he  was  thoroughly  in  earnest,  and 
had  the  sagacity  to  see  that  he  must  first  learn  what  his  posi- 

57 


58  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

tion  required  of  him  before  he  could  be  expected  to  fill  it 
worthily.  Like  all  volunteers,  he  was  at  the  outbreak  of 
the  war. perhaps  unduly  impressed  by  the  superior  knowledge 
of  the  regular  officers,  but  as  there  were  only  a  small  number 
of  them  then  or  afterwards  in  General  Grant's  Western  com 
mand,  he  lost  no  time  in  regretting  his  own  ignorance,  but 
forthwith  began  to  learn  from  his  chief  and  the  army  regu 
lations  what  was  expected  of  him,  and  how  to  make  himself 
useful. 

Fortunately  Grant's  military  education  and  his  services  in 
the  regular  army  in  actual  warfare  had  made  him  thoroughly 
familiar  with  military  life  and  with  the  duties  of  both  the  staff 
and  the  line,  while  his  even  temper  and  clear  head  especially 
qualified  him  to  act  as  an  instructor  not  only  to  his  own  staff 
but  to  the  troops  under  his  command.  From  the  date  of  his 
own  arrival  at  Cairo,  September  2,  1861,  he  had  been  com 
pelled  to  perform  the  duties  of  adjutant  general,  quarter 
master,  commissary,  ordnance  officer,  and  drill  master.  He 
had  worked  almost  alone  from  morning  till  midnight  for  two 
weeks,  and  was  nearly  worn  out  when  his  uninstructed  but  will 
ing  adjutant  general  reported  for  duty.  New  regiments  were 
arriving  daily  and  required  to  be  encamped,  fed,  brigaded,  and 
prepared  for  active  service,  and  Rawlins  found  himself  at 
once  in  a  military  school  of  the  most  practical  character. 
Precept  and  instruction  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  necessity 
for  daily  action.  Of  course,  the  adjutant  general  was  com 
pelled  to  give  his  first  attention  to  the  duties  of  his  own 
department,  which  comprehended  the  returns,  reports,  corre 
spondence  and  orders  of  the  command,  but  at  the  same  time 
he  took  a  deep  interest  in  everything  else  going  on  about  him 
and  soon  became  in  fact  as  well  as  in  theory  the  main  depend 
ence  of  his  Chief.  He  made  it  his  practice  to  see  that  every 
one  else  performed  the  service  assigned  him.  He  was  from 
the  first  active,  inquisitive,  vigilant,  and  terribly  in  earnest. 
Consequently  he  soon  came  to  be  looked  upon  by  subordinate 


FIRST  MILITARY  SERVICES  59 

commanders,  with  whom  he  was  naturally  sympathetic,  as 
scarcely  less  important  than  Grant  himself. 

Having  been  deeply  engaged  in  public  life  during  the  ex 
citement  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  he 
knew  many  of  the  leading  men  who  were  now  coming  forward 
as  field  officers  and  generals,  especially  those  from  Illinois, 
as  well  as  from  the  neighboring  region  of  Wisconsin  and 
Iowa.  Through  them,  aided  by  an  exceedingly  frank  and 
sociable  disposition,  he  made  new  acquaintances  readily,  and 
in  this  way,  as  well  as  through  the  daily  routine  of  business, 
he  soon  came  to  know  every  important  and  influential  officer 
in  the  command.  With  an  unusually  keen  insight  into  the 
character  and  motives  of  men,  he  rarely  made  a  mistake  in 
his  estimates  of  their  moral  and  intellectual  worth,  or  of 
their  military  capabilities.  While  he  was  rigid  and  austere 
in  his  own  principles  and  practices,  he  was  liberal  and  sensible 
with  reference  to  the  conduct  of  others.  What  he  looked 
for  and  insisted  upon  having  was  prompt  and  unquestioning 
obedience  to  orders  and  a  trustworthy  sobriety  of  behavior 
at  all  times  on  the  part  of  both  officers  and  men.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  was  far  from  being  a  martinet,  and  never  for 
got  that  the  army  was  chiefly  composed  of  citizens  who  were 
called  forth  in  a  great  emergency  to  perform  the  duty  of 
soldiers,  and  of  whom  the  rigid  and  machinelike  discipline 
of  regulars  could  neither  be  expected  nor  exacted.  In  this 
he  and  his  Chief  were  in  hearty  accord,  but  it  is  well  known 
that  Rawlins  was  far  the  more  exacting  of  the  two. 

Grant  has  been  credited  in  the  popular  mind  with  having 
shown  particularly  good  judgment  in  the  selection  of  his 
subordinates  and  in  surrounding  himself  with  a  specially  able 
staff,  and  while  it  is  true  that  he  finally  became  fairly  suc 
cessful  in  both  respects,  his  success  was  doubtless  due  as  much 
to  the  selection  of  Rawlins  in  the  first  place,  and  to  the  in 
fluence  which  that  officer  exerted  ever  afterwards,  as  to  any 
extraordinary  perspicacity  or  discrimination  on  his  own  part. 


60  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Rawlins  always  took  a  most  earnest  and  active  interest  in 
seeing  that  none  but  worthy  men  should  have  command,  and 
that  his  Chief  should  not  be  long  imposed  upon  by  such  officers 
as  were  "weak,  corrupt,  or  inefficient. 

This  was  especially  true  in  regard  to  the  staff  and  the 
clerical  force  at  headquarters.  In  the  first  days  of  Grant's 
arrival  at  Cairo,  he  was  too  busy,  and  perhaps  too  poorly 
acquainted  with  the  personnel  of  his  command,  to  choose  his 
assistants  and  aids-de-camp  from  the  volunteers  with  proper 
discrimination.  Those  were  taken  who  were  nearest  at  hand, 
and  perhaps  some  put  themselves  forward  by  solicitation  or 
through  the  influence  of  their  friends,  for  the  purpose  of  find 
ing  easy  and  conspicuous  places.  At  all  events  it  is  certain 
that  with  the  exception  of  Rawlins,  at  first,  and  of  Colonel 
Webster,  an  ex-regular,  and  Captain  Rowley,  of  Galena,  a 
little  later,  Grant's  first  staff  was  but  poorly  constituted  and 
contained  several  officers  who  were  not  only  ignorant  but 
unworthy  of  respect  and  confidence.1  Rawlins  was  not  long 
in  picking  them  out,  though  it  took  him  more  than  a  year, 
with  all  the  help  he  could  get,  to  overcome  the  General's 
partiality  for  some  and  to  get  rid  of  others.  During  their 
connection  with  the  staff  several  gave  much  trouble  and  were 
the  source  of  constant  anxiety.  They  were  roystering,  good- 
hearted,  good-natured,  hard-drinking  fellows,  with  none  of 
the  accomplishments  and  few  of  the  personal  qualities  of  good 
soldiers,  and  did  not  hesitate,  when  opportunity  offered,  to 
put  temptation  in  the  way  of  those  they  thought  would  meet 
it  halfway.  Grant  himself  was  preoccupied  with  his  own 
responsibilities,  or  had  a  sympathetic  side  for  them  when  off 
duty.  Or  perhaps,  like  most  men,  he  was  more  or  less  subject 
to  flattery  and  to  the  kind  attentions  such  "jolly  dogs"  knew 
how  to  bestow  acceptably  upon  those  with  whom  they  desired 
to  curry  favor.  But  Rawlins  was  too  serious,  too  stern  and 
unrelenting,  to  countenance  or  encourage  them.  He  had  no 
1  See  Dana's  "Recollections  of  the  Civil  War,"  pp.  72-77. 


FIRST  MILITARY  SERVICES  61 

patience  with  them,  but  from  the  start  kept  close  watch  upon 
them,  and  as  they  became  more  and  more  indiscreet  or  reck 
less,  and  he  better  and  better  informed  as  to  their  real  quali 
ties,  he  induced  the  general  to  send  them  away  one  after  the 
other,  till  all  the  objectionable  ones  were  gone. 

It  was  in  this,  as  well  as  in  other  respects,  that  he  was 
always  the  complement  and  counterpart  of  his  taciturn  but 
kind-hearted  Chief,  and  was  enabled  to  render  him  most  in 
valuable  services  throughout  the  war.  He  appeared  to  know 
instinctively  a  worthless  or  vicious  man,  and  to  abhor  his 
example  and  influence.  But  his  highest  function  was  in  pro 
tecting  Grant  from  himself  as  well  as  from  others,  in  stimu 
lating  his  sense  of  duty  and  ambition,  and  in  giving  direction 
and  purpose  to  his  military  training  and  aptitudes.  It  was 
Rawlins,  more  than  any  other  man,  who  aroused  Grant's 
sensibilities  and  gave  his  actions  that  prompt,  aggressive,  and 
unrelenting  character  which  so  distinguished  them.  In  fact, 
it  has  been  frequently  and  truthfully  said  that  the  two  together 
constituted  a  military  character  of  great  simplicity,  force, 
and  singleness  of  purpose,  which  has  passed  into  history  un 
der  the  name  of  Grant,  This  character,  while  achieving 
extraordinary  results,  was  not  without  fault,  nor  did  it  get 
through  to  the  end  without  serious  mistakes  and  checks.  Its 
plans,  as  might  have  been  expected,  were  in  some  degree  rude 
and  unscientific,  while  its  practical  operations  were  occasion 
ally  marred  by  faults  both  of  logistics  and  tactics.  It  was, 
in  fact,  far  from  possessing  all  the  attributes  of  the  ideal  cap 
tain,  but,  without  reference  to  the  part  contributed  by  either 
or  by  the  attendant  circumstances,  it  may  be  truthfully  said 
that  it  was  patient,  even-tempered,  prompt,  courageous,  and 
altogether  patriotic.  What  is  still  more  noteworthy  is  the 
fact  that  for  four  years  of  active  and  costly  campaigning  it 
escaped  any  great  disaster,  and  was  uniformly  successful. 

When  it  is  considered  that  the  result  was  the  same  whether 
Grant  was  confronted  by  Pillow  or  Polk,  as  at  Belmont;  by 


62  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Floyd  or  Buckner,  as  at  Donelson ;  by  Albert  Sidney  John 
ston  or  Beauregard,  as  at  Shiloh ;  by  Joseph  E.  Johnston  or 
Pemberton,  as  in  the  Vicksburg  Campaign ;  by  Bragg  or  Long- 
street,  as  at  Missionary  Ridge,  or  by  the  hitherto  invincible 
Lee,  as  in  the  wonderful  series  of  operations  from  the 
Rapidan  to  Appomattox  Court  House,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  he  was  favored  by  something  more  than  mere  luck  or 
fortune  or  even  a  preponderance  of  resources  which  gave  him 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  series  of  victories  recorded  in  his 
tory.  No  suggestion  nor  criticism  can  explain  away  this 
extraordinary  result.  It  cannot  be  contended  that  Rawlins 
was  greater  or  wiser  than  Grant,  in  any  respect,  nor  can  it 
be  properly  claimed  that  he  made  the  plans  or  "supplied  Grant 
with  brains,"  as  some  have  declared,  but  it  seems  to  be  cer 
tain  that  Rawlins,  an  untrained  man  of  the  plain  people,  was 
different  from  Grant,  and  furnished  him  with  qualities  and 
characteristics  which  Grant  did  not  possess  at  all,  or  which 
he  possessed  in  a  limited  degree,  and  without  which,  either 
from  Rawlins  or  from  some  other  source  in  whom  he  had 
confidence,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  him  to  succeed 
as  he  did. 

In  military  matters  perhaps  more  than  in  any  others,  no 
one  man  can  devise  all  the  plans,  make  all  the  dispositions, 
think  out  all  the  movements  or  play  all  the  parts.  Official  co 
operation,  loyal  help  and  personal  support  are  necessary,  not 
only  in  the  daily  administration  of  an  army  but  throughout 
every  campaign  and  in  every  battle,  and  it  is  the  province  of 
organization  and  of  discipline  not  only  to  draw  these  from 
the  army  but  to  make  them  effective  wherever  found.  And 
yet,  all  combined  may  fail  to  command  success  for  a  gen 
eral,  no  matter  how  great  his  army  nor  how  well  it  is  sup 
plied,  unless  he  is,  himself,  guided  by  a  high  moral  purpose, 
quick  and  just  perceptions,  alert  intelligence,  and  an  active, 
ready,  fearless,  and  aggressive  temper.  It  is  but  just  to  add 
that  in  respect  to  all  the  necessary  qualities  of  leadership, 


FIRST  MILITARY  SERVICES  63 

except  only  such  as  were  based  upon  military  experience  and 
technical  knowledge,  Rawlins,  by  common  consent,  was  re 
garded  by  those  who  knew  him  as  easily  the  peer  of  any  man 
in  the  army.  It  is  but  natural  that  the  high  qualities  conceded 
to  him,  aided  by  his  intimate  personal  and  official  relations 
with  his  Chief,  should  have  furnished  him  with  abundant  op 
portunity  to  render  such  support  and  assistance  as  the  vary 
ing  circumstances  which  surrounded  them  seemed  to  call  for 
from  time  to  time.  During  the  progress  of  this  narrative 
it  will  appear  that  those  moral  perceptions  and  aggressive 
qualities,  which  are  so  greatly  the  characteristics  of  the  suc 
cessful  general,  were  possessed  to  a  marked  degree  by  Raw 
lins,  and  that  he  contributed  them  ungrudgingly  to  the  support 
of  his  Chief  and  to  the  advancement  of  the  cause  for  which 
they  were  fighting. 


VI 

EVENTS    IN    KENTUCKY,    1 86 1 

Occupation  of  Paducah — Letter  to  His  Mother — Rumors  About 
Grant's  Habits — Letter  to  E.  B.  Washburne — Capture  of  Forts 
Henry  and  Donelson — Grant  Suspended  from  Command — 
Facts  of  the  Case — Part  Taken  by  Rawlins — Grant  Reinstated 
— Armies  Converge  on  Pittsburgh  Landing — Order  Succeeded 
by  Disorder. 

PADUCAH  and  Smithland,  situated  within  a  few  miles  of 
each  other  on  the  lower  Ohio  River  in  Western  Kentucky, 
were  occupied  by  Grant,  September  6,  1861,  and  the  Battle 
of  Belmont,  a  few  miles  below  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and 
the  Mississippi,  was  fought  two  months  later,  November  7. 
The  first  of  these  movements  resulted  in  breaking  the  neu 
trality  which  Kentucky  was  at  that  time  striving  to  main 
tain.  Rawlins  saw  through  the  shallow  pretence  upon  which 
this  policy  was  based  and  often  declared  afterward  that,  con 
sidering  "conditional  neutrality  as  absolute  hostility  to  the 
Government,"  he  had  from  the  first  urged  Grant  to  disre 
gard  it  entirely,  if  it  should  at  any  time  or  in  any  manner 
interfere  with  the  operations  of  his  command.  This  radical 
advice  was  acted  upon  with  boldness  and  promptitude  and 
the  consequences  were  both  startling  and  far  reaching. 

The  Secessionists  under  General  Leonidas  Polk  at  that 
time  occupied  Columbus,  a  strongly  fortified  position  some 
twenty  miles  below  Cairo,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
as  the  left  flank  of  their  defensive  line,  of  which  Fort  Henry 
on  the  Tennessee  and  Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland, 
near  the  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  State  line,  were  the  left 
center ;  Bowling  Green,  Kentucky,  on  the  Louisville  and  Nash- 

64 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  65 

ville  Railroad,  the  right  center,  somewhat  thrown  forward, 
and  Cumberland  Gap,  near  the  eastern  corner  of  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee,  the  extreme  right.  The  seizure  of  Paducah, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee,  and  of  Smithland,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Cumberland,  was  a  direct  menace  to  both  the 
extreme  left  and  left-center  of  their  line,  and  was  followed 
by  great  commotion  among  the  Confederate  leaders. 

Fremont,  who  was  relieved  by  Halleck  on  November  2 
from  the  command  of  the  Union  forces  in  Missouri  and 
Southern  Illinois,  had  been  engaged  in  conducting  certain 
desultory  operations  in  Southeastern  Missouri  against  the 
Confederate  General  Thompson.  Grant  was  cooperating 
from  Bird's  Point  and  Cape  Girardeau,  but  fearing  that  Polk 
would  send  a  force  from  Belmont,  opposite  Columbus,  to  cut 
off  the  Union  columns,  he  resolved  to  make  a  preliminary 
dash  at  Belmont,  and  did  so  with  about  thirty-five  hundred 
men,  whom  he  commanded  in  person.  This  was  Grant's  first 
actual  battle  with  the  Confederates,  and  was  entirely  success 
ful  in  its  main  object.  He  captured  the  hostile  camps,  but  the 
Confederate  commander  promptly  reenforced  the  outlying  de 
tachment  at  Belmont,  which  was  easy  to  do,  as  it  lay  within 
the  range  of  his  heavy  guns  on  the  other  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  at  Columbus,  and  in  turn  forced  Grant  and  his  auda 
cious  followers  to  cut  their  way  back  to  their  transports.  This 
was  the  first  fighting  that  Rawlins  ever  took  part  in  or  saw, 
and  in  addition  to  giving  him  and  his  Chief  confidence  in 
their  men  and  in  each  other,  it  was  important  in  turning  the 
enemy's  attention  to  the  exposed  situation  of  the  garrison  at 
Columbus,  and  in  exerting  considerable  influence  upon  its  ulti 
mate  withdrawal  to  Island  Number  Ten. 

Writing  to  his  mother  from  Cairo  on  November  15,  Raw 
lins  described  his  feelings  and  the  action  as  follows : 

I  have  been  in  one  battle,  heard  the  whistling  of  bullets  and  the 
whizzing  of  cannon  balls,  and  I  tell  you  I  thought  no  more  of  the 
first  than  of  the  last;  still  I  never  thought  of  running.  Any  man 


66  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

with  half  a  soul  must  be  somewhat  brave  on  the  battle  field. 
Your  mind  is  filled  more  with  a  desire  of  winning  victory  than  of 
personal  safety,  and  this  is  felt  more  strongly  when  the  chances 
appear  against  you.  Success  is  the  paramount  feeling.  I  was  in 
the  midst  of  danger  and  within  the  reach  of  the  rebel  fire  more 
than  once  during  the  day.  I  was  by  the  side  of  General  Grant 
when  his  horse  was  shot  under  him.  Just  the  moment  before  he 
was  trying  to  urge  his  horse  up  to  the  ranks  of  our  men,  and  his 
horse  not  being  very  bridle-wise,  refused  to  go  ahead,  and  my 
horse  being  one  that  will  go  any  place,  I  rode  ahead,  the  General 
following.  Just  then  I  turned  to  look  towards  him,  when  the 
General  said  his  horse  was  shot  so  severely  that  it  was  necessary 
to  leave  him  on  the  field. 

Our  troops  fought  well  and  bravely.  We  had  three  thousand 
men  all  told,  the  effective  and  well  men  of  five  regiments,  com 
manded  by  Colonels  Buford,  Logan,  Fouke,  Dougherty  and  Lau- 
man,  the  three  first  under  General  McClernand,  the  other  two 
under  Colonel  Dougherty,  while  all  were  under  the  command  of 
General  Grant.  All  of  the  above  mentioned  officers,  except  Col 
onel  Lauman,  whose  politics  I  do  not  know,  are  Democrats.  I 
mention  this  to  show  that  Democrats  will  fight  (I  mean  Union 
Democrats)  for  the  country,  Washington  and  the  stars  and 
stripes.  Our  loss  was,  killed  85,  wounded  218.  This  is 
official. 

The  enemy  had  the  effective  men  of  eleven  regiments,  consist 
ing  of  Tennessee,  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  troops,  the  flower  of 
Southern  chivalry,  according  to  their  own  figures,  and  lost  in 
killed  and  wounded  543,  not  including  the  loss  of  one  regiment 
not  yet  ascertained. 

We  met  and  defeated  them  on  their  own  ground,  took  posses 
sion  of  and  burnt  all  their  tents  and  camp  equipage,  captured  six 
pieces  of  artillery  and  brought  away  two  with  us,  all  under  the 
guns  of  the  strongest  fortified  position  on  the  Mississippi  River. 
Upon  our  return  to  the  boats  from  which  we  had  debarked,  they 
rallied  their  scattered  forces  and  with  fresh  troops  from  Colum 
bus,  undertook  to  cut  off  our  retreat,  when  another  battle  ensued, 
in  which  we  a  second  time  defeated  them  and  continued  our 
march  uninterrupted  to  our  transports.  Just  as  we  were  all 
aboard,  they  having  in  the  meantime  crossed  over  more  troops 
from  Columbus,  arrived  on  the  shore  and  commenced  firing  at  our 
boats  wounding  two  men  on  board  the  steamer  Memphis.  The 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  67 

gun-boats  then  poured  into  their  ranks  several  broadsides  of  can 
ister  and  grape  shot  doing  great  execution. 

Belmont  is  entirely  abandoned  by  the  enemy  and  thus  the 
Southeastern  portion  of  Missouri  is  without  a  rebel  army. 

I  am  glad  old  Guilford  is  for  the  Union.  I  am  as  you  are  a 
Democrat,  but  I  am  also  for  the  Union  of  the  States  and  the 
triumph  of  my  country  in  arms  against  whomsoever  may  op 
pose  us. 

This  letter  is  important  not  only  because  it  is  the  first  one 
of  the  kind  written  by  Rawlins,  but  because  it  shows  also  that 
he  as  well  as  Grant,  with  both  officers  and  men,  behaved  with 
spirit  and  courage  in  their  first  battle  for  the  Union. 

Followed,  as  the  affair  was,  by  the  occupation  of  Paducah 
by  a  force  sufficiently  large  to  overrun  the  neighboring  coun 
try,  it  produced  an  effect  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  enemy's 
defensive  line  similar  to  that  produced  by  Thomas's  brilliant 
victory  over  Crittenden  and  Zollicoffer  at  Mill  Springs,  on 
the  right  center.  It  was  in  addition  good  practice  for  the 
troops,  and  aroused  in  them  a  healthy  show  of  enthusiasm. 
It  secured  for  Rawlins  his  first  mention  in  the  Official  Re 
ports,  taught  him,  as  well  as  his  General,  the  advantage  of 
taking  the  initiative,  and  made  him  always  afterwards  the 
earnest  advocate  of  striking  the  first  blow. 

But  while  the  occupation  of  Paducah  and  Smithland  and 
the  Battle  of  Belmont  brought  Grant's  name  prominently 
before  the  country  as  an  aggressive  and  enterprising  general, 
they  stimulated  envy  and  malice  at  once  to  spread  rumors 
prejudicial  to  his  sobriety  and  trustworthiness.  The  army 
contractors,  who  had  undertaken  to  furnish  supplies  to  his 
troops,  were  prompt  to  resent  his  efforts  to  make  them  de 
liver  supplies  of  full  weight  and  proper  quality.  They  com 
plained  to  the  reporters,  and  the  reporters  gave  the  story  to 
the  newspapers.  The  facts  connected  with  Grant's  retire 
ment  from  the  regular  army  were  noised  about  at  that  early 
day,  and,  in  one  way  or  another,  prejudicial  rumors  based 


68  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

thereon  were  set  afloat  and  soon  reached  Washburne  at  his 
seat  in  Congress.  As  he  was  both  an  ardent  patriot  and  a 
man  of  austere  and  correct  habits  himself,  who  felt  more  or 
less  responsible  for  the  good  character  of  Grant  and  the 
other  officers  who  owed  their  appointment  to  his  recommen 
dation,  naturally  enough  he  made  haste  to  write  to  Raw- 
lins  for  the  real  facts  of  the  case.  The  latter  replied  fully 
and  in  detail,  without  delay : 

Headquarters,  District  of  Cairo, 

December  30,  1861. 
DEAR  WASHBURNE: 

Yours  of  the  2ist  is  at  hand.  I  was  no  less  astounded  at  the 
contents  of  your  note  than  you  must  have  been  at  the  informa 
tion  reported  to  you. 

I  thank  you  for  the  confidence  manifested  by  you  in  the  frank 
manner  of  your  inquiry.  I  feel  that  you  of  all  other  men  had  the 
right,  as  you  would  feel  it  your  duty,  to  investigate  the  charge.  I 
know  how  much  you  have  done  for  General  Grant  and  how  jeal 
ous  you  are  of  his  good  name,  and  assure  you  it  is  appreciated 
not  only  by  General  Grant  but  by  all  his  friends. 

I  will  answer  your  inquiry  fully  and  frankly,  but  first  I  would 
say  unequivocally  and  emphatically  that  the  statement  that  Gen 
eral  Grant  is  drinking  very  hard  is  utterly  untrue  and  could  have 
originated  only  in  malice. 

When  I  came  to  Cairo,  General  Grant  was  as  he  is  to-day,  a 
strictly  total  abstinence  man,  and  I  have  been  informed  by  those 
who  knew  him  well,  that  such  has  been  his  habit  for  the  last  five 
or  six  years. 

A  few  days  after  I  came  here  a  gentleman  made  him  a  present 
of  a  box  of  champagne.  On  one  or  two  occasions  he  drank  a 
glass  of  this  with  his  friends,  but  on  neither  occasion  did  he  drink 
enough  to  in  any  manner  affect  him.  About  this  time  General 
Grant  was  somewhat  dyspeptic  and  his  physician  advised  him  to 
drink  two  glasses  of  ale  or  beer  a  day.  He  followed  this  pre 
scription  for  about  one  or  two  weeks  (never  exceeding  the  two 
glasses  per  day)  and  then  being  satisfied  it  did  him  no  good,  he 
resumed  his  total  abstinence  habits,  until  some  three  or  four 
weeks  after  the  Battle  of  Belmont,  while  he  was  rooming  at  the 
St.  Charles  Hotel,  Colonel  Taylor  of  Chicago,  Mr.  Dubois,  Audi- 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  69 

tor  of  State,  and  other  friends,  were  visiting  Cairo,  and  he  was 
induced  out  of  compliment  to  them  to  drink  with  them  on  several 
occasions  but  in  no  instance  did  he  drink  enough  to  manifest  it 
to  any  one  who  did  not  see  him  drink.  About  this  time  Mr.  Os- 
borne,  President  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Company,  our 
mutual  friend  J.  M.  Douglas,  and  several  of  their  friends  made  a 
visit  to  Cairo,  and  gave  a  dinner  (or  lunch)  on  the  cars,  to  which 
the  General  and  I  were  invited  with  others ;  champagne  was  part 
of  the  fare.  Sitting  near  the  General  I  noticed  that  he  did  not 
drink  more  than  half  a  glass.  The  fact  of  his  drinking  at  all  was 
remarked  simply  because  of  his  usual  total  abstinence. 

But  no  man  can  say  that  at  any  time  since  I  have  been  with  him 
has  he  drunk  liquor  enough  to  in  the  slightest  unfit  him  for  busi 
ness,  or  make  it  manifest  in  his  words  or  actions.  At  the  time  I 
have  referred  to,  continuing  probably  a  week  or  ten  days,  he  may 
have  taken  an  occasional  drink  with  those  gentlemen  and  others 
visiting  Cairo  at  that  time,  but  never  in  a  single  instance  to  excess, 
and  at  the  end  of  that  period  he  voluntarily  stated  he  should  not 
during  the  continuance  of  the  war  again  taste  liquor  of  any  kind, 
and  for  the  past  three  or  four  weeks,  though  to  my  knowledge 
frequently  importuned  on  visits  of  friends,  he  has  not  tasted  any 
kind  of  liquor.  Ever  since  I  have  been  with  General  Grant  he 
has  sent  his  reports  in  his  own  handwriting  to  Saint  Louis,  daily 
when  there  was  matter  to  report,  and  never  less  than  three  times 
a  week,  and  during  the  period  above  referred  to  he  did  not  at  all 
relax  this  habit. 

If  there  is  any  man  in  the  service  who  has  discharged  his  duties 
faithfully  and  fearlessly,  who  has  ever  been  at  his  post  and 
guarded  the  interest  confided  to  him  with  the  utmost  vigilance, 
General  Grant  has  done  it.  Not  only  his  reports,  but  all  his  or 
ders  of  an  important  character  are  written  by  himself,  and  I  ven 
ture  here  the  statement  there  is  not  an  officer  in  the  Army  who 
discharges  the  duties  of  his  command  so  nearly  without  the  inter 
vention  of  aides,  or  assistants,  as  does  General  Grant. 

Some  ten  or  twelve  days  ago  an  article  was  published  in  the 
Chicago  Tribune,  charging  frauds  on  the  Quartermaster's  De 
partment  here,  in  the  purchase  of  lumber  at  Chicago.  General 
Grant  immediately  sent  Captain  W.  S.  Hillyer,  a  member  of  his 
staff,  to  Chicago,  with  instructions  to  thoroughly  investigate  and 
report  the  facts.  That  report  and  a  large  mass  of  testimony 
substantiating  the  charge  had  been  forwarded  to  St.  Louis  when 


70  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

orders  came  from  Washington  to  investigate  the  charge.  The 
investigation  had  already  been  made.  Thus  time  and  again  has 
he  been  able  to  send  back  the  same  answer  when  orders  were 
received  -from  St.  Louis  in  reference  to  the  affairs  of  this  District. 

I  am  satisfied  from  the  confidence  and  consideration  you  have 
manifested  in  me  that  my  statement  is  sufficient  for  you,  but 
should  the  subject  be  mooted  by  other  parties,  you  can  refer  them 
to  Colonel  J.  D.  Webster,  of  the  ist  Illinois  Artillery,  General 
Grant's  Chief  of  Staff,  who  is  well  known  in  Chicago  as  a 
man  of  unquestionable  habits.  He  has  been  counsellor  of  the 
General  through  this  campaign,  was  with  him  at  and  all  through 
the  Battle  of  Belmont,  has  seen  him  daily  and  has  had  every 
opportunity  to  know  his  habits.  I  would  further  refer  them 
to  General  Van  Renssalaer,  who  was  specially  sent  to  inspect 
the  troops  and  investigate  the  condition  of  the  District  by  Major 
General  McClellan,  and  Generals  Sturgiss  and  Sweeny,  who  were 
sent  here  by  Major  General  Halleck  for  the  same  purpose.  These 
gentlemen  after  a  full  and  thorough  investigation  returned  to  St. 
Louis  some  two  weeks  ago.  I  know  not  what  report  they  made ; 
but  this  I  do  know,  that  a  few  days  after  their  return  an  order  ar 
rived  from  St.  Louis  creating  the  District  of  Cairo,  a  District  in 
cluding  Southeast  Missouri,  Southern  Illinois,  and  all  of  Ken 
tucky  west  of  the  Cumberland,  a  District  nearly  twice  as  large 
as  General  Grant's  former  command.  I  would  refer  them  to 
Flag  Officer  A.  H.  Foote  of  the  U.  S.  Mississippi  Naval  Fleet, 
a  man  whose  actions  and  judgments  are  regulated  by  the  strictest 
New  England  standard,  a  strict  and  faithful  member  of  the  Con 
gregational  Church  who  for  months  has  had  personal  as  well  as 
official  intercourse  with  the  General. 

If  you  could  look  into  General  Grant's  countenance  at  this 
moment  you  would  want  no  other  assurance  of  his  sobriety.  He 
is  in  perfect  health,  and  his  eye  and  intellect  are  as  clear  and 
active  as  can  be. 

That  General  Grant  has  enemies  no  one  could  doubt,  who 
knows  how  much  effort  he  has  made  to  guard  against  and  ferret 
out  frauds  in  his  district,  but  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  single 
colonel  or  brigadier  general  in  his  command  who  does  not  desire 
his  promotion,  or  at  least  to  see  him  the  commanding  general  of 
a  large  division  of  the  army,  in  its  advance  down  the  Mississippi 
when  that  movement  is  made. 

Some  weeks  ago  one  of   those  irresponsible  rumors  was  set 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  71 

afloat,  that  General  Grant  was  to  be  removed  from  the  command 
of  the  District,  and  there  was  a  universal  protest  expressed 
against  it  by  both  officers  and  men. 

I  have  one  thing  more  to  say,  and  I  have  done,  this  already  long 
letter. 

None  can  feel  a  greater  interest  in  General  Grant  than  I  do ; 
I  regard  his  interest  as  my  interest,  all  that  concerns  his  reputa 
tion  concerns  me ;  I  love  him  as  a  father ;  I  respect  him  because  I 
have  studied  him  well,  and  the  more  I  know  him  the  more  I 
respect  and  love  him. 

Knowing  the  truth  I  am  willing  to  trust  my  hopes  of  the  future 
upon  his  bravery  and  temperate  habits.  Have  no  fears ;  General 
Grant  by  bad  habits  or  conduct  will  never  disgrace  himself  or 
you,  whom  he  knows  and  feels  to  be  his  best  and  warmest  friend 
(whose  unexpected  kindness  toward  him  he  will  never  forget  and 
hopes  some  time  to  be  able  to  repay) .  But  I  say  to  you  frankly, 
and  I  pledge  you  my  word  for  it,  that  should  General  Grant  at 
any  time  become  an  intemperate  man  or  an  habitual  drunkard,  I 
will  notify  you  immediately,  will  ask  to  be  removed  from  duty 
on  his  staff  (kind  as  he  has  been  to  me),  or  resign  my  commis 
sion.  For  while  there  are  times  when  I  would  gladly  throw  the 
mantle  of  charity  over  the  faults  of  friends,  at  this  time  and  from 
a  man  in  his  position  I  would  rather  tear  the  mantle  off  and 
expose  the  deformity. 

Having  made  a  full  statement  of  all  the  facts  within  my  knowl 
edge,  and  being  in  a  position  to  know  them  all  and  I  trust  done 
justice  to  the  character  of  him  whom  you  and  I  are  equally  in 
terested  in,  I  remain,  your  friend, 

JOHN  A.  RAWLiNs.1 

This  letter  speaks  for  itself  and  gives  the  best  account 
extant  of  Grant's  habits  as  they  existed  at  that  time.  It 
needs  no  comment. 

The  Battle  of  Belmont  seems  to  have  called  attention  to 
the  necessity  for  reinforcements,  and  these  in  turn  brought 
Rawlins  increased  work  in  helping  to  organize  and  instruct 
them  as  they  came  pouring  in  from  the  Northwestern  States. 
They  were,  of  course,  formed  into  regiments  before  leaving 
home;  but  many  of  them  were  unarmed  when  they  arrived, 

1  From  E.  B.  Washburne's  "Correspondence,"  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 


72  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  all  were  not  only  ignorant  of  their  military  duties,  but 
poorly  equipped  and  supplied  for  active  field  service.  They 
were  necessarily  assigned  to  brigades  as  soon  as  they  ar 
rived,  placed  in  camp,  and  put  at  once  under  such  instruction 
as  circumstances  permitted.  Meanwhile  the  older  troops, 
under  C.  F.  Smith  and  McClernand,  were  used  in  making 
reconnoissances  and  demonstrations  against  the  enemy's  po 
sition  in  Western  Kentucky. 

On  February  6,  1862,  Fort  Henry  was  taken  by  a  com 
bined  naval  and  land  attack,  and  ten  days  thereafter  Fort 
Donelson,  with  its  garrison  of  over  15,000  men  for  duty, 
were  captured  by  the  forces  under  General  Grant.  During 
these  operations  Colonel  Webster  continued  to  act  as  chief 
of  staff  while  Rawlins's  duties  as  assistant  adjutant  general 
were  confined  to  issuing  orders,  sending  out  instructions  and 
making  returns.  These  orders  announced  the  staff,  the  cre 
ation  of  brigades  and  divisions,  and  the  assignment  of  regi 
ments  thereto,  but  the  greater  number  of  them  were  dictated 
verbally  by  General  Grant  from  his  own  personal  experience, 
and  related  to  the  discipline  of  the  troops  in  camp  and  on  the 
march,  prohibiting  them  from  leaving  camp  or  going  outside 
of  the  line  of  sentinels  except  upon  duty,  forbidding  them  to 
straggle,  maraud,  or  fire  away  ammunition  upon  any  pretext 
except  in  battle;  prescribed  advanced  guards  of  cavalry  and 
rear  guards  of  infantry;  directed  that  roll  calls  should  be 
held  on  the  march  at  least  twice  a  day,  and  that  every  man 
should  be  accounted  for  on  the  daily  returns.  They  also  pro 
vided  that  loyal  refugees  coming  into  the  Union  lines  at  Cape 
Girardeau,  Paducah,  Smithland,  and  Cave-in-Rock  should 
be  gathered  together  and  be  furnished  with  food  and  quar 
ters  by  contributions  to  be  levied  upon  and  collected  from 
their  disloyal  neighbors.  In  addition  to  all  this,  details  of 
engineers,  pilots,  and  gunners  were  made  from  the  soldiers 
who  had  enlisted  from  the  river  towns,  to  provide  crews  for 
the  improvised  gunboats  and  rams,  which  were  now  coming 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  73 

from  the  boat-yards  ready  for  offensive  and  defensive  op 
erations. 

After  the  capture  of  Fort  Henry  and  pending  the  capture 
of  Fort  Donelson  many  new  regiments  were  rushed  forward 
to  reen force  those  in  the  field.  They  had  also  to  be  assigned 
to  brigades  and  divisions,  and  furnished  with  orders  and  in 
structions.  On  February  9  an  order  was  issued  requiring 
officers  to  remain  with  their  commands  and  forbidding  them 
and  their  men  alike  from  going  aboard  the  transports  except 
upon  duty. 

On  February  17  Grant's  command  was  designated  as  the 
District  of  West  Tennessee,  and  orders  were  issued  con 
gratulating  the  army  upon  its  great  victory,  prohibiting  offi 
cers  and  men  from  appropriating  captured  property,  or  from 
going  into  the  town  of  Dover,  and  distributing  to  the  various 
divisions  the  guard  duty  and  other  work  to  be  performed 
by  them.  On  the  2ist  the  force  had  swollen  to  such  great 
numbers  as  to  require  a  larger  organization,  and  accordingly 
four  divisions  were  announced,  together  with  a  partial  re 
distribution  of  regiments.  On  the  next  day  Colonel  Morti 
mer  D.  Leggett,  a  learned  and  discreet  lawyer  of  Ohio,  was 
detailed  as  Provost  Marshal  General,  and  notice  was  given 
that  no  courts  would  be  allowed  to  sit  under  State  authority 
and  that  order  would  be  maintained  throughout  the  District 
of  West  Tennessee  by  martial  law.  In  all  doubtful  cases 
Colonel  Leggett  was  required  to  consult  with  General  Hurl- 
but,  a  distinguished  lawyer  from  Northern  Illinois,  whose 
decision  should  be  final.  On  the  26th  an  order  was  issued 
referring  to  frequent  applications  on  the  part  of  citizens  for 
permission  to  enter  the  Union  camps  for  the  purpose  of  seek 
ing  for  fugitive  slaves,  and  all  officers  were  forbidden  to 
grant  permits  of  that  kind. 

Such  slaves  as  were  within  the  lines  at  the  time  of  the  capture 
of  Fort  Donelson,  and  such  as  have  been  used  by  the  enemy  in 
building  the  fortifications,  or  in  any  way  hostile  to  the  Govern- 


74  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ment,  will  not  be  released  nor  permitted  to  return  to  their  mas 
ters,  but  will  be  employed  in  the  Quartermaster's  Department 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Government. 

This  fs  noticeable  as  the  first  order  issued  in  the  West 
forbidding  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  to  the  service  of  their 
former  masters,  and  providing  for  their  employment  in  the 
Union  army. 

Owing  to  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  the  campaign,  and 
the  suspension  or  interruption  of  mail  and  telegraphic  com 
munications  with  Halleck's  headquarters  at  St.  Louis,  and 
also  to  the  failure  of  colonels  not  yet  assigned  to  brigades 
to  make  prompt  report  of  their  junction  with  the  army,  and 
proper  returns  of  the  number  of  men  in  their  regiments, 
Grant  failed  to  keep  Halleck  as  fully  informed  as  to  the 
strength  of  his  command  and  the  details  of  his  organization 
and  operations  as  was  desired,  and  was  not  only  severely  cen 
sured  therefor,  but  virtually  suspended  from  active  com 
mand.  In  spite  of  all  these  orders,  he  was  blamed  also  for 
reported  lawlessness  and  irregular  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
troops,  for  absence  from  his  command  without  the  authority 
or  knowledge  of  General  Halleck,  and  finally,  on  March  4, 
1862,  Halleck,  from  St.  Louis,  telegraphed  McClellan,  at 
Washington : 

A  rumor  has  just  reached  me  that  since  the  taking  of  Fort 
Donelson,  General  Grant  has  resumed  his  former  bad  habits.  If 
so,  it  will  account  for  his  neglect  of  my  often  repeated  orders.  I 
do  not  deem  it  advisable  to  arrest  him  at  present,  but  have  placed 
General  [C.  F.]  Smith  in  command  of  the  expedition  up  the 
Tennessee.  I  think  Smith  will  restore  order  and  discipline. 

The  substance  of  the  foregoing  message  was  evidently  com 
municated  to  the  President,  for  on  March  10  the  Adjutant 
General  of  the  Army  telegraphed  to  Halleck  as  follows : 

It  has  been  reported  that  soon  after  the  Battle  of  Fort  Donel 
son  Brigadier  General  Grant  left  his  command  without  leave.  By 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  75 

direction  of  the  President,  the  Secretary  of  War  desires  you  to 
ascertain  and  report  whether  General  Grant  left  his  command  at 
any  time  without  proper  authority,  and  if  so  for  how  long; 
whether  he  has  made  to  you  proper  reports  and  returns  of  his 
force;  whether  he  has  committed  any  acts  which  were  unau 
thorized,  or  not  in  accordance  with  military  subordination  or  pro 
priety,  and  if  so,  what. 

To  this  minatory  message  Halleck  on  March  15,  replied: 

In  accordance  with  your  instructions  of  the  loth  instant,  I  re 
port  that  General  Grant  and  several  officers  of  high  rank  in  his 
command  immediately  after  the  Battle  of  Fort  Donelson,  went  to 
Nashville  without  my  authority  or  knowledge.  I  am  satisfied, 
however,  from  investigation  that  General  Grant  did  this  from 
good  intentions  and  from  a  desire  to  subserve  the  public  inter 
ests.  Not  being  advised  of  General  Buell's  movements  and  learn 
ing  that  General  Buell  had  ordered  Smith's  division  of  his 
(Grant's)  command  to  Nashville,  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  go 
there  in  person.  During  the  absence  of  General  Grant  and  a  part 
of  his  general  officers,  numerous  irregularities  are  said  to  have 
occurred  at  Fort  Donelson.  These  were  in  violation  of  the  orders 
issued  by  General  Grant  before  his  departure,  and  probably 
under  the  circumstances  were  unavoidable. 

General  Grant  has  made  the  proper  explanation  and  has  been 
ordered  to  resume  his  command  in  the  field.  As  he  acted  from 
praiseworthy  although  mistaken  zeal  for  the  public  service  in 
going  to  Nashville  and  leaving  his  command,  I  respectfully  rec 
ommend  that  no  further  notice  be  taken  of  it.  There  never  has 
been  any  want  of  military  subordination  on  the  part  of  General 
Grant,  and  his  failure  to  make  returns  of  his  forces  has  been 
explained  as  resulting  from  the  failure  of  colonels  of  regiments 
to  report  to  him  on  their  arrival,  and  partly  from  an  interruption 
of  telegraphic  communication.  All  these  irregularities  have  now 
been  remedied. 

The  Official  Records  published  by  the  War  Department  do 
not  show  any  explanations  or  reports  from  Grant  to  Halleck 
between  March  4  and  15,  nor  any  of  an  earlier  date,  touching 
the  rumor  mentioned  in  Halleck's  despatch  of  the  4th  to  Mc- 
Clellan ;  and  it  will  be  observed  that  Halleck's  telegram  of  the 


76  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

1 5th  to  Thomas,  the  Adjutant  General,  is  entirely  silent  in 
regard  thereto,  and  that  while  it  exonerates  Grant  from  blame 
for  leaving  his  command  without  authority,  and  declares  that 
"there  had  never  been  any  lack  of  military  subordination  on 
the  part  of  Grant,"  it  ignores  the  alleged  "acts  not  in  ac 
cordance  with  military  propriety,"  and  makes  no  explana 
tion  whatever  touching  the  rumor  or  the  underlying  facts. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  while  Halleck  and  Grant  were 
never  intimate,  it  is  not  impossible — indeed,  it  is  altogether 
likely — that  such  a  purely  personal  matter  as  Grant's  habits 
in  the  field  would  have  been  discussed,  if  at  all,  in  an  unofficial 
way  through  the  medium  of  private  correspondence,  and  it 
has  been  suggested  that  such  a  correspondence  took  place, 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the  published  records.  Indeed, 
the  latter  contain  nothing  touching  this  delicate  subject  ex 
cept  the  three  telegrams  already  quoted.  As  far  as  now 
known,  Grant's  spirited  assertion  that  he  had  gone  to  Nash 
ville  solely  in  the  public  interest  and  had  not  started  on  the 
trip  till  he  had  reported  through  the  proper  channels  that  such 
was  his  intention,  supported  and  emphasized  as  it  was  by  an 
indignant  and  manly  request  to  be  relieved  from  further  duty 
under  Halleck,  was  the  only  "proper  explanation"  ever  of 
fered  by  him.  It  was  an  all-sufficient  reason  why  he  should 
be  restored  to  the  command  of  which  he  had  been  so  unjustly 
deprived. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  statement  is  not  inconsistent 
with  the  telegraphic  correspondence  between  Halleck,  Mc- 
Clellan,  and  the  Adjutant  General  at  Washington.  There  is 
not  the  slightest  doubt  that  a  great  wrong  had  been  done  to 
Grant,  by  relieving  him,  on  an  unsupported  rumor  of  this 
character,  from  active  command  in  the  full  tide  of  a  success 
ful  campaign,  and  ordering  him  to  remain  at  Fort  Henry 
while  a  large  portion  of  his  army  was  sent  forward  into  the 
enemy's  country  under  his  subordinate,  C.  F.  Smith.  Nothing 
less  than  the  confirmation  of  the  rumor  could  have  justified 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  77 

such  treatment,  and  Rawlins  always  declared  that  this  rumor 
was  entirely  without  foundation. 

Grant's  own  account  of  this  important  episode  is  given  in  a 
letter  to  his  wife  as  follows : 

.  .  .  All  the  slander  you  have  seen  against  me  originated  away 
from  where  I  was.  The  only  foundation  was  the  fact  that  I  was 
ordered  to  remain  at  Fort  Henry  and  send  the  expedition  up  the 
Tennessee  River  under  command  of  Major  General  C.  F.  Smith. 
This  was  ordered  because  General  Halleck  received  no  report 
from  me  for  nearly  two  weeks  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Donelson. 
The  same  occurred  to  me.  I  received  nothing  from  him,  and 
the  consequence  was  I  apparently  totally  disregarded  his  orders. 
The  fact  was  he  was  ordering  me  every  day  to  report  the  condi 
tion  of  my  command  and  I  was  not  receiving  the  orders,  but 
knowing  my  duties,  was  reporting  daily,  and  when  anything 
occurred  to  make  it  necessary,  two  or  three  times  a  day.  When  I 
was  ordered  to  remain  behind  it  was  the  cause  of  much  astonish 
ment  among  the  troops  of  my  command  and  also  a  disappoint 
ment.  When  I  was  again  ordered  to  join  them  they  showed  I 
believe  heartfelt  joy.2 

The  precise  date  or  author  of  this  "slander"  cannot  now  be 
discovered,  but  that  it  had  been  set  afloat  can  hardly  be  con 
sidered  as  strange.  That  a  rumor  prejudicial  to  Grant's  char 
acter  was  on  its  way  and  doing  its  baneful  work  was  fully 
known  to  the  leading  officers  in  that  district,  and  especially 
to  Rawlins,  as  early  as  December  30.  This  is  shown  by  his 
letter  of  that  date  to  Washburne. 

This  rumor  and  those  which  followed  had  an  important 
influence  upon  Grant's  career  not  only  then  but  for  many 
months  thereafter,  and  necessarily  resulted  in  establishing  still 
closer  and  more  intimate  relations  between  him  and  Rawlins. 
There  could  be  no  concealment  as  to  the  rumor,  or  the  slander, 
or  as  to  the  real  facts  between  the  commanding  general  and 

2  It  has  been  suggested  by  General  G.  M.  Dodge  that  much  of  the  cor 
respondence  between  Grant  and  Halleck  pertaining  to  the  Donelson  cam 
paign  went  to  the  end  of  the  telegraph  line  where  the  operator  was  a 
rebel,  who  deserted,  taking  with  him  all  the  despatches  in  his  possession. 
This  may  account  for  the  fact  that  there  are  so  few  despatches  found  in 
the  "Official  Records"  for  this  period. 


78  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

his  confidential  friend  and  staff  officer.  Whether  the  rumor 
was  true  or  false,  is  not  now  the  question,  but  it  had  cer 
tainly  neached  Halleck,  who  made  haste  to  repeat  it  to  the 
General-in-Chief  at  Washington.  Without  reference  to  its 
date,  its  origin,  or  its  truthfulness,  there  seems  to  be  no 
doubt  that  disappointed  contractors,  reporters,  camp  follow 
ers,  and  even  rival  generals,  concurred  in  giving  it  currency. 
Unfortunately  it  came  to  be  widely  believed,  and  this  belief, 
more  than  anything  else,  caused  Grant,  in  spite  of  his  great 
victories,  to  be  looked  upon  with  suspicion  and  disfavor  in 
both  public  and  private  life.  Nor  is  there  any  doubt  that  the 
rumor,  however  started,  was  primarily  the  cause  of  the  dis 
trust  which  was  shown  by  both  McClellan  and  the  Secretary 
of  War,  as  well  as  by  Halleck,  throughout  the  Shiloh,  Corinth, 
Tallahatchie,  and  Vicksburg  campaigns,  until  the  fall  of  Vicks- 
burg  at  length  relieved  the  public  mind  of  all  anxiety  on  that 
account  and  brought  the  President,  with  characteristic  humor, 
to  declare  to  a  delegation  of  worthy  citizens  who  came  to 
counsel  with  and  advise  him  about  the  matter: 

"I  can't  say  whether  Grant  is  a  drinking  man  or  not,  but  if 
he  is,  I  should  like  to  know  where  he  buys  his  liquor  as  I  wish- 
to  present  each  one  of  my  army  commanders  with  a  barrel  of 
the  same  brand." 

In  justice  to  Grant,  it  should  be  here  clearly  stated  that 
Rawlins  continued  to  declare,  as  in  the  Washburne  letter,  that 
the  damaging  rumor  had  been  put  into  circulation  by  Grant's 
enemies  and  rivals  for  the  purpose  of  injuring  him  with  the 
Washington  authorities,  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  was  the  foun 
dation  for  a  widespread  apprehension  that  if  not  true,  it 
might  become  true  at  any  time,  and  this  was  doubtless  the 
source  of  constant  anxiety  not  only  to  Rawlins  but  to  many 
other  friends  of  Grant.  It  therefore  became  the  duty  of 
Rawlins,  as  staff  officer  and  friend,  to  be  ever  watchful  and 
vigilant;  and  it  is  a  fact  worthy  of  all  praise  that  he  per- 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  79 

formed  that  duty  till  the  end  of  the  war  with  such  fidelity 
and  courage  as  to  effectually  protect  the  interests  of  his  Chief, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  shield  the  national  cause  from  all 
injury  which  might  be  brought  upon  it  by  Grant's  habits  or 
by  exaggerated  reports  as  to  their  actual  character  and  im 
portance.  No  student  of  history  can  read  the  journals  and 
correspondence  of  that  period  without  perceiving  that  rumors 
were  a  significant  factor,  affecting  not  only  Grant's  reputa 
tion  but  his  relations  with  those  in  authority  over  him,  as  well 
as  with  the  great  events  then  taking  place.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  such  was  certainly  the  case  and  that  both  Rawlins 
and  Grant  are  long  since  dead,  it  would  be  an  inexcusable 
omission  for  the  biographer  of  either  of  those  important 
characters  to  ignore  or  minimize  its  importance. 

Unfortunately  I  shall  have  occasion  to  advert  to  this  sub 
ject  again  before  concluding  this  narrative,  but  for  the  present, 
whether  its  actual  importance  was  great  or  small,  it  may  be 
truthfully  declared  that,  so  far  as  known,  it  never  injuriously 
influenced  Grant's  action  or  his  plans  in  regard  to  either  a 
campaign  or  a  battle.  It  has  never  been  charged  that  it  at 
any  time  induced  him  to  march  or  fight  when  he  ought  not  to 
have  done  so,  nor  to  refrain  from  marching  or  fighting  when 
circumstances  were  favorable  to  this  course.  Moreover,  it  is 
confidently  claimed  that  it  never  caused  Grant  to  blunder  or 
to  seriously  neglect  a  duty,  nor  to  perform  one  in  a  manner 
different  from  that  which  would  have  been  adopted  had  he 
been  the  most  abstemious  of  men.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
not  to  be  denied  that  it  materially  increased  the  influence  and 
responsibility  of  Rawlins  at  headquarters,  or  that  it  led  to  a 
sort  of  moral  supervision  over  Grant  and  his  surroundings 
which,  however,  unusual  or  inconvenient,  although  self-im 
posed  by  Rawlins,  was  of  the  greatest  advantage  both  to 
Grant  and  to  the  country.  This  fact,  which  was  no  less  cred 
itable  to  the  Chief  than  to  the  subordinate,  was  generally 
known  to  the  leading  officers  of  the  army  at  the  time,  and  did 


8o  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

much  to  secure  not  only  their  support  and  respect  for  Rawlins 
but  their  loyal  cooperation  in  all  measures  of  discipline  as  well 
as  in  all  of  the  great  movements  which  were  conducted  by 
Grant. 

During  the  Donelson  campaign,  in  addition  to  acting  as 
adjutant  general  of  the  forces  and,  upon  important  occasions, 
as  senior  aid-de-camp,  Rawlins  also  performed  the  delicate 
and  important  duties  of  censor  over  the  telegraphic  press  de 
spatches.  Smarting  under  the  injury  inflicted  upon  him  by 
rumors  which  he  believed  to  be  malicious,  Grant  specially  di 
rected  that  no  reports  reflecting  upon  C.  F.  Smith  should  be 
permitted  to  go  over  the  telegraph  lines.  That  distinguished 
veteran  was  a  Regular  of  great  experience  and  the  highest 
quality,  but  "rumor"  also  reported  him  as  having  been  drunk 
during  the  campaign,  and  Grant  did  not  hesitate  to  resort  to 
the  most  arbitrary  measures  to  prevent  the  spread  of  such 
reports.  He  declared  that  any  criticism  of  Smith  was  "sure 
to  be  a  lie."  He  bitterly  denounced  all  who  took  part  in  set 
ting  such  rumors  afloat,  and  especially  the  contractors,  whom 
he  had  thwarted  at  Cairo,  and  who  had  early  begun  to  cry  out 
against  the  "red  tape"  and  the  "bad  habits"  of  the  Regular 
officers.  He  went  so  far  in  his  efforts  to  reach  and  punish 
that  class  of  offenders,  who  were  also  the  chief  scandal 
mongers,  as  to  seriously  recommend  in  his  correspondence 
with  Halleck  the  enactment  of  a  law  which  would  permit  the 
impressment  of  "all  fraudulent  contractors  into  the  ranks,  or, 
still  better,  into  the  gunboat  service  where  they  could  have 
no  chance  of  deserting." 

The  Donelson  campaign,  with  its  strange  experiences,  gave 
Rawlins  a  clear  insight  into  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of 
military  life.  It  taught  him  the  necessity  of  full  and  accurate 
knowledge  on  his  part  and  of  a  complete  record  in  his  office 
not  only  of  what  went  on  throughout  the  command  but  of 
what  took  place  in  and  about  headquarters.  If  he  had  not 
already  learned  from  regulations  and  books,  or  from  the 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  81 

commanding  general,  that  the  adjutant  should  have  charge 
and  supervision  of  every  order  and  communication  from 
headquarters,  whether  with  the  troops,  the  surrounding  coun 
try,  the  Department  or  Division  headquarters,  or  with  the 
Government  at  Washington,  his  experience  during  this  period 
of  rumor  and  detraction  would  have  taught  him  the  absolute 
necessity  for  such  an  exercise  of  authority  and  responsibility. 
He  was  an  apt  pupil,  and  although  he  found  himself  in  a 
strange  environment,  amidst  unexpected  scenes  and  complica 
tions,  he  grasped  the  elements  of  the  problem  with  which  he 
had  to  deal  and  at  once  became  an  acknowledged  factor  of 
great  power  and  influence  in  the  daily  administration  of  the 
army,  as  well  as  in  the  personal  and  official  fortunes  of  its 
Chief. 

Notwithstanding  the  capture  of  Fort  Henry  and  the  ex 
traordinary  victory  at  Fort  Donelson,  the  period  which  fol 
lowed  was  one  of  great  discouragement  to  Grant.  The  dis 
tribution  of  military  authority  at  that  time  was  peculiar. 
Halleck  had  general  control  over  Missouri,  Southern  Illinois, 
West  Tennessee,  and  West  Kentucky;  Buell  had  similar  con 
trol  over  the  rest  of  Kentucky,  while  Grant  himself,  who  had 
been  in  command  of  a  district  including  Southeastern  Mis 
souri,  Southern  Illinois,  and  Southwestern  Kentucky,  and  had 
by  a  bold  and  masterly  stroke  broken  the  enemy's  main  de 
fensive  line  in  its  most  important  strategic  section,  was  now 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  new  District  of  West  Ten 
nessee;  but  the  limits  of  these  widely  distributed  commands 
were  necessarily  vague  and  ill-defined,  while  the  relations 
between  the  commanders  were,  if  possible,  still  more  uncer 
tain.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  Grant  was  under  the 
direct  orders  of  Halleck,  whose  headquaters  were  at  St.  Louis, 
and  made  his  reports  and  returns  to  that  officer,  while  both 
Halleck  and  Buell  reported  to  and  received  their  general  in 
structions  from  McClellan,  who  was  then  General-in-Chief  at 
Washington.  At  the  same  time  it  should  be  remembered  that 


82  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

all  territorial  commanders  for  certain  administrative  pur 
poses,  also  had  direct  communication  with  the  War  Depart 
ment  through  the  adjutant  general  of  the  army.  And  what 
is  still  more  curious,  it  now  appears  from  the  published  rec 
ords  that  McClernand,  who  had  been  an  important  Demo 
cratic  politician  and  member  of  Congress  from  Illinois,  and  a 
fellow  townsman  of  Lincoln,  but  was  now  one  of  Grant's 
subordinates,  from  the  beginning  had  important  if  not  fre 
quent  correspondence  with  both  McClellan  and  the  President. 
The  situation  was  at  best  a  complicated  one,  and  as  a  con 
sequence,  neither  the  military  administration  nor  the  practical 
operations  of  the  armies  in  the  field  were  conducted  upon  any 
well-matured  system  or  plan.  They  lacked  unity  as  well  as 
force,  and  much  valuable  time  was  lost,  after  the  capture  of 
Fort  Donelson,  in  desultory  suggestions  and  movements  or  in 
waiting  for  formal  orders.  The  difficulties  so  far  as  Grant 
was  concerned,  were  still  further  exaggerated  by  the  petulant 
complaints  and  exactions  of  Halleck,  by  his  manifest  lack  of 
confidence  in  his  lieutenant  and  finally  by  the  fact  that  the 
army  itself  had  become  penetrated  by  a  feeling  of  distrust 
towards  a  commander  of  whom  it  had  heard  the  "rumor" 
alluded  to  in  Halleck's  despatch  to  McClellan.  This  army 
was  made  up  of  the  most  intelligent  men  from  all  parts  of 
the  Northwestern  States,  who  had  by  their  home  correspon 
dence  doubtless  given  these  rumors  wide  and  authoritative 
circulation.  The  result  was  that  they  were  just  as  effective 
in  shaking  the  confidence  of  the  country  in  Grant  as  if  they 
had  been  true.  New  troops  were  coming  forward  almost 
daily;  the  war  correspondent  was  on  the  alert,  and  both 
troops  and  correspondent  gave  immediate  currency  to  every 
rumor  that  was  started.  A  state  of  anxiety  and  distrust  pre 
vailed  in  the  minds  of  both  officers  and  men,  which  did  much 
to  arouse  apprehension  at  home.  The  history  of  what  actually 
took  place  during  the  next  two  months  was  difficult  enough  to 
follow  in  detail  till  the  Records  were  published  in  full,  but 


EVENTS  IN  KENTUCKY  83 

when  all  the  orders  issued,  and  countermanded,  by  Halleck 
from  his  headquarters  at  St.  Louis,  two  or  three  hundred 
miles  away,  are  considered,  it  will  be  seen  that  an  almost  hope 
less  state  of  confusion  existed  in  his  mind  as  well  as  in  that  of 
the  country  at  large. 

On  March  5,  1862,  Grant's  headquarters  were  removed 
from  Fort  Donelson  to  Fort  Henry,  and  C.  F.  Smith,  in  pur 
suance  of  Halleck's  instructions,  was  ordered  to  take  com 
mand  of  the  expedition  which  Grant,  by  virtue  of  his  seniority, 
had  naturally  expected  to  conduct  in  the  direction  of  Eastport 
on  the  Tennessee  River.  This  expedition  was  at  first  ordered 
to  destroy  the  railroad  bridge  over  Bear  Creek  near  that  town, 
and  then  to  break  up  the  railroad  connections  and  crossings  at 
Corinth,  Jackson,  and  Humboldt,  in  the  order  named.  Shortly 
after  starting,  Smith  fell  sick,  and  was  badly  injured  by  a  fall, 
whereupon  Grant,  who  had  at  last  been  credited  with  making 
"satisfactory  explanations,"  was,  as  before  stated,  permitted 
to  resume  command.  Absurd  as  it  may  appear,  the  orders 
then  at  hand  required  him  on  the  completion  of  the  designated 
work,  to  withdraw  his  force,  "return  to  Danville  and  move 
on  Paris."  These  places  it  will  be  observed  had  never  been 
occupied  by  any  part  of  his  command,  but  lay  in  Buell's  com 
mand,  several  hundred  miles  to  the  northeast  in  the  heart  of 
Kentucky.  On  the  very  next  day,  Halleck  sent  orders  that 
"there  should  be  no  delay  in  destroying  the  bridge  at  Corinth 
or  Bear  Creek,"  and  that  if  successful  the  expedition  would 
not  return  to  Danville,  "but  encamp  at  Savannah  unless 
threatened  by  superior  numbers." 

Shortly  afterwards  Buell's  army  in  Kentucky,  whose  front 
had  been  freed  from  the  presence  of  the  enemy  by  Grant's 
victory  at  Donelson,  was  put  in  motion  and  without  serious 
opposition,  found  itself  soon  in  Nashville,  where  Grant  in  the 
rightful  exercise  of  his  discretion  as  the  commander  of  a  co 
operating  army,  met  Buell  for  a  conference,  the  final  result  of 
which  was  that  the  latter  was  wisely  instructed  by  McClellan 


84  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  march  across  the  country  in  the  direction  of  Savannah  on 
the  Tennessee  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  junction  with 
Grant  and  thus  concentrating  an  overwhelming  force  against 
the  enemy. 

Thus  certainty  began  to  take  the  place  of  uncertainty,  order 
the  place  of  disorder;  and  thus  both  Grant  and  his  adjutant 
general  saw  the  plans  of  operation  in  that  region  assuming 
definite  shape,  while  the  administration  of  the  force  in  the 
field  under  their  direction  was  rapidly  becoming  systematic 
and  effective.  They  were  again  in  command  of  a  moving 
and  confident  army  which  was  daily  growing  in  strength,  but 
they  were  beset  by  gathering  dangers  of  another  sort  of  which 
they  were  more  or  less  unconscious  but  which  imperilled  their 
future,  taught  them  at  the  same  time  lessons  of  self-reliance 
and  wisdom  and  gave  them  that  practical  experience  in  mili 
tary  operations  without  which  they  could  not  hope  to  gain 
complete  or  permanent  success. 


VII 

SHILOH 

Campaign  and  Battle  of  Shiloh — Grant  Again  Virtually  Sus 
pended — Supported  by  Rawlins  and  Sherman — Controversies 
and  111  Feeling  Growing  out  of  Campaign. 

THE  battle  of  Pittsburgh  Landing  or  of  Shiloh  Meeting 
House  took  place  on  Sunday,  April  6,  1862.  It  was  brought 
on  by  the  Confederate  forces,  about  40,000  strong,  advancing 
from  Corinth,  the  railroad  center  against  which  two  Federal 
armies  had  been  directed,  but  which  neither  had  reached 
as  yet. 

Buell  had  marched  slowly  from  Nashville,  but  was  within 
a  few  miles  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Tennessee.  Grant 
had  notified  him,  on  his  approach,  that  there  was  no  special 
reason  for  hurrying,  but  feeling  somewhat  uneasy  about  the 
real  plans  of  the  enemy,  he  took  the  precaution  of  sending  a 
note  to  Sherman  at  the  front,  by  McPherson  asking  for  a 
report  of  the  condition  of  things  and  whether  it  was  safe  for 
him  to  remain  at  Savannah  for  a  conference  with  Buell. 
Sherman  replied  with  the  information  that  the  enemy  had 
appeared  in  his  front  with  cavalry,  infantry  and  artillery  "six 
miles  out,"  but  he  did  not  "apprehend  anything  like  an  at 
tack  on  our  position."  Relying  fully  on  Sherman's  judgment, 
Grant  wrote  Halleck  the  same  evening  that  he  had  "scarcely 
the  faintest  idea  of  a  general  attack,"  but  would  be  "prepared 
should  such  a  thing  take  place."  But  the  fact  is  that  the 
enemy  had  been  three  days  floundering  through  the  mud  from 
Corinth,  less  than  twenty  miles  away,  and  was  by  Saturday 
night  within  two  miles  of  the  Union  lines,  where  no  prepara- 

85 


86  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

tions  whatever  had  been  made  to  resist  him  or  even  to  make 
him  disclose  his  purposes.  The  Union  troops  were  encamped 
without  special  reference  to  a  defensive  battle  and  in  total 
disregard  of  the  necessity  for  mutual  support  and  defense. 
No  entrenchments  or  earthworks  of  any  kind  had  been  con 
structed,  and  neither  the  pickets  nor  the  grand  guards  were 
sufficiently  far  out  or  sufficiently  in  touch  with  each  other  to 
give  adequate  warning  or  to  make  adequate  resistance  to  the 
enemy's  advance. 

The  enemy  moved  to  the  attack  on  Sunday  morning  as 
soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  see,  and  although  he  did  not 
find  many  of  the  Union  soldiers  in  their  beds,  nor  fall  upon 
them  before  they  could  form  their  lines,  as  has  frequently  been 
stated,  it  was  in  a  military  sense  a  complete  surprise.  The 
truth  of  this  statement  is  established  beyond  controversy  by 
the  simple  fact  that  nearly  every  general's  and  field  officer's 
official  report  admits  or  declares  in  terms  that  the  organiza 
tion  to  which  it  refers  was  surprised  by  the  enemy's  attack  in 
force.  It  is  but  fair  to  observe,  however,  that  both  Grant  and 
Sherman  persisted  in  denying  to  the  day  of  their  death  in  face 
of  overwhelming  evidence,  that  such  was  the  case. 

As  has  been  shown,  Grant  himself  was  not  on  the  field  when 
the  battle  began,  but  received  his  first  knowledge  of  it  at 
Savannah,  some  seven  or  eight  miles  further  down  the  river, 
from  the  booming  of  distant  artillery.  Knowing  too  well  the 
significance  of  that  sound,  he  sent  word  at  once  to  Buell  to 
hasten  his  advance,  and  went  forward  by  boat  to  Pittsburgh 
Landing,  stopping  on  the  way  at  Crumps'  Landing,  between 
four  and  five  miles  from  the  scene  of  battle,  and  there  gave 
Lew  Wallace  a  verbal  order  "to  hold  his  division  in  readiness 
to  march  at  a  moment's  notice."  As  soon  as  he  learned  that 
a  heavy  battle  was  going  on  at  the  front  he  sent  back  a  written 
order,  which,  it  is  possible,  never  reached  Wallace,  "to  move 
up  at  once  by  the  river  road,"  and  growing  impatient  as  the 
battle  deepened,  he  sent  first  Rowley  and  then  Rawlins  and 


SHILOH  87 

• 

finally  McPherson,  to  hurry  the  belated  division  to  the  front. 
By  some  strange  fatality  Wallace  was  slow  in  moving,  and 
when  he  did  move  it  was  by  the  road  west  of  the  creek  instead 
of  the  one  along  the  river  bank.  As  a  consequence,  he  was  at 
last  forced  to  countermarch  to  find  a  bridge  and  get  on  his 
right  road,  but  failed  to  arrive  on  the  field  in  time  to  take  part 
in  the  day's  fighting.  He  was  severely  condemned  by  Grant 
at  the  time  and  for  years  afterwards,  while  Rawlins,  from 
a  minute  and  painstaking  study  of  the  case,  always  contended 
that  this  condemnation  was  fully  justified  by  the  facts.  He 
never  failed  to  assert,  with  the  earnest  vehemence  which  char 
acterized  him,  that  no  excuse  could  be  found  for  a  division 
commander,  with  or  without  orders,  who  should  march  and 
countermarch  all  day  within  sound  of  a  furious  battle,  less 
than  five  miles  away,  without  getting  into  it.  It  is  true  that 
Wallace  was  separated  from  the  battle-field  by  a  creek  at 
flood,  but  there  were  both  bridges  and  transports,  in  sufficient 
number  and  proximity,  but  still  the  junction  was  not  made. 

Years  afterwards  Grant  took  up  and  reviewed  the  case  and 
exonerated  Wallace  from  blame,  but  it  should  be  stated  that 
every  fact  set  forth  in  the  "Official  Records"  and  correspon 
dence,  was  marshalled  and  considered  by  Rawlins,  during  the 
preparation  of  Grant's  official  reports,  while  all  the  important 
witnesses  were  living  and  the  incident  of  the  day  still  fresh  in 
their  minds.  No  important  facts  not  previously  known  were 
discovered  by  Grant,  hence  it  may  be  inferred  that  had  Raw 
lins  lived,  his  conclusion  in  this  case  would  not  have  been 
reversed. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  describe  in  detail  the  bloody  struggle, 
which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Prentiss  and  the  greater  part 
of  his  division,  the  dispersion  of  Sherman's  raw  regiments, 
the  repulse  of  McClernand,  Hurlbut,  and  W.  H.  L.  Wallace, 
with  the  entire  national  line,  the  culmination  of  the  struggle  in 
the  death  of  Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  the  Confederate  general 
issimo,  and  the  final  rally  of  Grant's  broken  but  still  resolute 


88  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

forces  near  the  steamboat  landing.  The  strength  of  the  op 
posing  armies,  even  with  Lew  Wallace  absent,  was  nearly 
equal.  Each  had  fought  the  other  to  a  standstill  in  a  battle 
which  was  almost  constant  from  daylight  till  the  middle  of 
the  afternoon,  and  which  was  indubitably  the  bloodiest  of  the 
war  up  to  that  time. 

Bad  as  the  outlook  was  for  Grant's  hard-pressed  battalions, 
as  the  day  was  drawing  to  its  close  the  opportune  arrival  of 
the  advance-guard  of  Buell's  army  put  a  new  phase  upon  the 
struggle.  Nelson's  division  was  ferried  across  the  river  at 
Pittsburgh  Landing  and  was  the  first  to  reach  the  stricken 
field.  It  was  followed  by  Crittenden's  and  McCook's  divi 
sions,  which  were  brought  from  Savannah  by  the  transports, 
but  did  not  reach  the  fighting  line  till  early  Monday  morning. 
But  the  stubborn  resistance  of  Grant's  troops,  the  death  of 
the  Confederate  generalissimo,  and  the  enfilading  fire  of  the 
Federal  gunboats  seem  to  have  paralyzed  the  Confederate 
onset  before  darkness  actually  ended  the  conflict.  Fortunately, 
too,  Buell's  army  was  united  and  at  hand  in  time  to  take  the 
offensive  early  on  Monday  morning,  but  the  actual  crisis  had 
passed  the  evening  before  and  the  Confederates  had  lost  their 
opportunity  forever. 

Grant  and  his  staff  had  borne  themselves  bravely  and  well. 
Sherman,  McClernand,  Prentiss,  W.  H.  L.  Wallace,  and,  in 
deed,  every  other  general  on  the  Union  side,  except  Lew  Wal 
lace,  had  faced  the  storm  of  battle  with  uncommon  courage. 
Buell  arrived  on  the  field  in  person  at  about  two  o'clock  Sun 
day  afternoon,  when  the  confusion  was  the  greatest  and  the 
hope  of  victory  the  lowest.  Grant  met  him  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  with  his  headquarters  boat,  the  Tigress,  and  brought 
him  quickly  to  the  scene  of  battle.  On  their  way  through  the 
sickening  crowd  of  stragglers  who  lined  the  bank  near  the 
landing,  Buell  asked  Grant  what  preparations  he  had  made 
for  retreating,  to  which  Grant  replied  with  composure  and 
courage:  "I  haven't  despaired  of  whipping  them  yet!  .  .  . 


SHILOH  89 

Should  it  come  to  a  defeat,"  he  added,  "we  can  make  a  bridge 
of  boats  across  the  river  and  protect  it  with  artillery.  But  in 
that  event,''  he  continued,  "there  won't  be  many  men  to  re 
treat." 

This  ended  the  colloquy.  Grant  went  about  his  business, 
while  Buell,  with  soldierly  promptitude,  made  haste  to  place 
the  oncoming  veterans  of  Nelson's  division  in  line  of  battle. 
Their  appearance  was  timely  and  their  advance,  which  was 
begun  at  once,  turned  the  tide  which  had  already  begun  to 
ebb,  recaptured  the  guns  which  had  been  lost,  reoccupied  a 
part  of  the  camps  and  advanced  positions  which  had  been 
abandoned,  and  pushed  back  the  worn  out  and  discouraged 
Confederates  all  along  the  front.  But  it  was  too  late  to  con 
vert  defeat  into  an  overwhelming  and  complete  victory. 
Night  put  an  end  to  the  battle,  with  the  opposing  armies  con 
fronting  each  other  substantially  as  they  had  been  before  the 
battle  began  in  the  morning. 

It  is  useless  to  consider  whether  Buell  could  have  reached 
the  field  earlier,  or  whether  his  leading  division  could  have 
driven  the  broken  and  dispirited  enemy  further  that  night. 

It  is  equally  foreign  to  this  narrative  to  consider  whether 
either  commander  was  at  fault  for  the  incompleteness  of  the 
result.  Both  had  done  their  best,  and  the  first  day's  fighting 
with  its  frightful  losses  and  its  varying  fortunes  was  at  an 
end.  The  whole  of  Buell's  army  was  at  hand  though  greatly 
fatigued  by  its  closing  march,  and  hence  it  was  perhaps  wisely 
decided  that  nothing  more  could  be  done  till  dawn  the  next 
morning.  Even  then  it  was  too  late  to  bring  the  enemy  to  a 
decided  stand,  for  having  lost  his  greatest  general  and  already 
been  foiled  in  his  main  object,  he  had  begun  the  night  before 
to  withdraw  his  main  body  towards  Corinth,  leaving  only  a 
strong  rear  guard  to  delay  the  pursuit. 

This  summary  of  events  is  based  largely  upon  Richardson's 
"Personal  History,"  in  the  preparation  of  which  Rawlins  was 
freely  consulted  and  upon  reports  from  other  sources  gathered 


90  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

after  the  end  of  the  War.  It  is  besides  in  strict  accord  with 
the  accounts  which  Rawlins  repeatedly  gave  me  afterwards. 
He  shared  all  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  his  Chief,  wrote 
and  transmitted  all  the  orders,  carried  several  of  the  most 
important  ones  and  took  the  keenest  interest  in  every  incident. 
Fortunately  he  availed  himself  of  the  first  lull  in  the  campaign 
to  write  to  his  mother,  and  as  his  letter  tells  how  the  battle 
appeared  to  him  at  that  time,  I  give  it  in  full  as  follows : 

Pittsburgh  Landing,  April  8,  1862. 

.  .  .  Yesterday's  sun  went  down  on  one  of  the  hottest  contests 
[that  ever  took  place]  on  this  continent,  rivaling  any  in  the 
numbers  engaged  and  equaling  any  in  its  importance.  The  enemy 
had  fortified  himself  since  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion.  The 
capture  of  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson  opened  their  eyes  to  the 
fact  that  no  fortifications  could  be  built  so  as  not  to  be  taken,  and 
a  new  order  of  things  was  to  be  inaugurated.  They  were  to  bring 
the  ''Northern  Hessians"  into  an  engagement  in  the  open  field 
and  there  Southern  chivalry  would  surely  triumph. 

On  Sunday  morning,  clear,  bright  and  beautiful,  they  began  the 
attack,  and  during  the  entire  day  the  battle  raged  with  varying 
fortune.  They  had  110,000  men;  we  not  half  that  number, 
who  could  be  brought  into  the  fight.  About  5  o'clock  p.  M.  they 
had  driven  our  forces  from  all  our  outer  camps,  and  then  we 
looked  (as  Napoleon  did  for  Grouchy  or  night)  for  Buell  or 
Wallace  or  night,  each  of  whom  had  notice  and  was  ordered 
forward  to  reenforce  us. 

Just  when  they  were  needed,  and  not  a  moment  too  soon, 
Buell's  advanced  forces,  ten  thousand  strong,  arrived  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  were  quickly  crossed  to  the  side  of 
conflict,  and  checked  the  enemy.  Night  setting  in  they  fell  back 
and  occupied  many  of  the  camps  of  our  men,  to  renew  the  fight 
that  had  evidently  closed  favorably  to  the  South.  During  the 
afternoon  and  night  General  McCook's,  Crittenden's  and  Wood's 
divisions  arrived,  and  Wallace's  division  also,  giving  us  40,000 
reinforcements  in  fresh  troops. 

Instead  of  waiting  for  an  attack  on  Monday  morning,  we  at 
tacked  the  enemy  and  fought  until  night,  regaining  all  our  old 
positions  and  utterly  routing  the  enemy  who  left  their  dead  and 
wounded  on  the  field,  burned  many  of  their  tents,  and  destroyed 


SHILOH  91 

and  scattered  their  arms  along  their  line  of  retreat.  We  followed 
them  to-day  some  seven  miles,  capturing  some  prisoners.  In 
prisoners  they  have  got  more  than  we  have.  They  captured 
General  Prentiss  and  a  part  of  his  division  on  Sunday. 

The  number  killed  and  wounded  on  each  side  is  very  great,  not 
less  than  5,000.*  Among  their  killed  is  the  celebrated  Albert 
Sidney  Johnston,  who  with  Beauregard,  Bragg  and  Breckenridge 
commanded  their  forces. 

The  army  of  the  West  has  thus  far  borne  itself  nobly  and  vic 
toriously.  I  was  on  more  than  one  occasion  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fight,  but  remained  unharmed. 

Barring  the  overstatement  of  the  enemy's  numbers  and  the 
understatement  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  which  was  com 
mon  at  that  time,  this  letter  is  a  correct  summary  of  the  prin 
cipal  events  as  they  took  place. 

It  was  a  great  and  bloody  action  followed  by  far-reaching 
results,  but  I  have  dwelt  upon  it  rather  for  the  purpose  of 
pointing  out  certain  consequences  of  a  personal  nature  to 
Grant  than  for  drawing  from  it  the  lessons  of  strategy  and 
military  policy  which  it  teaches. 

The  first  reports  of  victory  sent  North  caused  great  rejoic 
ing  throughout  the  loyal  States.  The  President  appointed  a 
day  of  thanksgiving  and  new  praise  was  freely  bestowed  upon 
the  hero  of  Donelson.  But  a  flood  of  injurious  rumors  and 
reports  as  well  as  of  false  inferences  drawn  from  the  events 
as  they  occurred,  were  sent  out  by  the  reporters,  by  the  army 
contractors,  and  even  by  disappointed  officers.  Many  of 
Buell's  intelligent  soldiers  of  all  ranks  who  had  passed 
through  the  crowds  of  stragglers  near  the  landing  and  felt 
that  they  had  saved  the  day  without  having  received  proper 
credit  for  it,  added  the  weight  of  their  criticism  to  that  of 
the  newspaper  men.  Grant  was  again  charged  with  being 
drunk,  with  having  arrived  late  on  the  battle  field,  with  being- 
incompetent  and  with  having  neglected  the  ordinary  precau- 

1  According  to  the  Official  Reports  Grant's  killed,  wounded  and  missing 
were  12,217;  Beauregard's,  10,699. 


92  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

tions  for  the  protection  of  his  encampment  and  base  of  sup 
plies.  The  country,  and  what  is  worse,  Halleck  the  chief 
commander  in  the  West,  were  swift  to  believe  these  reports, 
and  although  Grant  was  entirely  guiltless  of  anything  to  his 
discredit,  except  perhaps  overconfidence  and  failure  to  see 
that  his  troops  were  properly  posted  and  entrenched,  he  took 
no  public  notice  of  the  hue  and  cry  against  him,  though  Raw- 
lins  and  other  officers  of  the  staff  publicly  denied  and  de 
nounced  the  charge  of  drunkenness  as  wicked  and  unfounded ; 
but  the  mischief  had  been  done. 

Halleck  hastened  to  the  field,  and,  as  was  his  right  by 
seniority,  assumed  chief  command  of  the  united  armies.  His 
confidence  in  Grant  had  been  again  severely  shaken.  In  dis 
tributing  the  command  and  giving  the  forces  a  working  or 
ganization,  he  transferred  the  bulk  of  Grant's  troops  to  the 
right  wing  under  Thomas,  assigned  Buell  to  the  command 
of  the  center,  Pope  to  the  command  of  the  left  wing,  and  Mc- 
Clernand,  one  of  Grant's  subordinates,  to  the  command  of  the 
reserve.  He  left  Grant  in  titular  charge  of  his  own  territorial 
district,  but  actually  relieved  him  from  all  responsibility  by 
announcing  him  as  "second  in  command,"  and  taking  special 
care  that  he  should  neither  be  consulted  in  reference  to  plans, 
nor  be  permitted  to  exercise  any  authority  whatever  over  their 
execution.  Indeed  Grant  was  actually  for  the  most  part  kept 
in  ignorance  of  what  was  going  on.  He  often  told  me  that  he 
was  not  consulted  in  reference  to  the  disposition  of  his  own 
troops  and  that  whenever  the  commander  of  either  grand 
division  of  the  army  came  to  headquarters  for  conference,  if 
he  chanced  to  be  near,  Halleck  would  lead  the  visitor  apart 
and  talk  with  him  in  tones  which  could  not  be  overheard.  Or 
if  Grant,  who  really  knew  the  country,  ventured  upon  a  sug 
gestion,  it  was  generally  rejected  with  the  plain  intimation 
that  when  his  advice  was  needed  it  would  be  asked  for. 

It  was  a  period  of  national  as  well  as  personal  humiliation 
to  Grant,  during  which  the  army  grew  to  a  hundred  and 


SHILOH  93 

twenty  thousand  men  or  nearly  three  times  that  of  the  enemy, 
and  notwithstanding  its  preponderance  of  strength,  became 
accustomed,  when  it  moved  at  all,  to  move  with  the  torpidity 
and  circumspection  of  a  tortoise.  It  fortified  itself  by  night 
and  dug  its  way  forward  by  day,  even  when  the  enemy  was 
not  in  sight.  By  these  means  it  advanced  just  fifteen  miles 
in  six  weeks.  In  the  end  it  confronted  the  enemy  at  Corinth, 
and  by  the  mere  weight  of  numbers  compelled  him  to  evacuate 
that  place,  but  fortunately  Grant  could  not  be  regarded  as  in 
the  slightest  degree  responsible  for  the  timid  policy  which 
controlled  the  movements  of  the  national  forces.  He  held  his 
peace,  studiously  abstaining  from  criticism  and  recrimination, 
with  the  confident  hope  that  patience  and  reticence  would  save 
him  in  the  end  if  anything  could.  He  however  remonstrated 
with  Halleck  by  letter  and  as  he  often  said  afterwards,  seri 
ously  thought  of  asking  to  be  relieved  with  a  view  to  seeking 
employment  elsewhere,  but  Rawlins  and  Sherman  both  sym 
pathizing  deeply  with  him,  strongly  advised  against  this  course ! 
and  fortunately  their  advice  prevailed.  This  support  in  ad 
versity  necessarily  drew  still  closer  the  bond  of  friendship  and 
interest  between  Grant  and  Rawlins,  while  it  laid  the  founda 
tion  of  lifelong  friendship  and  confidence  between  Grant  and 
Sherman.  The  latter,  it  will  be  recalled,  had  also  suffered 
greatly  in  the  public  estimation  not  only  because  he  had  been 
inconsiderately  charged  with  being  "crazy,"  but  because  of  the 
insignificant  resistance  his  raw  troops  had  made  in  the  battle 
of  Pittsburgh  Landing.  It  was  both  natural  and  creditable 
that  these  great  officers  should  stand  together  under  the  load 
of  obloquy  heaped  upon  them  by  unsparing  criticism.  Their 
friendship,  which  was  strengthened  by  Sherman's  unselfish 
support  from  the  rear  during  the  Donelson  campaign,  was  in 
the  highest  degree  beneficial  to  the  country  as  well  as  to  them 
selves.  Neither  Grant  nor  Rawlins  ever  forgot  or  became  in 
different  to  it,  but  this  is  not  all.  They  never  forgot  or  en 
tirely  forgave  those  who  supplanted  Grant,  or  those  who  failed 


94  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  show  their  sympathy  for  him  during  this  trying  period. 
And  the  significance  of  this  will  be  better  understood  when 
it  is  remembered  that  even  so  lofty  a  character  as  George  H. 
Thomas  was  never  included  among  their  closest  friends. 
Conscious  of  his  own  merit,  that  officer  had  accepted  the 
superior  position  assigned  him  by  Halleck,  without  question 
or  protest.  He  knew  Grant  but  slightly,  and  doubtless  felt 
under  no  special  obligation  to  him.  Besides  he  was  far  too 
proud  to  solicit  preferment  at  all,  and  far  too  fair-minded  to 
accept  it  at  the  cost  of  a  brother  officer,  if  he  knew  it,  but 
austere  and  reticent  by  nature,  he  was  one  of  the  last  men  in 
the  army  to  court  the  confidence,  or  to  participate  in  the  con 
troversies  and  grievances  of  others. 

Be  all  this  as  it  may,  it  is  well  known  to  many  that  no  great 
intimacy  ever  grew  up  between  Grant  and  Thomas,  or  be 
tween  their  respective  followers.  The  armies  of  the  Ten 
nessee  and  the  Cumberland,  as  they  afterwards  came  to  be 
called,  and  especially  the  officers  thereof,  never  became  par 
ticularly  friendly.  They  supported  one  another  loyally  and 
well,  both  in  the  Shiloh  campaign  and  in  that  of  Chattanooga. 
Finally  they  became  intermingled  and  welded  together  in  the 
campaign  of  Atlanta  and  in  the  March  to  the  Sea,  but  neither 
ever  lost  its  identity  with  the  other.  There  always  remained 
a  difference,  and  a  distinct  plane  of  cleavage  between  them. 
Moreover  each  shared  to  the  end  in  some  degree  the  charac 
teristics  of  the  men  who  organized  them.  As  Grant,  Sherman 
and  McPherson,  on  the  one  side,  differed  from  Buell,  Rose- 
crans  and  Thomas  on  the  other,  so  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
differed  and  remained  separate  from  the  Army  of  the  Cumber 
land  to  the  last  day  of  their  existence. 

While  it  was  the  duty  of  Rawlins  as  adjutant  general  to 
share  the  fortunes  of  Grant,  it  later  became  his  duty  as  chief 
of  staff  to  hold  the  scales  of  justice  between  the  officers  and 
the  armies  with  which  he  was  serving.  Although  a  man  of 
extraordinary  earnestness  and  firmness  of  conviction,  it  will 


SHILOH  95 

be  shown  hereafter  that  he  never  permitted  any  influence  or 
prejudice  to  run  away  with  his  sense  of  fairness  or  to  warp 
his  judgment  in  the  performance  of  duty.  Acting  always 
from  the  highest  motives,  it  seldom  occurred  to  him  to  ques 
tion  the  motives  of  others.  An  unselfish  patriot  from  the 
first,  he  naturally  believed  every  other  officer  to  be  as  self- 
sacrificing  and  disinterested  as  himself,  and  in  this  spirit  he 
upheld  the  fortunes  of  his  Chief  and  performed  the  duty  of 
his  position. 

During  the  operations  which  followed  the  dispersion  of 
the  great  army  Halleck  had  gathered  for  the  capture  of  Cor 
inth,  Grant  played  an  important  but  subordinate  part.  When 
Halleck  in  recognition  of  his  great  services  was  shortly 
afterwards  ordered  to  Washington  as  General-in-Chief,  he 
first  offered  the  command  of  the  great  army  on  the  Tennessee 
to  Colonel  Robert  Allen,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  an  old 
army  quartermaster,  and  a  man  of  merit,  but  one  who  had 
had  no  field  experience  in  the  war,  and  not  until  Allen  de 
clined  the  honor  did  it  settle  upon  Grant.  Even  then  it  came 
by  seniority  and  was  limited  to  the  District  of  West  Ten 
nessee  and  to  the  troops  originally  serving  under  him.  Buell's 
army  was  maintained  intact  and  directed  to  the  eastward  on 
Chattanooga.  The  enemy  seizing  the  opportunity,  made  an 
offensive  return,  and  the  bloody  but  inconclusive  battles  of 
luka  and  Corinth  were  fought  by  Grant's  subordinates,  with 
the  general  result  that  West  Tennessee  was  permanently  freed 
from  Confederate  occupation  and  control.  The  Mississippi 
having  been  cleared  from  Cairo  to  Island  Number  Ten  by 
the  National  gunboats  cooperating  with  the  land  forces  under 
Pope,  Memphis  was  permanently  occupied,  and  the  arrange 
ments  for  the  advance  into  Central  Mississippi  and  for  the 
capture  of  Vicksburg  gradually  took  shape.  Much  time  was 
however  lost  after  the  occupation  of  Corinth  because  of  the 
so-called  "Pepper  Box  strategy,"  which  scattered  the  great 
army  gathered  there,  but  withal  Grant's  patience  and  modesty 


96  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

had  strengthened  him  with  his  command  and  raised  him  in 
the  public  confidence.  The  newspapers  had  apparently  be 
come  less,  inimical  to  him.  The  trade  regulations  drawn  up 
by  Rawlins  were  vigorously  enforced,  order  was  restored, 
and  the  supremacy  of  the  Union  was  acknowledged  through 
out  the  district,  but  withal  it  is  certain  that  Grant  had  not  yet 
gained  the  entire  confidence  of  the  Administration.  The  ad 
vent  of  Halleck  as  General-in-Chief  in  Washington  neither 
relieved  his  lieutenant  from  distrust  nor  protected  him  from 
the  intrigues  of  political  and  professional  rivals,  as  it  must 
have  done  had  he  given  Grant  unqualified  commendation  and 
support. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  Grant  issued  his  drastic 
order  expelling  all  Jews  from  the  limits  of  his  command, 
but  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  this  was  done  against  the  advice 
of  Rawlins,  who  pointed  out  its  objectionable  features  and 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  only  two  weeks  before  a 
similar  order  issued  by  one  of  his  post  commanders  had  been 
countermanded.  Grant,  who  was  perhaps  unduly  incensed 
by  the  fact  that  his  own  father  was  interested  at  the  time  in 
carrying  on  trade  within  the  limits  of  his  department,  said 
with  unusual  firmness :  "Well,  they  can  countermand  this  from 
Washington  if  they  like,  but  we  will  issue  it  anyhow."  Great 
excitement  was  aroused  by  it  throughout  the  country.  The 
newspapers  denounced  it  in  unmeasured  terms.  Congress 
took  notice  of  it  and  a  long  debate  followed,  but  the  ever- 
watchful  Washburne  headed  off  a  vote  of  censure  by  a  motion 
to  lay  the  subject  on  the  table,  which  was  carried.  Mean 
while  the  President  in  the  exercise  of  his  own  prerogative 
as  Comamnder-in-Chief  countermanded  the  order,  but  with 
out  expressing  any  direct  censure  of  Grant.  It  may  be  as 
sumed,  however,  that  the  incident  did  not  strengthen  Grant 
either  with  the  Administration  or  with  Congress,  but  rather 
tended  to  prolong  the  suspension  of  judgment  which  had 
previously  shown  itself  in  reference  to  him. 


SHILOH  97 

Before  passing  to  the  consideration  of  the  Vicksburg  cam 
paign,  it  is  proper  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  Grant, 
on  April  7  and  8,  1862,  reported  to  Halleck  at  St.  Louis  by 
telegraph  and  on  April  9  by  letter  the  result  of  the  battle 
which  had  taken  place  near  Pittsburgh  Landing.2  These  com 
munications  were  both  crude  and  incomplete.  They  were 
evidently  the  work  of  Grant's  hand  alone,  unaided  by  his 
adjutant  general,  or  any  other  member  of  his  staff.  They 
were  not  followed,  as  afterwards  became  customary,  by  a 
careful  and  exhaustive  report,  based  upon  the  reports  of 
the  subordinate  commanders,  for  the  reason  stated  by  Grant 
himself  as  follows : 

.  .  .  Although  I  was  in  command  of  all  the  troops  engaged  at 
Shiloh,  I  was  not  permitted  to  see  one  of  the  reports  of  General 
Buell  or  his  subordinates  in  that  battle,  until  they  were  published 
by  the  War  Department  long  after  the  event.  For  this  reason  I 
never  made  a  full  report  of  this  engagement.3 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted  that  no  battle  of  the 
war  gave  rise  to  so  many  controversies,  nor  to  so  much  pro 
fessional  criticism  and  discussion  as  did  the  battle  of  Shiloh. 
The  case  of  Lew  Wallace,  who  failed  to  reach  the  battle  field 
in  time  to  take  part  in  the  first  day's  fighting,  gave  rise  to  a 
long  and  bitter  discussion,  in  which  McPherson,  Rawlins  and 
Rowley  all  filed  statements  in  compliance  with  Grant's 
instructions. 

These  statements  are  fully  set  forth  in  the  ''Official  Rec 
ords,"  4  and  were  carefully  summarized  by  Rawlins  in  a  com 
munication  dated  April  i,  1863.  The  controversy  has  long 
since  ceased  to  be  interesting  and  need  not  be  further  con 
sidered,  except  by  the  student  of  military  history,  but  no 
one  can  read  Rawlins's  clear  and  convincing  account  of  the 
efforts  made  to  get  Wallace  into  that  battle,  without  reach- 

2  Official  Records,  Vol.  X,  Part  i,  p.  108  et  seq. 

3  "Personal  Memoirs  of  U.  S.  Grant,"  Vol.  I,  p.  370. 

4  Vol.  X,  Part  i,  p.  178  et  seq. 


98  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ing  the  conclusion  that  Wallace  was  not  only  inexcusable  for 
taking  the  wrong  road,  but  was  culpably  slow  in  all  his  move 
ments  that.  day.  It  seems  to  be  equally  clear  that  if  he  had 
moved  with  the  rapidity  that  his  men,  who  were  "marching 
light,"  and  were  besides  in  "buoyant  spirits"  and  "eager  to 
get  forward,"  were  capable  of  marching,  after  they  got 
on  to  the  right  road,  which  was  "in  good  condition,"  they 
would  certainly  have  reached  the  field  "in  time  to  engage  the 
enemy  before  the  close  of  Sunday's  fight."  Rawlins  gave 
clear  and  unequivocal  testimony  to  support  this  conclusion, 
and  sets  it  forth  in  a  way  which  shows  that  he  perfectly  un 
derstood  every  military  consideration  involved  in  the  con 
troversy.  In  spite  of  all  that  was  afterwards  said  in  behalf 
of  Wallace,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  Rawlins,  whatever  others 
may  have  done,  never  changed  his  statement  of  the  facts  nor 
the  conclusions  based  upon  them,  but  stood  by  both  to  the 
day  of  his  death.  As  he  and  McPherson  actually  joined  Wal 
lace  at  3  130  P.  M.  and  accompanied  him  during  the  march 
au  cannon,  it  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  they  were  mistaken 
as  to  the  facts  which  they  reported,  or  as  to  the  inferences 
to  be  drawn  therefrom. 


VIII 

OPERATIONS    IN    THE   WEST,    1 862 

Rawlins  Explains  Conditions  at  Grant's  Headquarters — Case  of 
David  Sheean — Plans  of  President  and  Secretary  of  War— 
Tallahatchie  Campaign  —  Vicksburg  Campaign  —  Origin  of 
Plan — Preliminary  Operations — Charles  A.  Dana  Joins  Head 
quarters — Letter  to  Washburne — Letter  to  Grant — Relief  of 
McClernand — Rawlins  Promoted. 

IN  pursuance  of  orders  issued  by  the  War  Department,  I 
reported  for  duty  at  Grant's  headquarters  at  LaGrange,  West 
Tennessee,  November  8,  1862.  I  had  come  straight  through 
from  temporary  service  on  the  staff  of  McClellan  during  the 
Antietam  campaign.  Although  I  was  at  the  time  only  a 
first  lieutenant,  I  had  received  flattering  overtures  for  serv 
ice  and  promotion  and  had  knowledge  of  certain  important 
plans  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  Administration  for  rais 
ing  additional  troops  in  the  Northwestern  States,  to  be  used 
in  opening  the  Mississippi  through  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

On  reaching  headquarters  I  was  shown  into  the  adjutant 
general's  office,  where  I  met  for  the  first  time  John  A.  Raw 
lins,  the  subject  of  this  narrative.  He  was  seated  at  his  desk 
with  his  back  to  the  door,  with  no  one  else  in  the  room.  As 
I  entered  he  swung  around  with  a  look  of  inquiry  upon  his 
dark  and  serious  face.  I  told  him  who  I  was,  and,  handing 
him  a  copy  of  my  orders,  said  I  had  come  to  report  to  Gen 
eral  Grant  for  duty.  He  replied  at  once  that  the  general  was 
absent  at  Memphis,  but  would  be  back  shortly,  that  I  had 
been  expected  for  several  days,  and  that  I  would  probably  be 
sent  temporarily  to  McPherson,  with  whom  I  was  intimate, 

99 


ioo  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  who  would  lead  the  advance  with  the  right  wing  of  the 
army  towards  Central  Mississippi.  After  adding  that  he 
knew  all  about  me  and  my  people,  that  I  was  from  Illinois,  as 
he  was,  that  regular  engineer  officers  were  much  needed  in 
that  army,  and  that  I  should  be  fully  employed,  he  explained 
the  situation  at  headquarters  with  startling  frankness,  dis 
guising  nothing  and  extenuating  nothing. 

He  said  in  substance  that  Grant  had  been  more  or  less 
justly  criticised  at  one  time  or  another,  and  emphasized 
this  by  handing  me  a  written  pledge  in  Grant's  own  hand 
writing,  which  he  had  received  some  time  before.  He  dwelt 
upon  the  danger  which  this  pledge  was  intended  to  guard 
against,  and  marked  his  apprehensions  in  a  most  dramatic 
manner  by  referring  to  the  sword  of  Damocles.  Having  thus 
revealed  the  worst  aspect  of  the  case,  he  turned  swiftly  to 
the  other  side,  and  with  words  equally  frank,  he  assured  me 
that  he  regarded  Grant  as  a  good  man,  an  experienced  and 
courageous  officer,  who  did  his  whole  duty  loyally  and  well, 
and  always  told  about  it  plainly  and  truthfully;  that  he 
was  cool,  level-headed  and  sensible,  of  sound  judgment, 
singular  modesty,  loyalty,  and  patriotism,  and  could  certainly 
lead  us  to  victory,  if  his  friends  could  "stay  him  from  fall 
ing/'  Rawlins  then  added  that  there  were  some  good  officers 
on  the  staff,  but  more  bad  ones,  and  that  he  wanted  me  to 
help  clean  them  out.  With  this  done  he  concluded  by  declar 
ing  that  he  wanted  to  form  an  alliance,  offensive  and  de 
fensive,  with  me  for  the  purpose  of  weeding  out  worthless 
officers,  guarding  the  general  against  temptation  and  sustain 
ing  him  in  the  performance  of  the  great  duties  which  he  would 
be  called  on  to  perform. 

The  entire  conversation  was  a  serious  and  unusual  one, 
but  I  was  by  no  means  surprised  at  its  tenor.  The  news 
papers  and  the  officers  I  had  met  on  the  way  had  partly  pre 
pared  me  for  it.  What  Rawlins  said  not  only  gave  the  key 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  101 

to  the  actual  situation,  but  put  me  on  the  alert  for  additional 
facts. 

We  naturally  renewed  our  conversation  as  occasion  of 
fered,  and  I  was  soon  thoroughly  informed  not  only  as  to 
Grant's  personal  habits  but  as  to  his  very  great  and  sub 
stantial  merits  as  well.  The  character  of  his  staff  officers 
and  leading  generals,  together  with  the  inner  history  of  the 
army  and  of  its  campaigns,  speedily  became  as  familiar  to 
me  as  if  I  had  served  with  it  from  the  beginning  of  the 
war.  I  need  not  add  that  the  acquaintance  thus  begun  with 
Rawlins  grew  day  by  day  and  month  by  month  into  the 
closest  intimacy,  which  existed  unbroken  to  the  day  of  his 
death,  seven  years  later.  From  this  time  forth  I  shall  natu 
rally  speak  largely  from  my  own  knowledge  of  events  as  they 
took  place,  and  from  personal  observation  of  Grant  and  the 
officers  who  served  under  him. 

Aided  as  I  was  by  the  clear  head  and  vigorous  character 
of  Rawlins,  I  was  not  long  in  arriving  at  a  full  understanding 
of  the  problems  confronting  Grant  as  well  as  the  army  which 
he  commanded.  He  was  expected  by  the  Government  to 
march  through  Holly  Springs  and  Oxford  to  Grenada,  and 
to  operate  from  the  latter  place  in  such  manner  as  to  cause 
the  evacuation  of  Vicksburg,  or  to  bring  about  its  capture. 

Immediately  after  I  joined,  movements  were  begun  to  that 
end,  but  the  winter,  with  its  frequent  rains,  was  too  near 
at  hand,  the  roads  which  were  of  the  most  primitive  kind  were 
in  bad  condition  and  the  streams  much  swollen.  To  make 
matters  worse,  the  Confederate  cavalry  under  Van  Dorn 
promptly  swept  around  our  flank,  threw  itself  on  our  rear, 
captured  our  depot  at  Holly  Springs,  destroyed  our  reserve 
supplies  and  broke  our  railway  to  the  rear.  The  result  was 
that  the  overland  campaign  became  paralyzed  before  it  was 
fairly  under  way,  and  it  was  apparent  to  all  that  the  line 
on  which  we  were  operating  was  not  only  impracticable  but 
would  have  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  sooner  the  better. 


162^  LIFE'O^FTOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

About  this  time  a  personal  incident  occurred  which  deeply 
aroused  the  feelings  of  Rawlins.  On  entering  the  army  he 
left  his  professional,  business  with  his  partner  David  Sheean, 
a  friend  from  boyhood,  who  had  studied  law  in  his  office, 
whose  brother  married  his  sister,  and,  like  himself,  was  a 
Democrat  of  decided  views.  It  was  a  period  of  arbitrary 
practices.  The  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  had  been  suspended 
even  in  the  North,  and  those  having  influence  with  the  Federal 
authorities  not  infrequently  paid  off  personal  scores  by  pro 
curing  the  arrest  and  incarceration  of  peaceable  citizens  whom 
they  could  not  otherwise  silence.  An  outrage  of  this  sort  was 
inflicted  upon  Mr.  Sheean  in  the  fall  of  1862.  While  in  the 
peaceful  pursuit  of  his  profession  he  was  arrested  on  the 
charge  of  disloyalty,  carried  to  New  York  and  imprisoned  in 
Fort  Lafayette.  This  arbitrary  act  led  to  much  local  excite 
ment,  during  which  Rawlins  took  a  short  leave  of  absence  and 
made  an  investigation  of  the  circumstances.  On  his  return  to 
the  army,  he  drew  up  a  full  statement  of  the  case,  and  sent  it  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  with  letters  from  Grant,  Hurlbut,  and 
Logan,  and  also  from  his  fellow-townsmen,  Maltby  and  Row 
ley,  asking  for  the  release  of  his  friend.  Impatient  at  the 
delay  of  the  Secretary  in  acknowledging  his  communication, 
and  taking  favorable  action,  he  wrote  urgently  to  Washburne, 
asking  for  his  intercession.  Late  in  December,  Mr.  Sheean 
was  released  and  a  statement  of  the  fact  was  published  in 
the  newspapers,  whereupon 'Rawlins  wrote  to  Sheean,  assur 
ing  him  with  genuine  feeling  that  nothing  had  occurred  since 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  which  had  pleased  him  more  than 
to  learn  that  his  friend  from  childhood  had  been  restored  to 
liberty  and  to  the  rights  that  every  American  citizen  is  en 
titled  to  enjoy.  As  this  manly  letter  glows  not  only  with 
patriotism  but  with  the  feeling  of  determination  which  char 
acterized  the  best  officers  of  the  time,  its  conclusion  is  given 
in  full: 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  103 

...  I  am  as  firm  to-day  in  the  support  of  my  Government 
and  yours  as  ever.  I  believe  if  the  war  is  properly  conducted  it 
must  finally  end  in  the  triumph  of  the  Government  established 
by  our  fathers,  and  whether  it  ends  in  one  year  or  ten,  I  am  for 
its  vigorous  prosecution;  but  to  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of 
loyal  citizens  without  trial,  I  am  opposed  and  shall  be  opposed 
to  the  end  of  my  life.  For  the  maintenance  of  my  country's  honor 
and  the  upholding  of  the  Constitution,  I  am  willing  to  take  my 
chances  on  the  field  of  battle,  but  for  the  destruction  of  individual 
liberty,  never.  We  can  have  but  one  Government  on  this  Conti 
nent  north  of  Mexico  and  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  that 
must  be  the  United  States  of  America.  There  is  little  if  any  dif 
ference  of  opinion  in  the  army.  All  are  for  the  success  of  our 
flag,  and  but  little  is  said  of  Proclamations. 

Soon  after  arriving  at  Grant's  headquarters,  I  made  it 
known  to  Rawlins,  as  I  had  been  informed  at  Washington, 
that  the  President  had  directed  McClernand  to  proceed  to 
the  Northwest  with  orders  to  recruit  and  organize  an  inde 
pendent  force  to  be  commanded  by  himself  for  the  purpose 
of  capturing  Vicksburg  and  opening  the  Mississippi,  so  that 
"it  might  flow  unvexed  to  the  sea."  This  was  the  first  au 
thentic  information  received  at  Grant's  headquarters  in  regard 
to  the  scope  of  McClernand's  instructions,  although  the  news 
papers  had  already  mentioned  them  as  foreshadowing  what 
they  designated  with  unseemly  levity  "the  Castor  Oil  Ex 
pedition."  Evidence  was  leaking  out  through  the  politicians 
that  the  Administration  regarded  it  as  one  of  the  first 
importance. 

Immediately  after  our  railroad  supply  line  was  broken  at 
Holly  Springs,  the  superiority  of  the  great  river  as  a  line  of 
operations  against  the  Confederacy  became  evident  to  me,  as 
well  as  to  others  whose  duty  it  was  to  consider  such  matters. 
It  was  perceived  that  although  the  river  might  be  commanded 
by  strong  fortifications,  as  at  Island  Number  Ten,  and  on  the 
bluffs  at  Vicksburg,  it  could  not,  like  a  common  railroad,  be 
permanently  cut  or  successfully  obstructed.  I  pointed  out  and 


104  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

emphasized  this  important  fact  to  both  Rawlins  and  Grant, 
contending  that  the  Overland  Campaign  should  be  aban 
doned,  and  .that  the  entire  army  should  be  transferred  to  Mem 
phis,  embarked  upon  transports,  and  sent  by  water  as  far 
as  possible  towards  Vicksburg.  I  also  contended  that  it 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  send  the  raw  levies,  which  McCler- 
nand  was  raising,  or  even  a  strong  detachment  of  the  sea 
soned  troops  against  Vicksburg  by  water.  I  dwelt  upon  the 
fact  that  this  strongly  fortified  city  was  conceded  by  all  to 
be  the  chief  strategic  point  in  that  theatre  of  operations, 
that  therefore  its  capture  should  be  made  certain  by  sending 
all  the  available  forces  against  it,  and  that  Grant  himself, 
as  the  senior  general  of  the  department,  should  of  right  go  in 
chief  command.  Rawlins  became  the  earnest  advocate  of  this 
policy  from  the  first.  Grant  fully  concurred,  and  as  soon  as 
he  could  lay  the  matter  before  Halleck,  and  get  the  Govern 
ment's  consent,  set  vigorously  about  the  task  of  carrying  it 
into  effect.  Had  he  delayed  or  hesitated,  it  is  obvious  that 
the  honor  of  playing  the  principal  part  in  that  great  under 
taking  would  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  a  subordinate,  not 
only  because  he  was  next  in  rank,  but  because  both  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  and  the  President  had  virtually  promised  it 
to  him.1 

In  face  of  the  President's  promise  to  McClernand,  Grant 
designated  Sherman,  in  whom  he  had  greater  confidence,  to 
lead  the  movement  and  sent  him  forward  with  a  strong  force 
to  Chickasaw  Bayou,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  River, 
where  he  effected  a  landing,  made  an  attack  through  the 
swamp  against  the  enemy's  strongly  fortified  position  on  the 
bluffs  overlooking  the  river  valley,  and  was  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss.  Before  he  could  make  further  dispositions  there, 
he  was  joined  and  superseded  by  McClernand,  \vho  had 
learned  from  the  press  or  from  Washington  what  was  going 
on  below,  and  had  hastened  to  the  front.  The  united  force 

1  O.  R.  Serial  No.  36,  p.  n  et  seq. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  105 

was  then  transferred,  under  Sherman's  advice,  by  McCler- 
nand  to  Arkansas  Post  on  the  Arkansas  River,  and,  by  the 
aid  of  the  gunboats  under  Admiral  Porter,  captured  that  place 
with  several  thousand  prisoners.  As  might  have  been  ex 
pected,  these  movements  and  the  formidable  difficulties  to 
be  overcome,  arrested  the  attention  of  the  country  and  made 
it  apparent  that  Grant's  entire  army  must  be  transferred  to 
the  scene  of  active  operations. 

Grant,  having  meanwhile  obtained  Halleck's  permission, 
hastened  to  the  front  himself,  joined  the  army  at  Milliken's 
Bend,  some  twenty  miles  above  Vicksburg,  and  took  the  di 
rection  of  further  operations  under  his  own  control.  This 
was  clearly  within  his  right  as  the  department  commander, 
but  McClernand,  an  ambitious,  high-strung  man,  who  had 
done  gallant  and  effective  service  at  Belmont,  Donelson,  and 
Shiloh,  resented  it  as  a  direct  violation  of  the  President's 
promises  to  him.  He  had  not  concealed  the  fact  that  he  had 
but  a  poor  opinion  of  Grant  at  best  and  regarded  his  assump 
tion  of  command  as  an  act  of  special  injustice.  This  was 
followed  during  the  campaign  by  such  open  ill-feeling  and 
such  disregard  of  military  amenities  as  finally  made  it  neces 
sary  for  Grant  to  relieve  him  from  the  command  of  the  Thir 
teenth  Army  Corps,  to  which  he  had  been  assigned  by  the 
President,  after  it  had  taken  a  leading  part  in  driving  back 
the  enemy  and  in  shutting  him  up  within  the  fortifications 
of  Vicksburg.  Rawlins  was  of  course  an  active  and  watchful 
spectator  and  adviser  in  all  this.  Like  McClernand,  he  was 
a  War-Democrat  and  naturally  wanted  to  promote  harmoni 
ous  relations  between  Grant  and  his  subordinates,  especially 
those  from  his  own  State.  Recognizing  its  wisdom,  I  did 
what  I  could  to  encourage  him  in  that  course.  Although  Mc 
Clernand  was  a  native  of  Kentucky  and  a  much  older  man 
than  I,  I  had  known  him  from  my  boyhood.  He  had  lived 
in  my  native  county  and  he  had  been  a  private  soldier  in  my 
father's  company  in  the  Black  Hawk  War.  He  was  besides 


io6  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

a  lawyer  and  politician  of  national  character,  a  distinguished 
member  of  Congress,  and  candidate  for  Speaker,  who  had 
much  influence  at  home,  and  hence  I  found  a  double  pleas 
ure  in  making  it  my  special  mission  to  smooth  over  the  rough 
spots,  and  do  all  in  my  power  to  promote  friendly  relations 
between  him  and  Grant.  In  recognition  of  this  disposition  on 
my  part  I  was  frequently  entrusted  with  verbal  instructions  for 
him  and  did  what  I  could  to  mitigate  the  smart  of  his  wounds 
as  well  as  to  present  him  and  his  services  in  a  favorable  light 
at  headquarters.  I  had  encouraging  success  for  a  while,  but 
McClernand,  with  all  his  merit,  was  a  man  of  hasty  and 
violent  temper,  with  whom  it  was  difficult  for  one  of  even 
Grant's  self-control  to  get  on  smoothly.  The  end  came  at 
last  under  circumstances  which  will  be  more  fully  explained 
in  its  appropriate  place. 

As  the  only  regular  officer  then  present  with  the  staff, 
I  left  Memphis  by  special  boat  with  Grant  and  Rawlins,  Janu 
ary  1 6,  1863,  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  army  which  had 
been  operating  against  Vicksburg.  The  trip  down  the 
Mississippi  and  back  lasted  four  days,  during  which  every 
question  connected  with  the  campaign,  its  magnitude  and  im 
portance,  the  organization  and  efficiency  of  the  army,  and 
the  policy  of  the  Government  in  connection  with  the  war  in 
that  theatre  of  operations,  was  fully  discussed.  Grant,  with 
out  the  slightest  show  of  reserve,  took  the  lead  in  the  con 
versation  and  showed  an  active  interest  in  all  that  was  said. 
Without  showing  the  slightest  reserve  he  treated  Rawlins  and 
myself  as  equals,  and  encouraged  us  to  express  ourselves  with 
the  utmost  freedom.  It  was  during  this  trip  that  I  com 
mented  specially  upon  the  geographical  unity  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  the  inter-dependence  of  the  States  lying  within  it,  and 
the  necessity  for  a  single  military  command  to  cover  and  in 
clude  them  all.  Both  Grant  and  Rawlins  were  favorably  im 
pressed  with  my  views  and  asked  me  to  draft  a  letter  on 
the  subject,  which  I  did,  and  which  Grant  shortly  afterwards 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  107 

embodied  in  a  letter  to  Halleck.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
the  suggestion  finally  received  Halleck's  official  approval  and 
was  in  substance  embodied  in  the  order  promulgated  by  the 
War  Department,  after  the  battle  of  Chickamauga,  estab 
lishing  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi. 

In  consequence  of  the  conference  on  this  trip,  I  was,  shortly 
after  getting  back  to  Memphis,  sent  ahead  of  Grant  and  the 
rest  of  the  staff  to  rejoin  the  army  in  the  field.  Fortunately, 
it  had  meanwhile  captured  the  Confederate  Post  of  Arkansas, 
which,  so  long  as  it  was  held  by  the  enemy  in  force,  was  a 
menace  to  the  navigation  of  the  river  between  Memphis  and 
Vicksburg.  Having  captured  that  post  and  its  garrison  of 
nearly  five  thousand  men,  McClernand  and  Sherman  returned 
with  their  troops  by  transport  to  Milliken's  Bend.  My  in 
structions  were  to  look  over  the  ground  about  Vicksburg  and 
to  study  the  question  of  capturing  that  important  place  as 
fully  as  circumstances  would  permit,  in  order  that  I  might 
be  prepared  to  advise  with  the  general  on  his  arrival.  I 
reached  the  front  January  27,  and  at  once  made  a  recon- 
noissance  of  Vicksburg  and  the  heights  upon  which  it  is 
situated,  from  the  lowlands  in  front  of  it.  I  made  a  careful 
study  of  the  surrounding  country  and  conditions,  and  became 
deeply  impressed  with  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  position, 
of  its  inaccessibility  directly  from  the  lowlands,  and  of  the 
almost  insuperable  difficulty  of  carrying  on  military  opera 
tions  through  the  bottoms  and  swamps,  cut  up  on  both  sides 
of  the  great  river  by  a  network  of  bayous,  creeks,  and  tributary 
streams.  Without  roads,  or  bridges,  this  country  with  its 
unfordable  water  courses,  even  if  undefended,  could  hardly 
be  traversed  by  an  army  with  its  impedimenta.  None  but 
the  larger  bayous  was  navigable,  except  in  times  of  flood, 
and  at  such  times  the  country  was  widely  submerged  on  both 
sides.  The  problem  was  to  get  a  footing  on  the  uplands 
of  Mississippi,  so  that  the  army  could  maneuver  against  the 
enemy,  maintain  a  base  on  the  river,  and  keep  up  an  un- 


ro8  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

broken  connection  with  the  upper  country  from  which  it 
must  draw  its  supplies  and  reinforcements. 

Grant  arrived  the  next  day  at  Young's  Point,  and,  accom 
panied  by  Sherman,  McPherson,  Blair,  and  Steele,  and  sev 
eral  staff  officers,  rode  across  the  point  in  front  of  Vicksburg 
along  the  line  of  the  proposed  cut-off,  or  canal,  to  the  bank 
of  the  river  below  the  town.  While  he  and  they  were  dis 
cussing  the  problem  before  them  for  solution,  Rawlins  and 
I  sat  down  on  the  trunk  of  a  cottonwood  tree  which  had 
been  undercut  and  had  fallen  into  the  river.  In  response 
to  a  question  as  to  what  I  thought  of  the  situation,  I  pointed 
out  that  we  could  not  defeat  the  enemy  unless  we  could  get 
at  and  engage  him  on  fair  terms  at  close  quarters,  and  that 
we  could  not  do  that  unless  we  could  secure  a  footing  with 
freedom  to  maneuver  on  the  uplands.  To  that  end  we  must 
either  turn  the  enemy's  position  on  the  Yazoo  at  Hains's 
Bluff,  effect  a  surprise  by  landing  under  cover  of  darkness 
on  the  waterfront  of  the  city,  or  pass  below  Vicksburg  and 
move  into  the  interior  against  its  rear  from  the  first  place 
on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  at  which  a  landing  could  be 
made. 

During  the  conversation  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
another  great  army  was  about  ready  to  advance  from  Middle 
Tennessee,  under  Rosecrans,  that  it  would  be  almost  impos 
sible  to  time  its  movement  with  ours,  or  to  make  either  army 
support  the  other;  that  they  were  separated  by  some  three 
hundred  miles,  as  the  crow  flies,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  the 
policy  of  the  Central  Government  to  unite  these  armies  and 
make  their  success  certain,  rather  than  to  keep  them  separated 
and  to  risk  the  defeat  of  either.  With  the  river  transports 
at  hand,  it  was  evident  that  this  might  be  done  by  using 
the  lower  Ohio  and  Tennessee  rivers.  But  as  Grant  was  oper 
ating  on  a  line  he  had  chosen  himself,  and  was  not  over-strong 
in  the  confidence  of  the  Government,  it  was  thought  that  such 
a  suggestion  coming  from  him  would  be  looked  upon  as  evi- 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  109 

dence  that  his  own  campaign  had  failed,  and  might  therefore 
result  in  his  removal.  Manifestly  he  must  confine  himself 
to  the  solution  of  the  problem  in  his  own  front,  and  in  view 
of  all  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome  by  moving  to  the  left, 
or  trying  to  capture  Vicksburg  by  a  coup-de-main,  the  best 
way  to  solve  the  complicated  problem,  according  to  my  judg 
ment,  was  to  march  the  troops  across  the  point  in  front  of 
Vicksburg,  and  run  the  batteries  with  the  gunboats  and  trans 
ports  under  the  cover  of  darkness.  Once  below  the  city,  they 
could  take  the  troops  on  board  and  ferry  them  to  such  landing 
place  on  the  enemy's  side  as  might  be  chosen  further  down 
the  river. 

Rawlins  showed  the  deepest  interest  in  my  views  as  thus  ex 
pressed  and  fully  agreed  with  me  at  once  in  reference  to 
the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  carrying  out  either  of  the  other 
plans.  He  recognized  the  practicability  of  the  land  march 
across  the  Peninsula  west  of  the  river,  where  there  were  open 
fields  and  no  enemy  to  oppose,  but  expressed  serious  doubt 
as  to  the  feasibility  of  running  the  batteries  with  the  gun 
boats  and  transports.  Fortunately  he  did  not  reject  the  idea 
as  impracticable,  but  asked  me  to  explain  why  I  thought 
it  could  be  carried  into  effect.  Whereupon  I  told  him  I  had 
come  recently  from  Port  Royal,  where  I  had  served  as  chief 
topographical  engineer  with  Hunter  and  T.  W.  Sherman,  that 
I  had  seen  the  earthen  fortifications  at  Hilton  Head  made  un 
tenable  by  the  fire  of  the  wooden  ships  and  gunboats,  which 
had  maneuvered  nearly  all  day  up  one  side  and  down  the 
other  between  them  without  losing  a  single  vessel  or  suf 
fering  material  damage,  and  that  I  had  become  thoroughly 
convinced  from  what  I  had  seen  in  person  that  our  Mississippi 
fleet,  although  composed  of  comparatively  light  river  steam 
ers,  could  run  by  the  Vicksburg  batteries  under  cover  of  dark 
ness  without  serious  loss.  I  emphasized  my  opinion  by  dwell 
ing  upon  the  fact  that  the  operations  at  Port  Royal  were 
conducted  in  a  narrow  harbor  in  open  daylight,  and  lasted 


no  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

several  hours,  during  which  each  ship  passed  three  or  four 
times  between  sea-coast  batteries  on  either  side  under  the 
fire  of  heavy  guns,  and  that  in  the  case  under  consideration, 
the  passage  would  be  made  at  night,  under  fire  from  one  side 
only.  So  confident  was  I  of  the  result  that  I  ventured  the 
prediction  that  we  should  not  lose  more  than  one  boat  out 
of  five.  The  sequel  afterwards  showed  that  no  gunboats 
were  lost  or  injured,  that  only  one  transport  was  burned,  and 
one  disabled  so  she  could  not  use  her  own  machinery.  She 
was,  however,  afterwards  lashed  to  another,  and  served  with 
entire  efficiency  as  a  transport.  The  actual  loss  was  only  one 
in  nine. 

Rawlins  became  convinced,  and  before  we  got  back  to  the 
headquarters'  steamboat  Magnolia  assured  me  that  he  should 
advocate  that  plan  without  doubt  or  hesitation.  After  a  visit 
the  same  afternoon  to  Admiral  Porter,  who  was  on  his  flag 
ship  in  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  River  nearby,  I  started  by 
a  swift  steamboat,  under  orders  from  Grant,  to  Helena,  with 
instructions  to  take  charge  of  such  engineering  operations  as 
might  be  connected  with  cutting  the  Mississippi  levee  across 
the  entrance  to  Moon  Lake,  the  Yazoo  Pass,  the  Coldwater, 
and  the  Tallahatchie  rivers.  It  was  hoped  that  a  strong  de 
tachment  of  the  army  might  be  conducted  by  that  intricate 
and  crooked  route  of  several  hundred  miles  into  the  Yazoo 
and  thereby  to  a  footing  on  the  Mississippi  uplands  above 
Hains's  Bluff.  The  route  was  found  to  be  practicable  for 
gunboats  and  transports  to  the  junction  of  the  Tallahatchie 
and  Yalabusha  rivers,  which  form  the  Yazoo,  and  two  divi 
sions  of  infantry  reached  that  place  without  material  delay; 
but  further  progress  was  barred  by  fortifications  and  obstruc 
tions  which  could  neither  be  battered  down  nor  turned. 

During  my  absence  I  kept  Rawlins  fully  informed,  both 
personally  and  officially,  in  reference  to  the  needs  and  progress 
of  the  expedition,  and  in  return  received  his  most  earnest 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  in 

encouragement  and  support.     On  February  16  he  sent  me  a 
letter,  from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Your  letters  have  been  duly  received.  I  am  delighted 
with  your  success  but  chagrined  that  we  had  not  things  in  readi 
ness  to  have  taken  an  earlier  advantage  of  it.  By  that  probably 
the  enemy's  obstruction  of  the  Pass  might  have  been  prevented. 
I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  show  our  General  your  private  letters. 
Knowing  his  appreciation  of  your  abilities,  alone  induced  me  to 
do  this.  It  has  done  immense  good  I  assure  you.  He  has  ordered 
Ross  with  ten  regiments  of  infantry,  in  addition  to  the  force  now 
with  you,  for  the  Yazoo  Expedition,  and  is  bending  every  energy 
for  an  early  move.  Orders  have  been  given  for  collecting  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  steamers,  etc.,  and  they  have  the  right  ring.  All 
may  yet  be  well.  Some  great  success  must  be  soon  had  or  every 
thing  may  be  lost  to  us.  This  growing  opposition  to  the  war  at 
home  (judging  from  the  papers)  is  much  to  be  regretted.  "Old 
Brains"  2  says  you  are  to  remain  for  active  duty.  I  rather  think 
you  are,  on  that.  I  have  great  hopes  of  the  "Canal"  here.  In 
ten  days  it  ought  to  be  completed.  Lake  Providence  looks  well 
and  they  are  guarding  against  the  misfortune  that  befell  you  3 
in  your  enterprise.  Another  gun-boat  ran  the  batteries  at  Vicks- 
burg  on  Friday  night  last.  We  now  have  two  below  here,  one 
of  which,  however,  is  a  ram.  They  will  communicate  with  Gen 
eral  Banks  if  possible.  Only  twenty-two  shots  were  fired  as  the 
last  boat  passed.  .  .  . 

Notwithstanding  the  slow  progress  of  the  Yazoo  Pass  ex 
pedition,  due  mainly  to  the  obstruction  of  the  Coldwater, 
which  the  enemy  ahead  of  us  caused  by  felling  forest  trees 
from  its  banks  into  the  streams,  Rawlins  continued  to  have 
faith  in  our  ultimate  success.  But  while  this  route  for  a 
time  seemed  to  be  the  only  one  holding  out  substantial  hope 
of  leading  us  through  the  enemy's  outer  defences,  it  is  evi 
dent  from  the  quotations  given  above  that  Rawlins  had  not 
lost  sight  of  the  turning  movement  across  the  peninsula  in 
front  of  Vicksburg.  But  that  the  interest  and  anxiety  felt  at 

2  The  army  name  for  General  Halleck. 

3  The  obstruction  of  the  stream  below  while  we  were  clearing  it  out 
above. 


ii2  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

headquarters  in  the  expedition  through  the  Yazoo  Pass  were 
unabated  is  well  shown  by  another  letter  from  Rawlins,  writ 
ten  at  Young's  Point,  February  28,  as  follows : 

.  .  .  Yours  of  the  26th  instant  came  duly  to  hand,  official  as 
well  as  private.  Every  one  here  is  delighted  with  your  success, 
in  getting  into  the  Coldwater,  for  whatever  light  we  may  hope  for 
in  the  movement  against  Vicksburg  comes  from  that  direction. 
I  send  you  the  instructions  to  General  Ross  and  to  the  naval 
officers,  which  should  have  been  done  before,  but  supposed  as  a 
matter  of  course  General  Ross  would  communicate  them  to  you, 
as  you  were  one  of  the  principal  parties  mentioned  in  them.  I 
also  send  you  a  report  from  General  Dodge,  received  through 
General  Hurlbut.  Your  report  was  forwarded  to  Old  Brains  who 
will  discover  from  it  that  you  are  on  active  duty.  A  despatch 
boat,  according  to  your  suggestion,  is  ordered  to  report  to  Gen 
eral  Prentiss  by  which  I  send  this.  General  Grant  will  use  every 
means  necessary  to  make  your  expedition  a  success,  rest  assured 
of  that.  Your  views  on  the  subject  strike  me  as  the  most  feasible 
of  any  I  have  yet  heard,  and  I  assure  you  it  is  with  much  anxiety 
I  look  after  you  and  pray  for  your  success.  I  wish  to  God  I  were 
with  you.  I  could  at  least  sympathize  with  your  plans  and  views. 

We  have  had  a  terrible  misfortune  below,  lost  both  the  ram 
Queen  of  the  West  and  the  splendid  gun  boat  Indianola,  the 
result  of  positive  disobedience  of  orders  in  each  case.  Had  they 
kept  together  they  must  have  kept  the  Mississippi  River  below 
here  clear  and  each  protected  the  other.  The  ram  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  rebels  with  her  armament  complete,  and  with  her 
and  their  other  boats,  they  went  down  and  sunk  the  Indianola. 
I  say  sunk  the  Indianola,  but  of  this  latter  we  are  not  positively 
certain.  We  know  she  is  captured  and  only  from  rebel  sources 
have  we  heard  that  she  is  sunk.  You  know,  Wilson,  they  are 
smart  and  would  like  to  deceive  us  into  the  belief  that  she  is  sunk 
whether  she  is  or  not. 

The  river  has  risen  very  much  and  impeded  the  work  on  the 
Canal  here  considerably,  but  we  shall  be  able  to  resume  it  to 
morrow.  It  is  bound  to  succeed  as  a  canal.  You  know  I  have 
taken  large  stock  in  its  success. 

I  am  glad  to  know  that  General  Washburne  pleases  you  so  well. 
I  have  every  confidence  in  his  energy  and  ability,  for  energy  is 
generally  the  introduction  to  ability  and  success. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  113 

• 

McPherson's  corps  is  or  will  be  soon  at  Lake  Providence.  A 
more  enthusiastic  little  army  is  nowhere  to  be  found.  Logan, 
God  bless  him,  maintains  the  honor  of  our  glorious  state  of 
Illinois.  A  truer  patriot  lives  nowhere  on  the  earth.  Bowers  is 
well  and  enthusiastic  over  your  success.  He  is  one  of  the  dia 
monds.  I  send  you  copy  of  Brains's  despatch.  Let  us  hear  from 
you  often.  Napoleon  sends  your  letters.  Good-bye  old  friend. 

Notwithstanding  the  failure  of  the  expedition  through 
Yazoo  Pass,  as  became  certain  in  a  few  days,  Sherman  and 
Admiral  Porter  undertook  to  conduct  a  cooperating  expedi 
tion  of  naval  and  land  forces  into  the  Yazoo  below  Fort  Pem- 
berton  by  the  bayous  further  south,  but  after  incredible  la 
bor,  they  were  also  compelled  to  turn  back.  Renewed  and 
more  strenuous  efforts  were  then  made  to  dig  a  canal  across 
the  point  in  front  of  Vicksburg,  while  still  another  into  Lake 
Providence  was  begun  some  seventy-five  miles  above,  with 
the  hope  of  reaching  a  navigable  bayou  further  inland,  and 
connecting  with  the  river  further  down ;  but  these  plans  failed 
one  after  the  other,  and,  what  was  worse,  took  up  so  much 
time  that  the  country  began  to  cry  out  that  the  movement 
down  the  river  was  a  failure  and  that  Grant  should  be  re 
moved  for  incompetency.  The  old  charges  were  renewed 
against  him  with  increased  violence,  and  although  without 
foundation  the  situation  was  fast  becoming  desperate.  Every 
possible  route  through  the  bayous,  creeks  and  lateral  rivers 
had  been  tried  and  failed.  Swamp  fevers  and  smallpox  broke 
out,  and  while  the  army  was  growing  in  strength  by  virtue 
of  the  reinforcements  coming  forward,  its  progress  seemed 
to  be  stayed  by  obstacles  that  could  not  be  overcome. 

On  the  statement  of  Rawlins  to  me,  it  is  known  that  on  the 
evening  of  Grant's  first  reconnaissance  across  the  point  in 
front  of  Vicksburg,  he  invited  the  generals,  who  had  gone  with 
him,  to  dinner  on  board  the  Magnolia,  after  which  they  natu 
rally  fell  into  a  discussion  of  the  important  problem  before 
them.  It  was  not  a  formal  council,  but  a  long  and  anxious 


H4  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

conversation  followed,  during  which  various  routes  to  the 
highlands  north  of  Vicksburg  were  considered,  without  de 
veloping  great  confidence  that  any  of  them  would  prove  prac 
ticable.  It  was  agreed  that  the  certainty  of  the  spring  rise  in 
the  great  river  and  the  difficulties  which  must  result  from  the 
overflow  sure  to  follow  would  necessarily  add  to  the  difficul 
ties  to  be  overcome.  While  the  flood  would  make  the  bayous 
navigable,  it  would  also  make  the  adjacent  lowlands  impass 
able.  It  could  hardly  be  hoped  that  the  season  between  high 
and  low  water  would  be  of  just  the  right  length  nor  that  the 
water  would  come  just  high  enough  to  serve  without  crippling 
the  necessary  movements.  It  was  conceded  that  every  possible 
route  presented  too  many  difficulties  to  permit  accurate  calcu 
lations  or  to  justify  certain  hopes,  and  yet  every  route  and 
plan  must  be  fully  tried. 

After  listening  patiently  to  the  discussion  and  noting  care 
fully  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome,  Rawlins  broke  in  with 
the  remark  that  there  was  another  and  a  more  promising 
plan  than  any  yet  mentioned,  but  as  it  involved  the  boldest 
movement  that  could  possibly  be  made,  he  hesitated  to  bring 
it  forward.  He  was,  however,  encouraged  by  both  Sherman 
and  McPherson  to  give  his  views,  and  did  so  clearly  and 
distinctly,  in  favor  of  marching  the  army  across  the  peninsula 
and  running  the  batteries  with  the  gunboats  and  transports 
to  a  common  meeting  place  below.  He  gave  the  reasons  which 
had  been  developed  in  our  conversation  for  believing  that  the 
movement  could  be  successfully  carried  out;  but,  as  he  ex 
pected,  the  plan  received  but  slight  consideration  from  those 
present. 

At  the  time  Grant  expressed  no  opinion  in  regard  to  it,  but 
Sherman  was  particularly  outspoken  against  it.  He  pro 
nounced  it  clearly  impracticable,  and  declared  that  neither 
the  gunboats  nor  transports  could  live  under  the  fire  that 
would  certainly  be  turned  against  them  by  the  Confederate 
batteries  on  the  bluffs.  Rawlins  strenuously  adhered  to  his 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  115 

views  and  contended  that  they  would  prevail  in  the  end,  but 
the  non-professional  volunteer  staff  officer  was  overborne  for 
the  time  being.  Each  of  the  other  possible  plans  received  the 
preference  over  his;  but  as  each  in  turn  proved  abortive,  it 
strengthened  him  correspondingly  in  the  advocacy  of  and  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  one  which  he  brought  forward.  He 
lost  no  opportunity  thereafter  of  advocating  it,  and  finally, 
when  every  other  plan  had  been  tried  and  failed,  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  Grant  openly  adopt  this  one  and  carry 
it  to  a  brilliant  conclusion.  Notwithstanding  Grant's  silence 
about  the  matter  while  it  was  under  discussion,  he  tells  us 
many  years  afterwards  that  he  favored  it  from  the  first.4 
While  he  does  not  explain  his  reticence,  he  doubtless  felt  that 
the  very  boldness  of  the  plan  and  the  success  with  which  two 
gunboats  afterwards  ran  the  batteries  imposed  upon  him  the 
necessity  of  trying  every  other  plan  before  venturing  upon 
one  so  full  of  danger,  but  which,  as  it  turned  out,  led  to  a 
series  of  extraordinary  victories  and  secured  for  him  a  place 
among  the  greatest  captains  of  modern  times. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  foregoing  gives  correctly 
the  origin  and  history  of  this  plan,  nor  is  there  any  rea 
sonable  doubt  that  Rawlins's  persistent  advocacy  of  it  was 
finally  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  its  adoption  and 
execution.  The  responsibility,  however,  was  entirely  Grant's. 
He  was  the  chief  commander  and  must  have  realized  that  if 
the  plan  failed  it  would  ruin  him,  bring  disaster  upon  the  army, 
and  jeopardize  the  Union  cause.  He  doubtless  understood 
from  the  first  that  he  could  not  turn  his  back  on  Vicksburg, 
or  withdraw  his  army  from  the  advanced  position  it  had  main 
tained  so  long,  without  sealing  his  own  doom.  With  unerring 
instinct,  he  realized  that  ruin  was  still  more  certain  behind  him 
than  in  his  front,  and  like  a  brave  and  imperturbable  man 
whose  fate  and  fame  were  at  stake,  he  resolved  at  the  right 
moment  "to  put  it  to  the  touch,  and  win  or  lose  it  all !" 
4  Grant's  "Memoirs,"  Vol.  I,  p.  100. 


n6  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

When  it  was  certain  that  the  expedition  through  Yazoo  Pass 
had  failed,  and  orders  were  sent  for  the  troops  and  gunboats 
to  withdraw  from  that  line,  I  returned  to  headquarters.  Ar 
riving  there  April  7,  I  found  the  army  still  working  pa 
tiently,  but  making  no  satisfactory  progress  in  any  direction. 
The  deadlock  was  complete,  and  how  to  break  it  was  the 
question.  After  careful  inspection  and  still  more  careful  con 
sideration,  followed  by  nightly  conferences  with  both  Rawlins 
and  Grant,  the  conclusion  was  reached  that  none  of  the  canal 
projects  could  succeed,  and  that  there  was  no  alternative  but 
to  run  the  batteries  and  march  the  army  below,  or  to  con 
fess  ourselves  beaten  and  the  campaign  at  an  end.  Grant, 
in  face  of  all  the  facts  and  of  the  continual  pressure  upon  him, 
fully  concurred  in  the  conclusion,  but  Sherman,  in  whom 
Grant's  confidence  was  unshaken,  opposed  it  strongly  from 
the  first,  and  could  not  be  brought  to  give  it  his  approval 
till  it  was  successfully  under  way.  He  thought  the  risks  were 
too  great,  and  paid  me  the  compliment  of  asking  me  to  join 
him  in  a  final  effort  to  convince  Grant  that  he  should  not 
venture  upon  it,  because,  as  he  alleged,  it  would  result  in 
severing  our  communications  with  the  North  and  might  end 
in  the  destruction  of  the  army  in  case  of  defeat. 

After  an  earnest  discussion  in  which  the  actual  situation  of 
the  army,  the  state  of  the  campaign,  and  the  pressing  neces 
sity  for  success,  together  with  all  the  dangers,  were  recounted, 
Sherman,  without  the  slightest  encouragemnet  from  me,  re 
mained  firm  against  the  plan,  till  after  it  was  well  under  way. 
Shortly  after  we  parted  he  wrote  his  celebrated  letter  against 
the  plan,  but  fortunately  he  did  not  succeed  in  shaking  Grant's 
resolution,  though  it  may  now  be  stated  that  it  was  mainly 
because  of  Sherman's  opposition  to  the  plan  that  he  was  left 
behind  to  protect  the  communications  and  to  bring  up  the  rear 
with  his  army  corps  when  the  success  of  the  turning  move 
ment  should  no  longer  be  in  doubt. 

McClernand,  although  never  consulted  by  Grant,  had  in  a 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  117 

general  way  favored  the  idea  from  the  first.  Indeed,  he  had 
informed  me  before  I  left  Washington  to  join  Grant  that  he 
thought  the  true  plan  of  operation  would  prove  to  be  a  turn 
ing  movement  to  the  south  of  Vicksburg,  followed  by  a  march 
eastward  into  the  heart  of  Mississippi,  and  thence  against 
the  enemy's  fortifications  commanding  the  river  and  covering 
the  town  of  Vicksburg.  But  this  was  obviously  a  speculation 
without  details,  based  upon  inadequate  knowledge  of  the  ene 
my's  position,  or  means  of  defence,  or  even  of  the  natural 
obstacles  to  be  overcome.  He  had  no  accurate  information 
of  the  facts  as  they  were  gradually  developed  by  the  suc 
cessive  steps  of  the  campaign.  As  has  been  shown,  those 
steps  seem  to  have  been  necessary  to  convert  what  might 
have  occurred  to  any  experienced  officer  into  a  definite  and 
distinct  plan  as  well  as  to  fully  justify  its  adoption.  The  pre 
liminary  movements,  resulting  one  after  the  other  as  they 
did  in  failure,  were  doubtless  important  factors  in  throwing 
the  enemy  off  his  guard  and  preventing  that  concentration 
of  resources  necessary  to  a  successful  defence. 

As  it  turned  out,  the  plan  finally  adopted  was  carried  into 
effect  without  a  single  important  mishap,  but,  strangely 
enough,  the  newspapers  could  hardly  believe  that  the  modest 
and  discredited  Grant  had  worked  it  out  himself,  but  con 
curred  with  singular  unanimity  in  suggesting  that  McPher- 
son,  the  distinguished  engineer,  must  have  done  it.  This  view 
was  strengthened  by  the  commendation  that  the  professors 
at  West  Point  persisted  in  bestowing  upon  that  rising  officer, 
as  the  one  of  all  others  most  capable  of  conceiving  such  a  plan 
and  arranging  its  details,  when  in  fact  he  had  nothing  what 
ever  to  do  with  either  beforehand.  He  was  present  at  the 
conference  when  Rawlins  first  brought  it  forward,  but  ex 
pressed  no  opinion  nor  was  he  ever  consulted  about  it  sepa 
rately,  and  so  far  as  known  he  neither  favored  nor  opposed 
it  till  it  was  under  way.  His  attitude  up  to  that  time  was 
one  of  neutrality,  but  as  was  his  custom,  when  the  time  came 


n8  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

for  action,  he  threw  himself  into  it  with  all  his  might.  Al 
though  he  did,  at  one  time  and  another,  some  grumbling 
at  the  amount  of  work  falling  to  his  lot,  especially  after  the 
affair  at  Raymond,  he  generally  put  forth  his  best  efforts 
to  make  the  campaign  a  success.  Quite  contrary  to  the  esti 
mation  in  which  he  was  commonly  held,  he  was  in  fact  a 
cautious  leader  who  regarded  it  as  no  part  of  his  duty  as  a 
subordinate  commander  to  work  out  general  plans  for  the 
army.  While  he  always  gave  prompt  and  willing  obedience 
to  those  in  authority  over  him,  it  should  be  observed  that  his 
high  intelligence,  his  cheerful  demeanor,  aided  by  engaging 
personality,  made  him  not  only  one  of  the  best  and  most  popu 
lar  corps  commanders  in  the  army,  but  won  for  him  the  ardent 
and  unvarying  friendship  of  Grant,  Rawlins,  and  Sherman,  as 
well  as  of  his  own  division  and  brigade  commanders. 

It  is  an  interesting  circumstance  that,  while  the  army  was 
still  floundering  among  the  bayous  and  lowlands  of  Missis 
sippi,  several  of  the  officers,  who  had  more  time  than  work 
on  hand,  were  using  their  influence  to  secure  promotion  be 
fore  they  had  earned  it.  Among  them  was  one  whose  case 
is  fully  set  forth  in  a  letter  without  date  from  Rawlins  to  Mr. 
Washburne.  As  it  illustrates  the  writer's  independence  as 
well  as  his  sense  of  justice  and  his  ideas  of  good  policy,  it 
is  given  in  full  as  follows: 

Headquarters  Dept.  of  the  Tenn., 

Before  Vicksburg. 
DEAR  SIR  : 

I  see  by  the  papers  the  name  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  Buford 
before  the  Senate  for  confirmation  as  Major  General,  which  con 
firmation  would  be  so  unjust  to  the  many  brave  and  deserving 
men  and  officers  of  the  "Army  of  the  Tennessee"  that  I  feel  it 
my  duty  to  call  your  attention,  "as  the  friend  of  the  Army"  and 
the  one  to  whom  it  owes  so  much  for  proper  representation  at 
Washington,  to  the  fact  that  if  possible  so  great  a  calamity,  if  it 
has  not  already  fallen,  may  be  prevented. 

General  Buford  is  a  kind  hearted  and  affectionate  old  gentle- 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  119 

man,  entertaining  views  at  variance  with  our  republican  insti 
tutions,  and  believing  the  Government  of  England,  because  of  its 
titled  nobility,  much  preferable,  and  further,  that  the  final  result 
of  this  war  will  be  the  overthrow  of  our  present  system  and  give 
us  dukes  and  lords  and  titled  castes,  and  that  his  family  will  be 
among  the  nobility.  This  may  seem  idle  talk  and  unmeaning 
declamation,  but  nevertheless  he  urged  it  with  great  vehemence 
and  earnestness  to  General  Richard  Oglesby  and  myself  as  long 
ago  as  1 86 1  at  Cairo,  Illinois.  General  Oglesby  will  remember 
it,  I  have  no  doubt,  just  as  I  have  stated  it.  To  me,  however,  it 
evinced  a  diseased  and  addled  brain,  a  weak  and  foolish  old  man. 

His  disobedience  of  positive  orders  given  him  on  the  field  of 
battle  at  Belmont  came  near  losing  to  the  country  his  entire  regi 
ment,  which  was  only  saved  from  such  fate  by  the  fire  from  our 
gunboats  driving  him  off  of  the  main  road,  and  thereby  avoided 
meeting  the  enemy.  Had  he  obeyed  the  orders  given  him  by  both 
Generals  Grant  and  McClernand  he  would  have  helped  defeat  the 
enemy  in  the  fight  coming  out  of  Belmont,  saved  the  lives  of  many 
gallant  men  and  embarked  his  regiment  with  the  other  troops, 
before  reinforcements  for  the  enemy  could  have  crossed  from 
Columbus.  As  it  was,  it  was  the  merest  accident  by  which  he 
was  saved.  For  his  conduct  at  Belmont  he  was  never  afterwards 
trusted  by  Generals  Grant  or  McClernand. 

He  was  left  behind  on  the  expedition  into  Kentucky,  and  also 
against  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson.  How  he  demeaned  himself 
under  General  Pope  I  am  unable  to  say,  but  know  that  since  he 
returned  to  this  command  he  has  been  absent  from  one  cause  or 
another  most  of  the  time,  and  when  here  is  continuously  insisting 
on  the  command  of  some  post  not  in  the  field,  and  has  at  last 
succeeded  in  getting  himself  assigned  by  order  from  Washington 
to  the  command  of  Cairo,  displacing  General  Tuttle,  an  officer 
who  by  his  bravery  and  good  conduct  while  leading  the  2nd  Iowa 
to  the  assault  of  the  enemy's  works  at  Donelson  won  the  admira 
tion  of  that  best  soldier  of  the  Republic,  the  late  lamented  Major 
General  C.  F.  Smith.  From  physical  infirmities  consequent  upon 
exposure  in  the  field,  General  Tuttle  is  unable  for  active  field 
duty,  but  might  well  command  the  post  of  Cairo.  Besides,  the 
promotion  of  such  men  as  General  Buford  is  establishing  too 
high  a  rate  of  pensions  for  the  Government  long  to  stand.  But 
the  greatest  calamity  to  the  army  is  the  dissatisfaction  it  creates 
among  men  who  remain  in  the  field  and  do  their  duty  under  all 


120  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

circumstances.  He  is  placed  over  such  men  as  Logan,  Oglesby, 
Lauman  and  Dodge,  and  others  too  numerous  to  mention,  all  his 
superiors  in  everything  that  constitutes  the  soldier. 

Logan  deserves  promotion  for  his  unflinching  patriotism  and 
desire  to  whip  the  enemy  by  any  route  or  means  practicable.  He 
should  be  made  a  Major  General  by  all  means,  and  if  Buford  is 
promoted,  should  be  dated  back  to  rank  him.  The  same  can  be 
said  of  Oglesby  and  Dodge  of  Iowa  by  every  officer  or  soldier  in 
the  army. 

General  Grant  has  written  the  President  on  the  subject  of  pro 
motions  to-day.  I  am  glad  to  see  John  E.  Smith's  appointment 
confirmed.  His  star  will  never  lighten  a  coward's  path  or  be  dis 
graced  by  the  one  whose  shoulder  it  adorns. 

Everything  here  is  as  favorable  as  could  be  expected  consider 
ing  the  high  water.  Work  on  the  canal  is  progressing.  Jones  is 
here,  making  himself  generally  useful.5 

Trusting  that  that  which  is  for  the  best  interests  of  the  coun 
try  may  prevail,  I  remain,  etc." 

That  this  letter  was  known  to,  if  not  inspired,  by  Grant 
there  can  be  but  little  doubt. 

During  the  final  stages  of  the  Vicksburg  Campaign,  and 
after  the  tentative  movements  through  the  bayous  had  been 
abandoned,  because  of  the  insuperable  difficulties  encoun 
tered  or  the  vigilance  and  enterprise  of  the  enemy,  a  most 
important  person  appeared  upon  the  scene  and  became  one  of 
Grant's  most  earnest  supporters.  I  refer  to  Charles  A.  Dana, 
who  had  been  sent  to  Grant's  headquarters  as  the  confidential 
representative  of  the  War  Department.  He  afterwards  be 
came  Assistant  Secretary  of  War.  He  joined  headquarters 
on  April  9,  by  which  time  aggressive  operations  had  come* 
to  a  temporary  standstill.  The  conviction  was  growing 
throughout  the  country  that  Vicksburg  could  not  be  taken  by 
the  route  upon  which  the  army  was  operating  and  that  both 
Grant  and  his  plans  were  a  failure.  The  temperance  men, 
encouraged  by  his  lack  of  success,  were  renewing  their  ef- 

5  J.  Russell  Jones,  then  U.  S.  Marshal  for  Illinois,  and  afterwards 
Minister  to  Brussels  during  Grant's  entire  administration. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  121 

forts  to  secure  his  removal.  The  newspapers  were  criticising 
him  again  severely.  The  situation  was  a  critical  one.  Raw- 
lins  was  deeply  concerned,  and  on  my  return  to  headquarters, 
April  n,  at  once  acquainted  me  with  the  basis  of  his  anxiety 
and  of  his  hopes.  He  was  one  of  the  few  men  acquainted 
with  the  actual  condition  of  affairs  who  had  not  been  alto 
gether  cast  down  by  the  failure  of  the  various  operations  which 
had  been  tried,  but  rather  regarded  them  as  necessary  prelimi 
naries  to  the  great  turning  movement  which  he  had  brought 
forward  and  strenuously  supported  from  the  first.  He  fully 
concurred  in  my  suggestion  that  we  should  take  Dana  into 
our  confidence,  not  only  in  reference  to  the  plan  of  operations 
which  must  now  be  carried  into  effect,  but  in  regard  to  the 
real  state  of  affairs  at  headquarters  and  to  the  basis  of  our 
own  unshaken  faith  in  Grant's  capacity  to  lead  the  army  to 
victory.  We  had  early  reached  the  conclusion  that,  if  Grant 
should  be  relieved,  the  President  would  appoint  McClernand 
or  Sherman  as  his  successor,  and  that  neither  of  these  gen 
erals,  however  patriotic  or  capable,  would  bring  superior  judg 
ment,  steadiness,  or  leadership  to  the  great  task  which  would 
thus  devolve  upon  him. 

Accordingly  we  made  Dana  our  messmate,  took  him  into 
our  offices  and  tents,  or  had  his  own  tent  pitched  adjacent  to 
ours. 

We  invited  Dana  to  ride  with  us  on  every  occasion,  and 
long  before  the  campaign  ended  he  became  our  constant  com 
panion.  We  confided  in  him  without  reservation,  and  he 
in  turn  confided  fully  in  us.  At  that  time  he  was  suffering 
from  weak  or  overworked  eyes  and  found  it  difficult  to  write 
by  the  light  of  the  usual  camp  candle,  or  lantern.  Hence, 
it  soon  became  customary  for  me  to  act  at  night  as  his  amanu 
ensis,  a  service  which  for  obvious  reasons  I  was  always  glad 
to  render.  He  had  met  Grant  first  at  Cairo,  and  later  at 
Memphis,  whither  he  had  gone  before  entering  the  service  for 
the  purpose  of  buying  cotton,  but  as  yet  no  intimacy  had 


122  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

grown  up  between  them.  His  position  had  now  become  both 
official  and  influential,  and,  although  he  was  regarded  by  some 
with  disfavor,  it  is  but  just  to  add  that  Grant,  who  fully 
shared  our  views,  at  once  recognized  their  soundness,  ex 
pressed  his  full  concurrence  in  them,  and  thenceforth  treated 
Dana  with  all  the  respect  and  confidence  that  his  official  po 
sition  and  personal  qualities  entitled  him  to  expect.  A  genuine 
friendship,  free  from  concealment  or  reservation,  grew  up 
between  them  and  lasted  without  a  break  or  cloud  till  after 
Grant  became  President,  when  he  in  a  measure  cut  loose  from 
his  military  counsellors  and  friends  and  entered  upon  the  trou 
bled  sea  of  political  and  personal  government. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  observed  that  Dana  proved 
himself  to  be  in  every  way  worthy  of  the  confidence  reposed 
in  him,  and  at  no  time  ever  modified  his  views  as  to  Grant's 
real  and  substantial  merit  as  a  virtuous,  competent  and  suc 
cessful  general,  or  ever  permitted  his  campaigns  and  battles 
to  be  unjustly  criticised  or  condemned  in  the  columns  of  the 
journals  he  controlled.  He  had  learned  from  personal  obser 
vation  the  real  facts  about  Grant  and  his  fitness  for  command, 
and  became  a  firm  and  efficient  supporter  of  his  plans,  of 
his  continuance  in  office,  and  of  his  final  promotion  to  the 
chief  command  of  our  armies  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant 
general.6 

As  the  correspondent  and  intimate  associate  of  Secretary 
Stanton  and  the  President  at  Washington,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Dana  did  all  in  his  power  to  remove  the  prejudice 
against  Grant  from  the  minds  of  those  high  officials,  and  to 
build  up  in  its  place  a  feeling  of  respect  and  confidence.  It 
is  as  praiseworthy  as  it  is  remarkable  that  he  did  this  with 
out  concealing  or  minimizing  the  peculiarities  of  the  general, 
or  of  his  staff,  or  of  his  subordinate  commanders.  His  po 
sition  was  a  delicate  one,  but  he  filled  it  with  such  tact  and 

6  For  a  full  account  of  his  services  and  character,  as  well  as  his  relations 
with  Grant,  see  Wilson's  "Life  of  Charles  A.  Dana,"  Harper  &  Bros.,  1907. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  123 

ability  as  to  satisfy  the  Government,  to  strengthen  the  hands 
of  Grant,  and  at  the  same  time  to  win  his  personal  friendship. 
Rawlins  from  the  first  recognized  this  even  more  fully  than 
did  Grant.  He  honored  and  respected  Dana  to  the  last, 
and  when  Grant  became  President,  exerted  his  influence,  as 
he  thought,  successfully  in  behalf  of  Dana's  appointment  to 
the  principal  government  office  at  New  York.  Indeed,  on 
the  strength  of  what  must  have  passed  between  the  President 
and  himself,  he  authorized  me  in  a  personal  interview  to  no 
tify  Dana  that  his  appointment  as  Collector  of  Customs  would 
be  made.  But  unfortunately  Washburne,  who  was  called 
temporarily  to  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State,  for  some 
reason,  never  explained,  interfered  with  the  arrangements, 
and,  either  on  his  own  account  or  by  direction  of  the  Presi 
dent,  caused  the  appointment  to  be  given  to  Moses  Grinnell, 
a  far  less  able  and  efficient  man. 

Thirty  years  afterwards,  Dana  published  his  "Recollections 
of  the  Civil  War,"  7  giving  many  interesting  details  of  his 
relations  with  Grant  and  many  graphic  sketches  of  the  gen 
eral  and  staff  officers  he  met  during  the  various  campaigns 
in  which  he  took  part,  but  as  these  sketches  are  not  germane 
to  this  narrative,  I  confine  myself  to  the  following  quotations : 

After  Grant,  I  spent  more  time  at  Vicksburg  with  his  assistant 
adjutant  general,  Colonel  John  A.  Rawlins,  and  with  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Wilson,  than  with  anybody  else.  Rawlins  was  one  of 
the  most  valuable  men  in  the  army,  in  my  judgment.  He  had 
but  a  limited  education,  which  he  had  picked  up  at  the  neighbor 
ing  school  and  in  Galena,  Illinois,  near  which  place  he  was  born 
and  where  he  had  worked  himself  into  the  law;  but  he  had  a 
very  able  mind,  clear,  strong,  and  not  subject  to  hysterics.  He 
bossed  everything  at  Grant's  headquarters.  He  had  very  little 
respect  for  persons,  and  a  rough  style  of  conversation.  I  have 
heard  him  curse  at  Grant  when,  according  to  his  judgment,  the 
general  was  doing  something  that  he  thought  he  had  better  not  do. 
But  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  his  duty,  with  the  clearest  judg- 

7  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1898,  p.  27  et  seq. 


124  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ment,  and  perfectly  fearless.  Without  him  Grant  would  not 
have  been  the  same  man.  Rawlins  was  essentially  a  good  man, 
though  he  was  one  of  the  most  profane  men  I  ever  knew ;  there 
was  no  guile  in  him — he  was  as  upright  and  as  genuine  a  char 
acter  as  I  ever  came  across. 

James  H.  Wilson  I  had  first  met  at  Milliken's  Bend,  when  he 
was  serving  as  chief  topographical  engineer  and  assistant  in 
spector  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  He  was  a  bril 
liant  man  intellectually,  highly  educated,  and  thoroughly  com 
panionable.  We  became  warm  friends  at  once  and  were  together 
a  great  deal  throughout  the  war.  Rarely  did  Wilson  go  out  on  a 
specially  interesting  tour  of  inspection  that  he  did  not  invite  me 
to  accompany  him,  and  I  never  failed,  if  I  were  at  liberty,  to 
accept  his  invitations.  Much  of  the  exact  information  about  the 
condition  of  the  works  which  I  was  able  to  send  to  Mr.  Stanton, 
Wilson  put  in  my  way. 

Shortly  after  the  capture  of  Vicksburg,  Dana  returned  to 
Washington ;  but  on  the  way  North  sent  Stanton  two  notable 
letters,  from  the  second  of  which,  dated  at  Cairo,  Illinois, 
July  13,  1863,  I  quote  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Lieutenant-Colonel  Rawlins,  Grant's  assistant  adjutant 
general,  is  a  very  industrious,  conscientious  man,  who  never  loses 
a  moment,  and  never  gives  himself  any  indulgence  except  swear 
ing  and  scolding.  He  is  a  lawyer  by  profession,  a  townsman  of 
Grant's,  and  has  a  great  influence  over  him,  especially  because  he 
watches  him  day  and  night,  and  whenever  he  commits  the  folly 
of  tasting  liquor  hastens  to  remind  him  that  at  the  beginning  of 
the  war  he  gave  him  (Rawlins)  his  word  of  honor  not  to  touch  a 
drop  as  long  as  it  lasted.  Grant  thinks  Rawlins  a  first-rate  ad 
jutant,  but  I  think  this  is  a  mistake.  He  is  too  slow,  and  can't 
write  the  English  language  correctly  without  a  great  deal  of 
careful  consideration.  Indeed,  illiterateness  is  a  general  char 
acteristic  of  Grant's  staff,  and  in  fact  of  Grant's  generals  and 
regimental  officers  of  all  ranks. 

Major  Bowers,  judge-advocate  of  Grant's  staff,  is  an  excellent 
man,  and  always  finds  work  to  do. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Wilson,  inspector  general,  is  a  person  of 
similar  disposition.  He  is  a  captain  of  engineers  in  the  regular 
army,  and  has  rendered  valuable  services  in  that  capacity.  The 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  125 

fortifications  of  Hains's  Bluff  were  designed  by  him  and  exe 
cuted  under  his  direction.  His  leading  idea  is  the  idea  of  duty, 
and  he  applies  it  vigorously  and  often  impatiently  to  others.  In 
consequence  he  is  unpopular  among  all  who  like  to  live  with  little 
work.  But  he  has  remarkable  talents  and  uncommon  executive 
powers,  and  will  be  heard  from  hereafter. 

I  now  return  to  the  Vicksburg  campaign  which  Rawlins 
had  done  so  much  to  get  started  in  the  right  direction.  In 
addition  to  supervising  the  duties  of  the  Adjutant  General's 
office,  he  had  succeeded  Webster  as  ex-officio  Chief  of  Staff, 
and  as  such  took  an  active  interest  in  everything  connected 
with  the  campaign,  as  well  as  with  the  relations  between 
Grant  and  his  subordinates. 

At  the  battle  of  Port  Gibson,  fought  mainly  by  McClernand 
and  the  Thirteenth  Army  Corps,  Rawlins  made  a  special  ef 
fort  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between  Grant  and  that 
ambitious  but  irascible  general,  but  failed.  McClernand,  al 
though  slow  in  getting  across  the  river  and  starting  to  the 
front,  had  behaved  with  his  usual  gallantry  from  the  time  he 
got  in  reach  of  the  enemy.  Without  waiting  for  orders  or 
for  reinforcements  he  attacked  vigorously  and  gained  a  sub 
stantial  victory,  which  was  specially  important  at  that  stage 
of  the  campaign.  It  not  only  made  good  our  advanced  posi 
tion  on  the  Mississippi  Uplands,  and  resulted  in  driving  the 
enemy  back,  but  gave  increased  confidence  to  McPherson's 
corps,  and  to  the  invading  army.  Rawlins  naturally  agreed 
with  me  that  it  was  a  good  occasion  to  establish  a  better  feel 
ing  between  Grant  and  his  next  in  rank,  but  the  breach  was 
too  great  to  be  bridged  over  in  that  manner.  Grant,  who 
arrived  on  the  field  after  the  action  was  practically  at  an  end, 
refused  with  an  unusual  show  of  feeling  to  make  any  advance 
towards  a  reconciliation,  and  in  the  meeting  which  soon  oc 
curred  with  McClernand  displayed  no  cordiality  whatever, 
but  contented  himself  with  formally  extending  his  thanks 
and  directing  him  to  push  forward  at  once  in  pursuit.  This 


126  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

was  done,  but  the  advance  halted  for  the  night  at  the  South 
Fork  of  the  Bayou  Pierre,  where  the  retreating  enemy  had 
destroyed  the  highway  bridge.  McClernand,  who  was  ex 
pected  to  repair  it  and  move  on,  also  halted,  because,  as  he 
claimed,  his  troops  were  worn  out  with  marching  and  fight 
ing.  On  receiving  information  of  this  fact,  I  hastened  to 
the  front  as  acting  chief  engineer,  and  took  the  repair  of  the 
bridge  in  hand. 

As  soon  as  the  repairs  were  finished,  which  was  before 
dawn  the  next  morning,  the  troops  advanced  to  the  north 
fork  of  the  bayou,  some  five  miles  further  on.  Here  they 
found  that  a  second  but  still  more  important  bridge  had  been 
burned,  and  again  halted  till  it  could  be  repaired.  This  was 
done  during  the  night  while  the  generals  and  the  troops  were 
sleeping.  As  before,  Rawlins  gave  his  active  assistance  and 
support,  both  in  helping  at  the  work  and  in  detailing  and 
bringing  forward  the  necessary  detachments  to  carry  it  on. 
Having  been  reared  as  a  woodsman,  he  was  quick  to  see  what 
could  be  done  with  simple  tools  and  the  rude  materials  at 
hand.  He  neither  rested  nor  slept  till  the  breaches  in  the 
bridge  were  repaired,  and  the  troops  were  again  in  motion. 
No  man  knew  better  than  he  that  under  such  circumstances 
time  was  of  the  utmost  value.  Hence  he  made  it  his  personal 
business  to  see  that  not  a  minute  should  be  lost,  either  in 
the  repair  of  the  bridges  or  in  sending  the  troops  across  them 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Most  adjutants  would  have  con 
tented  themselves  with  issuing  the  necessary  orders  and  leav 
ing  others  to  see  that  they  were  carried  out,  but  this  was  not 
Rawlins's  way  of  doing  business.  He  had  committed  him 
self  too  earnestly  in  favor  of  the  plan  of  campaign  and  had 
labored  too  long  to  get  it  adopted  to  rest  supinely  while  others 
were  working  out  the  details  upon  which  its  success  depended. 
Besides,  he  had  the  true  instincts  of  a  soldier,  and  lost  no 
opportunity  to  learn  from  others  how  the  practical  work  of 
an  army  should  be  done.  At  this  time  he  was  as  robust 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  127 

and  hardy  as  any  man  in  the  service,  and  while  he  was  not  and 
perhaps  never  became  a  model  adjutant  general  or  "paper 
man,"  he  was  fast  learning  the  higher  duties  which  were  to 
devolve  upon  him  thereafter  as  chief  of  staff. 

During  the  advance  to  Hankinson's  Ferry,  and  the  concen 
tration  of  the  army  near  that  place,  Rawlins  shared  all  the 
anxieties  and  labors  of  his  chief.  Every  order,  whether  ver 
bal  or  written,  passed  through  his  hands  and  was  delivered 
on  time.  Not  one  went  astray,  was  badly  expressed,  or  was 
in  any  degree  uncertain  in  tenor  or  obscure  in  meaning.  In 
the  advance  through  Raymond  to  Jackson,  which  resulted  in 
the  capture  of  the  latter  place,  with  its  military  depots  and 
railroad  crossing,  as  well  as  in  the  splendid  countermarch  by 
which  the  united  army  threw  itself  upon  the  enemy  at  Cham 
pion's  Hill,  drove  him  from  the  field,  forced  him  across  the 
Big  Black,  and  finally  shut  him  up  in  Vicksburg,  Rawlins 
was  the  inseparable  companion  and  counsellor  of  the  com 
manding  general.  Realizing,  as  before,  the  value  of  time, 
after  the  victory  at  Champion's  Hill  and  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy  to  the  Big  Black,  he  assisted  in  repairing  the  railroad 
bridge  and  in  locating  and  constructing  three  floating  bridges 
across  which  the  troops  were  pushed  without  delay,  to  close 
in  upon  the  fortifications  of  Vicksburg.  As  at  Bayou  Pierre, 
these  bridges  were  laid  under  cover  of  darkness  while  the 
generals  and  the  troops  were  resting  from  the  exhausting 
work  of  the  day.  But  again  Rawlins  helped  the  engineers 
without  taking  the  slightest  rest  till  the  bridges  were  com 
pleted  and  the  troops  were  again  on  the  march  to  the  scene 
of  their  final  victory. 

Like  his  chief,  Rawlins  was  making  tremendous  strides  in 
the  art  of  war.  Both  had  learned  lessons  and  gained  ex 
perience  of  extraordinary  value,  not  the  least  of  which  was 
that  each  was  in  a  measure  necessary  to  the  other.  Perfect 
confidence  existed  between  them.  Rawlins's  fears  for  his 
friend  had  become  measurably  allayed  and,  so  long  as  active 


128  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

operations  were  going  on,  there  seemed  to  be  neither  tempta 
tion  nor  danger  in  the  way.  But  when  communication  had 
been  reestablished  with  the  river,  and  the  chance  of  ultimate 
failure  was  at  an  end,  although  the  tentative  assaults  upon 
the  enemy's  fortifications  at  Vicksburg  had  failed,  the  army 
necessarily  settled  down  into  the  toilsome  occupations  of  a 
regular  siege.  The  exhilaration  of  victory  gradually  disap 
peared.  The  hot  weather  of  a  Southern  summer  came  on  and 
a  feeling  of  lassitude,  if  not  of  exhaustion,  took  possession 
of  both  officers  and  men.  One  day  was  like  another,  where 
all  were  hot,  depressing,  and  disagreeable.  The  surrounding 
country  had  been  cleared  of  its  green  food  supplies,  and  all 
were  compelled  to  live  entirely  on  soldier's  rations. 

Early  in  June,  Grant,  like  the  rest,  began  to  feel  the  relax 
ing  effects  of  hard  work  and  exposure,  and  while  on  an  ex 
pedition  by  steamer  up  the  Yazoo  River  to  visit  an  outlying 
detachment  in  the  neighborhood  of  Satartia,  "fell  sick/'  8 
whereupon  Dana,  who  had  been  invited  to  go,  took  charge  of 
the  boat  and  turned  it  about,  to  its  starting  point.  The  trip 
was  abandoned  and  the  party  returned  to  headquarters  about 
midnight.  An  hour  or  more  later  Rawlins,  who  had  learned 
the  details  of  the  excursion  from  those  who  had  participated  in 
it,  and  having  made  discoveries  of  his  own,  wrote  Grant  a 
remarkable  letter,  which  has  passed  into  history.  As  it  pro 
duced  a  profound  impression  on  all  who  knew  about  it,  and 
was  fraught  with  the  greatest  consequences  to  the  country 
besides,  it  is  given  here  in  full : 

Before  VICKSBURG,  Miss.,  June  6th,  1863,  i  A.  M. 
DEAR  GENERAL: 

The  great  solicitude  I  feel  for  the  safety  of  this  army  leads  me 
to  mention,  what  I  had  hoped  never  again  to  do,  the  subject  of 
your  drinking.  This  may  surprise  you,  for  I  may  be,  and  trust  I 
am,  doing  you  an  injustice  by  unfounded  suspicion,  but  if  in 

8  Dana's  "Recollections  of  the  Civil  War,"  pp.  82-83. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  129 

error,  it  had  better  be  on  the  side  of  the  country's  safety  than  in 
fear  of  offending  a  friend. 

I  have  heard  that  Dr.  McMillan  at  General  Sherman's  a  few 
days  ago  induced  you,  notwithstanding  your  pledge  to  me,  to 
take  a  glass  of  wine,  and  to-day  when  I  found  a  box  of  wine  in 
front  of  your  tent,  and  proposed  to  move  it,  which  I  did,  I  was 
told  you  had  forbid  its  being  taken  away,  for  you  intended  to 
keep  it  until  you  entered  Vicksburg,  that  you  might  have  it  for 
your  friends ;  and  to-night,  when  you  should,  because  of  the  con 
dition  of  your  health,  if  nothing  else,  have  been  in  bed,  I  find  you 
where  the  wine  bottle  has  just  been  emptied,  in  company  with 
those  who  drink  and  urge  you  to  do  likewise ;  and  the  lack  of  your 
usual  promptness  and  decision,  and  clearness  of  expressing  your 
self  in  writing,  conduces  to  confirm  my  suspicion. 

You  have  the  full  control  over  your  appetite,  and  can  let  drink 
ing  alone.  Had  you  not  pledged  me  the  sincerity  of  your  honor 
early  last  March,  that  you  would  drink  no  more  during  the  war, 
and  kept  that  pledge  during  your  recent  campaign,  you  would 
not  to-day  have  stood  first  in  the  world's  history  as  a  successful 
military  leader.  Your  only  salvation  depends  upon  your  strict 
adherence  to  that  pledge.  You  cannot  succeed  in  any  other 
way.  .  .  . 

As  I  have  before  stated,  I  may  be  wrong  in  my  suspicions,  but 
if  one  sees  that  which  leads  him  to  suppose  a  sentinel  is  falling 
asleep  on  his  post,  it  is  his  duty  to  arouse  him;  and  if  one  sees 
that  which  leads  him  to  fear  the  General  commanding  a  great 
army  is  being  seduced  to  that  step  which  he  knows  will  bring 
disgrace  upon  that  General  and  defeat  upon  his  command,  if  he 
fails  to  sound  the  proper  note  of  warning,  the  friends,  wives  and 
children  of  those  brave  men  whose  lives  he  permits  to  remain 
thus  in  peril,  will  accuse  him  while  he  lives,  and  stand  swift 
witnesses  of  wrath  against  him  in  the  day  when  all  shall  be 
tried. 

If  my  suspicions  are  unfounded,  let  my  friendship  for  you 
and  my  zeal  for  my  country  be  my  excuse  for  this  letter;  and  if 
they  are  correctly  founded,  and  you  determine  not  to  heed  the 
admonitions  and  prayers  of  this  hasty  note,  by  immediately  ceas 
ing  to  touch  a  single  drop  of  any  kind  of  liquor,  no  matter  by 
whom  asked  or  under  what  circumstances,  let  my  immediate 
relief  from  duty  in  this  department  be  the  result.  I  am,  General, 
Yours  respectfully,  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS. 


130  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Rawlins,  who  was  deeply  moved,  at  once  made  the  action 
he  had  taken  known  to  Dana  and  myself,  as  well  as  to  Bow 
ers,  who  was  his  inseparable  companion  and  principal  assist 
ant  throughout  the  war.  He  later  told  McPherson  and  Sher 
man  about  the  letter  and  the  occasion  for  it.  They  were 
Grant's  closest  friends,  and  deeply  interested  in  every  circum 
stance  which  could  in  any  way  affect  his  success.  But  the 
context  of  the  letter  was  not  made  public  till  after  the  death 
of  both  Rawlins  and  Grant,  when  it  was  given  to  the  news 
papers  and  received  the  widest  circulation.  Its  authenticity 
is  undoubted.  It  has  since  been  frequently  cited  by  writers 
and  orators  as  reflecting  equal  credit  upon  the  courage  of  the 
man  who  wrote  it  and  the  good  sense  of  the  man  who  re 
ceived  it. 

It  appears  from  an  endorsement  which  Rawlins  placed  on 
his  retained  copy  of  the  letter,  in  the  possession  of  his  family, 
that  his  admonitions  were  not  resented,  but  were  heeded  for 
a  season.  This  was  certainly  the  case  till  after  the  capture 
of  Vicksburg,  but  it  is  well  known  that  his  apprehensions 
were  never  entirely  dismissed.  Through  succeeding  cam 
paigns  and  to  the  last  day  of  his  life  he  was  haunted  by  the 
fear  that  the  appetite  might  at  any  time  break  loose  again 
and  endanger  Grant's  military  plans  or  bring  discredit  upon 
his  civil  administration. 

Lincoln,  who  doubtless  received  from  Dana  in  due  time 
a  correct  understanding  of  Grant's  real  merits,  as  well  as  of 
the  influences  which  were  constantly  at  work  to  undermine 
and  overthrow  him,  seems  to  have  dismissed  all  serious  ap 
prehensions  after  Vicksburg,  and  to  have  given  unquestion 
ing  confidence  and  support  to  him  till  the  end  of  the  war. 
Rumors  of  irregularities  at  New  Orleans,  and  at  rare  inter 
vals  during  the  final  campaign  in  Virginia,  did  not  fail  to 
reach  Washington.  It  is  known,  besides,  that  McClernand, 
as  did  others  later,  prepared  a  statement  immediately  after 
he  was  relieved  from  duty  in  the  field,  reflecting  upon  Grant's 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  131 

personal  habits,  and  threatened  more  than  once  to  publish  it. 
But  this  was  not  done,  and  whatever  may  have  been  the  un 
derlying  facts,  it  is  certain  that  both  the  Government  and 
the  country  at  large  concurred  in  ignoring  them,  and  in 
giving  the  General  a  free  hand  with  increased  rank  and  un 
limited  means  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Confederate  armies. 

After  his  courageous  letter,  the  part  played  by  Rawlins  had 
still  more  to  do  with  Grant's  personal  fortunes  and  policies 
than  with  the  adjutant  general's  office  or  with  the  details  of 
army  administration.  Ably  seconded  by  Bowers  in  preparing 
and  issuing  orders  and  in  keeping  the  records,  he  devoted 
himself  unceasingly  to  building  up  and  maintaining  harmoni 
ous  relations  between  his  chief  and  his  subordinate  com 
manders,  as  well  as  with  the  Government  at  Washington. 

As  has  been  seen,  McClernand  and  his  attitude  towards  the 
army  commander,  as  well  as  towards  the  other  corps  com 
manders,  had  been  a  subject  of  solicitude  from  the  first.  His 
intimate  relations  with  the  President,  his  fellow-townsman, 
had  doubtless  laid  him  under  suspicion  of  being  one  of  the 
channels  of  communication  through  which  information  preju 
dicial  to  Grant  reached  the  Government  as  well  as  the  news 
papers  from  time  to  time,  and  this  suspicion  was  in  a  cer 
tain  degree  strengthened  by  his  congratulatory  order  to  the 
Thirteenth  Army  Corps,  and  its  publication  in  a  St.  Louis 
newspaper  before  it  was  received  at  army  headquarters.  As 
it  seemed  to  claim  undue  credit  for  the  Thirteenth,  and  to 
reflect  unfairly  upon  the  Fourteenth  and  Seventeenth  corps, 
both  Sherman  and  McPherson  protested  officially  against  it. 
The  case  was  a  serious  one  on  its  merits,  but  it  had  been 
preceded  by  an  outburst  of  anger  and  threatened  disobedi 
ence  of  orders  on  the  part  of  McClernand,  which  precipitated 
a  crisis  that  Rawlins  neither  desired  to  stay  nor  could  have 
stayed  had  he  tried. 

Shortly  after  the  investment  of  Vicksburg  I  carried  a 
verbal  order  from  Grant  to  McClernand,  directing  him  to 


132  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

send  more  troops  to  the  crossings  of  the  Big  Black,  for  the 
purpose  of  strengthening  the  defences  in  that  direction;  but 
instead  of  yielding  cheerful  compliance  with  the  order,  the 
choleric 'general  declared  emphatically  that  he  would  not  obey 
it,  and  would  not  be  dictated  to  any  longer  by  Grant  or  any 
body  else.  He  intimated  that  he  considered  himself  in  su 
preme  command,  and  punctuated  this  with  violent  language, 
which  appeared  to  be  intended  as  much  for  me  as  for  those 
in  higher  authority.  I  expressed  my  amazement  not  only 
at  the  general's  insubordination  but  at  the  language  in  which 
he  had  chosen  to  express  it.  This  was  at  once  followed  by 
a  declaration  that  the  oaths  he  had  used  were  not  intended 
for  me,  but  simply  as  an  expression  of  his  "intense  vehemence 
upon  the  subject-matter."  But  the  impression  produced  was 
an  unfavorable  one,  which  I  felt  it  my  duty  not  only  to  resent 
but  to  communicate  to  Rawlins,  and  which  he  in  turn  com 
municated  to  Grant. 

The  effect  of  this  incident  was  further  to  heighten  the  dis 
content  at  headquarters  with  McClernand.  It  convinced  Raw 
lins  at  least  that  an  open  rupture  would  soon  take  place, 
which  would  necessarily  result  in  the  relief  of  the  subordinate, 
no  matter  what  might  be  his  claims  upon  the  Government  or 
his  relations  with  the  President.  Grant  had  already  shown 
himself  to  be  a  patient  and  prudent  man,  of  unusual  reserve 
and  self-possession,  with  whom  a  more  impulsive  man  was 
always  at  a  disadvantage.  His  modesty  and  self-control  were 
at  times  considered  as  an  indication  of  weakness,  whereas 
they  were  really  the  cover  of  a  firm  and  resolute  will.  He 
was  naturally  kind  and  conciliatory,  without  being  effusive. 
He  was,  above  all,  considerate  towards  both  subordinates  and 
equals.  Indeed,  he  was  the  last  man  to  blame  those  under  his 
command  inconsiderately  or  unjustly  or  to  look  for  a  purpose 
on  the  part  of  any  one  to  treat  him  personally  with  disrespect 
or  officially  with  insubordination,  but  when  his  suspicion  was 


OPERATIONS  IN1  THE  WEST,  1862  133 

once  aroused,  he  was  quite  as  slow  to  forget  or  to  forgive 
an  offence  as  he  was  to  perceive  it. 

As  before  intimated,  McClernand  was  not  only  under  sus 
picion  but  was  regarded  by  many  as  a  rival  whose  pretentions 
might  under  certain  conditions  receive  the  backing  of  the 
Government.  Grant  therefore  appealed  to  Halleck  to  know 
how  far  he  could  count  upon  the  support  of  his  official  supe 
riors.  Dana,  who  had  become  fully  informed  as  to  the  merits 
of  the  case,  about  the  same  time  sounded  the  Secretary  of 
War.  Both  received  the  assurance  that  Grant  was  in  full 
authority  and  must  exercise  his  own  judgment  in  reference 
to  every  question  arising  within  the  limits  of  his  command. 

Strengthened  and  reassured  in  this  way,  Grant  was  swift 
to  act  upon  McClernand's  congratulatory  order  as  soon  as  he 
could  satisfy  himself  of  its  authenticity  and  of  the  reason 
ableness  of  the  protests  which  had  been  made  against  it. 
The  frank  avowal  of  McClernand  that  it  was  genuine,  and 
that  he  was  prepared  to  maintain  every  statement  it  con 
tained,  gave  Rawlins,  who  had  become  much  more  impatient 
than  his  chief,  a  sound  basis  upon  which  to  urge  instant  ac 
tion.  Grant,  now  thoroughly  aroused,  needed  but  little  push 
ing,  and  at  once  directed  the  issuance  of  an  order  relieving 
McClernand  from  the  command  of  the  Thirteenth  Army 
Corps,  instructing  him  to  proceed  to  such  point  in  Illinois  as 
he  might  select,  and  to  report  thence  to  the  Secretary  of  War 
for  further  orders.  The  order  was  written  on  the  night  of 
June  17,  with  the  intention  that  I  should  deliver  it  the  first 
thing  the  next  morning.  It  so  happened  that  my  duties  had 
kept  me  out  that  day  till  about  midnight,  but  on  my  return 
to  camp  I  found  Rawlins  up  and  waiting  for  me.  As  this  was 
a  somewhat  unusual  circumstance,  I  made  haste  to  ask  what 
it  meant,  and  was  informed  of  the  general's  order  relieving 
McClernand  and  his  wish  that  I  should  deliver  it  as  soon  after 
daylight  as  possible.  As  I  was  in  full  accord  with  its  pur 
poses,  and  felt  that  delay  might  be  fatal,  I  asked  permission 


134  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  take  it  to  McClernand  that  night,  late  as  it  was,  and  to 
notify  the  general  next  in  command,  on  my  way,  of  its 
import. 

We  were  at  that  time  expecting  a  sortie  of  the  beleaguered 
garrison,  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  through  our  lines  and 
forming  a  junction  with  Johnston,  who  was  maneuvering  in 
the  open  country  with  a  view  to  compelling  us  to  raise  the 
siege.  It  was  thought  that  the  sortie,  if  made,  would  prob 
ably  be  directed  against  the  front  held  by  the  Thirteenth 
Corps,  which  covered  the  two  principal  roads  leading  to  the 
interior  of  the  State,  and  it  was  regarded  as  certain  that, 
whatever  might  be  his  infirmities  of  temper  or  of  character, 
McClernand  would  make  a  gallant  resistance.  His  troops 
were  veterans  and,  although  somewhat  loose  in  discipline, 
had  never  been  beaten.  They  were  justly  regarded  as  among 
the  best  in  the  army  and  sure  to  hold  their  lines  of  circum- 
vallation  even  against  a  night  sortie  in  force,  if  any  soldiers 
could.  It  was  also  regarded  as  certain  that  McClernand,  who 
with  all  his  shortcomings  was  an  officer  of  undaunted  cour 
age,  would  be  in  the  thick  of  the  fight ;  in  which  event  Grant 
would  probably  overlook  his  past  offences  and  withhold  the 
order,  which  would  merely  defer  the  trouble  to  another  day. 
This  statement  of  the  case  seemed  to  be  conclusive,  and  with 
out  referring  the  matter  again  to  Grant,  Rawlins  authorized 
me  to  deliver  the  order  of  relief  at  once. 

McClernand's  headquarters  were  four  miles  to  the  south, 
the  night  was  dark,  and  the  roads  both  crooked  and  obscure, 
but  accompanied  by  the  provost  marshal,  Colonel  Marsh,  with 
a  detachment  of  four  mounted  men  and  a  non-commissioned 
officer,  I  reached  there  at  i  A.  M.,  and  after  a  few  minutes' 
interview,  attended  by  all  the  formalities  appropriate  to  the 
occasion,  I  received  an  acknowledgment  from  the  general  that 
he  understood  that  the  order  went  into  effect  immediately, 
and  that  under  no  circumstances  which  could  arise  was  he 
to  exercise  any  further  command  in  that  army.  It  was  sup- 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  135 

posed  that  his  confidence  in  the  support  of  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  War  might  cause  him  to  contest  the  order  or 
even  to  resist  it,  but  fortunately  this  supposition  was  un 
founded.  It  was,  however,  an  occasion  of  grave  importance, 
which  filled  Rawlins  with  anxiety  and  kept  him  up  till  I  re 
turned  at  half-past  two  in  the  morning  with  the  report  that 
the  order  had  been  delivered,  and  that  the  general  had  given 
proper  assurances  that  he  understood  it,  and  would  observe 
its  provisions  in  accordance  with  the  verbal  instructions  which 
I  had  given  in  explanation  thereof. 

From  that  time  till  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg,  which  oc 
curred  on  the  4th  of  July,  perfect  harmony  prevailed  in 
the  investing  army.  Indeed,  harsh  as  it  may  seem  at  this 
time,  the  example  which  had  been  made  of  McClernand,  the 
aggressive  and  ambitious  leader,  the  powerful  and  popular 
politician,  the  friend  of  the  President,  and  by  no  means  with 
out  friends  in  the  army,  had  a  good  effect  upon  the  discipline 
of  the  higher  officers,  and  did  much  towards  making  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  composed  as  it  was  entirely  of  volun 
teers,  many  of  whom  were  politicians,  ever  afterwards  one 
of  the  most  subordinate,  cheerful  and  effective  organizations 
that  ever  upheld  the  national  cause. 

While  Grant's  great  but  hazardous  campaign  had  resulted 
in  defeating  the  enemy  in  detail  at  Port  Gibson,  Raymond, 
Jackson,  Champion's  Hill,  and  the  Big  Black;  in  the  capture 
of  a  strongly  fortified  city  with  its  defending  army  of  over 
thirty  thousand  men;  in  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi  River 
from  Cairo  to  the  Gulf ;  and  in  effectually  severing  the  Confed 
eracy  into  two  great  parts,  neither  of  which  could  cooperate 
with  or  support  the  other,  that  of  Rosecrans,  after  a  most 
brilliant  opening,  followed  by  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy 
from  Tennessee,  finally  came  to  an  unfortunate  end  a  few 
weeks  later  at  Chickamauga. 

In  looking  back  upon  the  events  of  this  year,  we  can  now 
see,  however,  that  they  did  not  yield  all  the  advantages  that 


136  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

should  have  flowed  from  them.  The  national  Government 
was  strangely  negligent  of  its  opportunities  and  of  the  dangers 
by  which  it  was  beset.  Grant's  victory,  resulting  first  and  last 
in  the  destruction  and  capture  of  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men,  was  in  itself  both  Napoleonic  and  complete.  Coming 
as  it  did  on  the  heels  of  the  great  disappointment  felt  by 
the  country  at  the  escape  of  Lee's  army,  with  its  organizations 
and  trains  intact,  from  the  field  of  Gettysburg,  it  was  received 
without  question  as  ending  the  war  in  the  Southwest,  and 
yet  the  victory  was  seriously  marred  by  the  lenient  terms  of 
the  surrender  by  which  the  captured  garrison  of  Vicksburg 
was  paroled  and  allowed  to  march  back  into  the  Confederacy 
with  its  haversacks  filled  and  its  regimental,  brigade  and  divi 
sion  organizations  unbroken. 

It  will  be  recalled  by  those  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
War  that  in  consequence  of  the  deadlock,  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  East  between  the  National  and  Confederate 
authorities  in  regard  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  the  Con 
federate  Government  made  haste  to  ignore  and  repudiate  this 
capitulation  and  to  order  the  entire  force  covered  by  it  back 
to  their  colors.  Consequently  it  was  but  a  few  weeks  till 
every  Confederate  regiment  paroled  by  Grant  at  Vicksburg 
was  rearmed  and  again  doing  duty  in  garrison,  or  on  detach 
ment  in  Eastern  Mississippi  and  Alabama,  in  place  of  troops 
drawn  from  those  regions  and  sent  to  reen force  Bragg  in 
Northeastern  Georgia.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  apparent  that 
if  the  Vicksburg  prisoners  had  been  sent  to  the  prison  camps 
of  the  North,  as  Rawlins  and  others  advised,  and  nearly 
everybody  expected,  or  had  two  corps  of  Grant's  army  been 
sent  at  once,  as  could  easily  have  been  done,  to  reenforce 
Rosecrans,  as  Longstreet  was  sent  to  reenforce  Bragg,  the 
overwhelming  disaster  of  Chickamauga  would  have  certainly 
been  avoided. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  Vicksburg  surrendered  July 
4,  that  the  battle  of  Chickamauga  was  fought  September  19, 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  137 

or  fully  six  weeks  later,  and  that  the  distance  between  those 
two  important  points  by  water  and  rail  could  have  been  easily 
covered  in  ten  or  twelve  days,  as  was  the  much  greater  dis 
tance  from  Washington  to  Chattanooga  a  couple  of  months 
afterwards,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Government  at  Richmond 
greatly  outgeneraled  the  Government  at  Washington  during 
that  eventful  summer.  Grant  and  Roseerans,  commanding 
independent  armies,  did  their  part  well  enough  with  the  means 
at  their  disposal,  but  neither  had  discretion  to  go  to  the  as 
sistance  of  the  other.  To  make  such  a  concentration  of  force 
pertains  to  the  higher  functions  of  the  General-in-Chief  or  of 
the  War  Department,  and  that  neither  had  the  sagacity  to 
order  it  is  one  of  the  most  unaccountable  facts  of  the  war. 
Grant  was  allowed  to  visit  Banks  at  New  Orleans,  entirely 
outside  the  field  of  active  military  operations,  while  Sherman, 
with  the  bulk  of  Grant's  army,  was  sent  on  a  wild-goose  chase 
via  Demopolis  in  the  direction  of  Montgomery. 

The  Confederates  meanwhile  were  making  war  on  more 
scientific  principles.  Longstreet  had  been  detached  from 
Lee's  army  and  was  on  the  way  to  reenforce  Bragg  on  the 
Chickamauga,  in  Northwestern  Georgia,  in  consequence  of 
which  a  desperate  battle  was  fought,  and  a  great  defeat  was 
inflicted  upon  the  over-confident  Rosecrans  and  his  army  at 
Chickamauga. 

This  calamity  thoroughly  aroused  the  authorities  at  Wash 
ington,  and  convinced  them  that  they  must  concentrate  with 
out  delay  at  Chattanooga,  a  few  miles  to  the  rear,  an  over 
whelming  force  with  which  to  stay  the  Confederate  advance 
and  make  good  the  hold  of  the  Union  army  upon  that  great 
strategic  centre. 

It  was  also  seen  at  once  that,  if  the  Confederates  could  send 
Longstreet's  corps  from  Virginia  by  their  poorly  constructed 
and  poorly  equipped  railroads,  the  Union  administration  could 
send  a  corresponding  force  from  the  same  theatre  of  opera 
tions  without  any  greater  risk  than  their  opponents  had  taken. 


138  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Accordingly  they  sent  Hooker  with  the  Eleventh  and  Twelfth 
Corps,  an  aggregate  force  of  twenty-three  thousand  men,  by 
rail  from  Bristow  Station,  Virginia,  to  Stevenson,  Alabama, 
near  Chattanooga,  a  distance  of  twelve  hundred  and  thirty 
miles,  in  eleven  and  a  half  days.9  It  was  now  seen  that 
Grant's  army,  resting  at  or  near  Vicksburg,  could  also  be 
drawn  upon,  and  after  the  loss  of  much  time,  the  greater  part 
of  it  under  Sherman  was  ordered  by  the  way  of  Memphis 
to  reenforce  Rosecrans  at  Chattanooga. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  had  closed  in  upon  Chattanooga  and 
broken  its  railway  connection  with  the  North.  Winter  was 
approaching,  the  rainy  season  had  begun,  the  roads  to  the 
rear  were  rough  and  muddy,  food  and  supplies  were  becom 
ing  scarce,  the  horses  of  the  artillery  and  the  mules  of  the 
wagon  trains  were  starving,  and  the  necessity  of  a  further 
retreat  had  already  been  conceded,  unless  a  way  could  be 
found  to  regain  possession  of  the  railway  to  the  rear,  and 
to  reopen  "the  cracker  line."  But  what  was  most  impor 
tant  of  all  was  that  it  had  at  last  become  apparent  that  a 
supreme  commander  was  necessary  on  the  ground  to  give 
direction  and  unity  to  the  operations  which  must  at  once  be 
undertaken.  Under  these  circumstances  the  hero  of  Vicks 
burg  was  naturally  assigned  to  the  chief  command.  The  de 
partments  of  the  Ohio,  the  Cumberland,  and  the  Tennessee 
were  now  united  into  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi, 
as  Grant  had  recommended  in  the  opening  days  of  the  Vicks 
burg  campaign.  The  modest  general  had  played  his  part  with 
consummate  ability  and  success,  but,  as  has  been  shown,  his 
friend  and  adjutant  general  had  contributed  a  full  and  un 
usual  share  not  only  towards  the  adoption  of  the  plan  which 
had  led  to  such  splendid  results  but  to  the  maintenance  of 
that  authority  over  his  subordinates,  and  to  the  establishment 
of  that  discipline  among  the  rank  and  file  without  which 

9  For   particulars,    see    "Lincoln    in    the   Telegraph    Office,"    by    David 
Homer  Bates,  pp.  192  et  seq.    Century  Co.,  1907. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  139 

neither  tactics,  however  good,  nor  strategy,  however  brilliant, 
could  prevail. 

That  Grant  harbored  no  ill-feeling  on  account  of  Raw- 
lins's  manly  letter  of  June  6  is  conclusively  shown  by  the  fact 
that  he  not  only  continued  Rawlins  in  the  confidential  posi 
tion  of  adjutant  general  but  recommended  him,  on  July  27, 
for  promotion,  along  with  a  number  of  others  whom  he  also 
praised  for  ''gallant  and  meritorious  services,"  and  for  "ex 
treme  fitness  for  higher  command."  It  was  no  slight  honor 
for  any  one  to  find  his  name  coupled  with  those  of  Dodge 
and  William  Sooy  Smith,  who  were  selected  for  promotion 
to  the  rank  of  Major  General,  or  with  those  of  such  fight 
ing  colonels  as  Gresham,  Corse,  and  Force,  who  were  desig 
nated  for  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General.  Much  to  his  sur 
prise  and  gratification,  Rawlins  found  his  name  in  this  dis 
tinguished  list,  and  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that,  although  he 
was  only  a  staff  officer,  he  was  singled  out  of  the  entire  lot 
for  special  mention  in  the  concluding  paragraph  of  the  Gen 
eral's  letter,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Lieutenant  Colonel  Rawlins  has  been  my  assistant  ad 
jutant  general  from  the  beginning  of  the  Rebellion.  No  officer 
has  now  a  more  honorable  reputation  than  he  has;  and  I  think 
I  can  safely  say  that  he  would  make  a  good  corps  commander. 
This  promotion  I  would  particularly  ask  as  a  reward  of  merit.  .  .  . 

The  appointment  of  Brigadier  General  was  promptly  made, 
but  notwithstanding  the  unusual  terms  in  which  it  had  been 
asked  for,  the  Senate  was  slow  to  give  its  consent.  Indeed, 
it  did  not  do  so  until  the  middle  of  the  next  year,  and  then 
only  in  response  to  a  personal  appeal  made  by  Grant,  April 
4,  1864,  after  his  own  appointment  as  Lieutenant  General,  to 
the  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
as  follows: 

...  I  would  most  respectfully  but  earnestly  ask  for  the  con 
firmation  of  Brigadier  General  John  A.  Rawlins  by  your  honor- 


140  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

able  body.  General  Rawlins  has  served  with  me  from  the  be 
ginning  of  the  Rebellion.  I  know  he  has  most  richly  earned  his 
present  position.  He  comes  the  nearest  being  indispensable  to 
me  of  any  officer  in  the  service.  But  if  his  confirmation  is  de 
pendent  on  his  commanding  troops,  he  shall  command  troops  at 
once.  There  is  no  department  commander,  near  where  he  has 
served,  that  would  not  most  gladly  give  him  the  very  largest  and 
most  responsible  command  his  rank  would  entitle  him  to. 

Believing  a  short  letter  on  this  subject  more  acceptable  than  a 
long  one,  I  will  only  add  that  it  is  my  earnest  desire  that  General 
Rawlins  should  be  confirmed ;  .  .  . 

In  conclusion  Grant  ventured  to  express  the  fear  that  the 
Senate's  failure  to  confirm  this  worthy  officer  would  work 
injury  to  him  as  well  as  to  the  service,  because  it  might 
fairly  be  considered  as  due  to  the  fact  that  the  officer  had 
made  himself  too  valuable  in  a  lower  position.  But  this  is 
not  all.  When  the  news  that  the  President  had  acted  fa 
vorably  in  regard  to  Rawlins's  promotion  was  received  at 
Vicksburg,  where  Rawlins  remained  with  the  headquarters 
of  the  Department  during  the  summer  after  the  capture  of 
Vicksburg,  Grant  made  haste,  August  13,  1863,  to  write  to 
their  fellow-townsman  and  representative  in  Congress,  E. 
B.  Washburne,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Rawlins  and  Maltby  have  been  appointed  brigadier  gen 
erals.  These  are  richly  deserved  promotions.  Rawlins  especially 
is  no  ordinary  man.  The  fact  is,  had  he  started  in  this  war  in 
the  line  instead  of  the  staff,  there  is  every  probability  that  he 
would  be  to-day  one  of  our  shining  lights.  As  it  is  he  is  better 
and  more  favorably  known  than  any  other  officer  in  the  army 
who  has  filled  only  staff  appointments.  Some  men — too  many 
of  them — are  only  made  by  their  staff  appointments,  while  others 
give  respectability  to  their  position.  Rawlins  is  of  the  latter 
class.10 

These  letters  show  beyond  question  that  Grant  had  the 
highest  regard  for  the  fidelity  and  usefulness  of  Rawlins, 

10  Richardson's  "Personal  History  of  U.  S.  Grant,"  pp.  343-346. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  141 

and  while  it  may  be  contended  that  they  overestimate  his 
fitness  in  point  of  technical  knowledge  and  experience  at  that 
time  for  the  command  of  an  army  corps,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  they  bear  the  best  possible  testimony  to  his  mili 
tary  aptitude,  as  well  as  to  the  soundness  of  his  judgment  and 
the  elevation  of  his  character.  They  bear  equally  conclusive 
testimony  both  to  Grant's  own  magnanimity  and  to  the  deli 
cacy  with  which  he  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  serv 
ices  which  his  friend  had  rendered  to  him,  and  which  his 
adjutant  general  had  rendered  to  the  country  at  large. 

That  the  letter  last  quoted  put  the  ever-vigilant  Washburne 
on  his  mettle  to  procure  the  favorable  action  of  the  Senate 
on  Rawlins's  promotion  is  well  known  to  their  common  ac 
quaintances.  He  had  been  from  the  first  the  devoted  friend 
of  both  Grant  and  Rawlins.  They  were  his  neighbors  and 
constituents  at  Galena,  where  their  advancement  was  regarded 
as  his  advancement.  He  had  seen  them  at  work  in  the  field, 
and  had  heard  in  what  estimation  they  were  held  by  those 
who  served  with  and  under  them.  He  had  especially  come 
to  know  how  necessary  Rawlins  was,  not  only  to  Grant's 
self-control  but  to  his  military  career  as  well.  They  stood 
absolutely  together  in  his  mind,  and  the  success  of  one  was 
the  success  of  the  other.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  he 
worked  at  all  times  willingly  and  cheerfully  for  the  promo 
tion  of  Rawlins,  by  the  same  steps,  if  not  to  the  same  degree, 
that  Grant  was  promoted  or  showed  himself  to  be  worthy 
of  it. 

We  may  now  pause  to  consider  more  fully  what  sort  of  man 
Rawlins,  the  charcoal  burner,  had  become.  Attending  the 
neighborhood  school  for  eight  terms,  transferring  to  the  town 
High  School  for  a  single  term,  working  alternately  at  the 
charcoal  pits  and  the  farm,  and  gradually  saving  money 
enough,  he  entered  the  Rock  River  Seminary.  Here  he  stud 
ied  the  higher  branches  for  two  academic  years  and  hoped 
to  graduate,  but  as  his  money  gave  out,  he  was  forced  to 


142  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

return  to  charcoal  burning  for  a  season.  But  in  doing  so 
he  was  conscious  that  his  education,  though  not  complete, 
was  as  good  as  that  of  the  average  young  man  of  the 
period. 

We  have  seen  how  he  lighted  his  pits  again,  how  his  team 
gave  out  as  he  was  hauling  his  charcoal  to  market,  how  he 
sold  his  load,  his  wagon,  and  his  oxen  to  the  railroad  con 
tractors,  and  then  how  he  pushed  on  to  Galena,  where  he 
studied  law  and  in  due  time  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  became 
city  attorney,  and  made  himself  known  as  a  good  lawyer 
and  a  rising  man.  He  had  already  developed  a  strong  taste 
and  considerable  skill  in  public  speaking.  Although  lacking 
in  city  polish  and  refinement,  he  was  far  from  being  rough  or 
illiterate.  He  had  a  genuine  taste  for  good  books,  and  had 
read  such  as  were  within  reach.  He  sought  good  company, 
as  became  a  sober,  serious,  and  ambitious  youth,  and,  like 
many  of  his  friends  at  the  Seminary,  he  early  developed  a 
decided  taste  for  public  affairs. 

As  the  times  were  stormy  and  "the  noble  controversies 
of  politics"  uppermost  in  everybody's  mind,  he  soon  began  to 
take  a  leading  part  in  the  community  of  which  he  was  a  citi 
zen.  A  Democrat  by  conviction  as  well  as  by  inheritance, 
he  became  an  ardent  supporter  of  Douglas  and  his  doctrine 
of  "popular  sovereignty,"  and  when  the  Presidential  election 
of  1860  came  on  he  was  chosen  by  his  party  in  the  Galena 
district  as  its  candidate  for  the  honorable  position  of  Presi 
dential  elector.  Challenged  by  his  opponent  to  a  joint  debate, 
he  accepted  the  challenge  and  stumped  the  district,  with  the 
result  that  his  eloquence  and  moderation  certified  him  to  the 
State  at  large  as  one  of  its  most  promising  young  men. 

After  all  efforts  to  prevent  civil  war  had  failed,  and  the 
South  Carolinians  had  precipitated  the  conflict  by  firing  upon 
the  flag  at  Fort  Sumter,  Rawlins's  patriotic  speech  at  the 
Galena  mass  meeting  had  produced  a  genuine  surprise  and 
a  genuine  sensation.  It  aroused  the  faint-hearted,  dissipated 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  143 

the  fears  of  the  doubtful  and  stirred  a  raging  fever  in  the 
minds  of  every  loyal  citizen  who  was  fortunate  enough  to 
hear  him.  It  made  Grant  his  friend,  and  brought  them  both 
to  the  threshold  of  a  new  career,  in  which  one  became  the 
leading  general  of  his  time,  and  the  other  his  adjutant  and 
finally  his  chief  of  staff. 

We  have  seen  how  Rawlins,  without  military  knowledge 
or  experience  but  with  a  full  sense  of  his  own  unfitness,  took 
up  the  duties  of  his  new  position,  patiently  and  persistently 
learning  them  one  by  one,  till  all  were  creditably  performed. 
We  have  seen  how  at  the  threshold  of  his  military  life  he 
was  brought  face  to  face  with  serious  charges  against  his 
chief;  how  he  refuted  them,  and  made  himself  responsible 
for  his  good  behavior ;  how  he  became  his  monitor  and  watch 
ful  guardian,  the  enemy  of  those  who  pandered  to  his  weak 
ness,  and  the  friend  of  all  who  helped  to  stay  him  from 
falling. 

No  one  can  read  the  narrative,  from  Belmont  to  Vicks- 
burg,  in  which  Grant's  star  was  rising  to  its  zenith,  with 
out  perceiving  that  Rawlins's  task  was  scarcely  less  difficult 
than  Grant's,  or  without  acknowledging  that  he  performed 
it  with  such  tact,  cleverness,  firmness,  and  patriotism  as  to 
merit  not  only  all  that  Grant  could  do  for  him  but  to  entitle 
him  to  all  the  rank  and  consideration  his  country  finally 
bestowed  upon  him.  When  it  is  remembered  that  the  staff 
officer  who  played  this  important  but  unusual  part  never  put 
himself  forward  to  claim  credit,  reward,  or  promotion,  but 
silently  and  firmly  effaced  himself,  while  doing  all  he  could 
to  shield  his  friend  from  criticism,  to  advance  his  fortunes, 
and  to  ensure  his  final  triumph,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
Rawlins  had  grown  to  a  noble  and  fearless  manhood,  in  every 
way  worthy  of  the  admiration  of  all  who  read  this  simple 
story. 

The  part  played  by  him  in  bringing  forward  and  advocat 
ing  the  plan  by  which  Johnston's  army  was  defeated  and  Vicks- 


144  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

burg  with  its  garrison  were  captured  lifted  him  to  another 
sphere  and  to  another  altitude.  Hitherto,  he  had  concerned 
himself  mainly  with  the  routine  duties  of  his  office  and  with 
the  personal  interests  of  his  chief,  but  this  raised  him  to  the 
rank  of  military  adviser  and  strategist,  in  which,  as  this 
narrative  will  show,  he  was  destined  to  the  end  of  the  war 
to  exert  a  powerful  influence  over  the  plans  and  policies  by 
which  it  was  brought  to  a  fortunate  conclusion. 

Finally  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  emergency  which  was 
signalized  by  Rawlins's  letter  of  June  6,  1863,  was  one  which 
called  for  courage  of  a  different  sort  from  that  of  the  sol 
dier  in  the  fighting  line.  To  such  as  are  familiar  with  mili 
tary  hierarchy  and  its  rules,  it  will  appear  almost  incredible 
that  an  adjutant  should  have  taken  such  a  liberty  as  he  did; 
and  when  it  is  recalled  that  he  did  this  entirely  without  ad 
vice  from  any  one  and  on  his  own  responsibility,  it  must 
be  conceded,  in  the  words  of  Grant's  letter  of  August  13, 
that  "Rawlins  especially  was  no  ordinary  man."  When  it  is 
recalled  in  addition  that  Grant,  the  next  year,  in  asking  for 
Rawlins's  confirmation  as  brigadier  general,  strengthened  his 
former  recommendation  by  the  statement  that  "he  comes  near 
est  being  indispensable  to  me  of  any  officer  in  the  service," 
it  becomes  certain  that  the  admonitions  of  a  friend  had  not 
only  given  no  offence  in  his  case  but  had  rather  drawn  closer 
the  bonds  of  interest  and  respect  between  the  parties  to  the 
incident.  Indeed,  Grant's  written  declarations  in  favor  of 
Rawlins  receive  a  peculiar  significance  from  the  remonstrance 
and  the  circumstances  which  called  it  forth.  Happily,  so  far 
as  known,  they  stand  alone  in  our  annals  and  may  well  be 
regarded  as  reflecting  unusual  credit  upon  both  of  the  men 
connected  with  them. 

When  Vicksburg  surrendered  and  filled  the  country  with 
the  fame  of  General  Grant  and  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
Rawlins  had  reached  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel.  He 
was  in  his  thirty-third  year,  a  man  of  medium  size  and  weight, 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  145 

about  five  feet  seven  inches  high,  with  black  hair,  dark,  al 
most  black,  eyes,  and  swarthy  complexion.  His  features  were 
regular,  without  being  noticeably  handsome.  He  had  no 
color  in  his  cheeks,  and  made  no  pretension  to  elegance  of 
deportment  or  military  bearing.  He  was  just  a  plain,  blunt 
man,  full  of  purpose  and  vigor,  of  austere  habits,  severe 
morals,  inflexible  will,  resolution  and  courage,  and  of  most 
aggressive  temper.  He  had  no  thought  but  for  the  success  of 
our  arms  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under  the  Con 
stitution  and  laws.  American  to  the  innermost  recesses  of  his 
heart,  and  alive  to  the  drift  of  public  opinion,  with  a  mind 
alert  and  responsive  to  every  noble  sentiment,  he  reached  con 
clusions  of  his  own  upon  all  subjects,  both  military  and  civil, 
and  never  for  a  moment  hesitated  to  express  them  with  inde 
pendence  and  vigor,  whether  they  were  asked  for  or  not.  His 
very  ignorance  of  military  customs  and  ceremonies  was  a 
source  of  strength  rather  than  of  weakness,  as  it  caused  him 
to  go  straight  to  the  highest  authority  without  fear  and  with 
out  hesitation.  Conscious  of  his  own  rectitude  and  unselfish 
devotion  to  duty,  he  expected  every  officer,  however  high,  and 
every  man,  however  low,  to  give  all  there  was  in  him  to  the 
cause  of  the  Union. 

As  a  rule,  his  voice  was  low  and  well  modulated,  but  withal 
he  was  capable  of  the  most  vehement  flights  of  eloquence 
when  occasion  called  for  them.  Direct  in  purpose  and  delib 
erate  in  manner,  his  ordinary  speech  was  firm,  straight 
forward,  and  convincing,  but  in  the  face  of  opposition  or 
delay  he  did  not  hesitate  to  raise  his  voice  to  emphasize  what 
he  was  saying  or,  all  unconsciously  perhaps,  to  punctuate  it 
with  epithets  and  even  oaths  that  were  sure  to  arouse  and 
stimulate  rather  than  to  shock  or  offend.  He  was  altogether 
the  most  earnest  and  impressive  man  of  his  rank  the  army 
had  in  it.  With  an  absolute  unconsciousness  of  self,  his 
thoughts  were  naturally  direct,  coherent  and  logical.  Never 
hesitating  for  a  word,  and  never  uttering  one  indistinctly  or 


146  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

hurriedly,  his  sentences  were  short,  crisp,  and  convincing. 
Nor  do  I  recall  a  single  instance  in  which  they  failed  to 
carry  through  the  recommendation  or  measure  in  behalf  of 
which  they  were  uttered. 

Profoundly  impressed  by  the  responsibilities  resting  upon 
his  Chief,  and  indirectly  upon  himself,  he  took  neither  rest 
nor  respite  from  his  work,  but  stood  by  night  and  day  to  see 
that  no  weakness  was  displayed,  no  duty  was  neglected,  no 
effort  was  misdirected  and  no  opportunity  was  allowed  to  pass 
by  unimproved.  With  such  a  mind  as  this,  its  possessor 
needed  nothing  except  technical  training  to  become  not  only 
a  model  chief  of  staff  but  a  model  corps  or  army  commander. 
Situated  as  he  was,  however,  there  was  no  such  destiny  in 
store  for  him.  Fate  or  circumstances  had  cast  his  lot  in  an 
other  sphere,  and  while  there  is  no  evidence  extant  that  he 
had  any  other  ambition,  or  ever  indulged  in  vain  repinings, 
it  is  certain  from  the  foregoing  narrative  that  he  was  fully 
conscious  of  the  dangers  which  lay  in  the  path  of  the  easy 
going  and  sociably  inclined  chief  with  whom  he  was  asso 
ciated.  While  it  cannot  be  said  that  Rawlins  ever  presumed 
upon  the  slightest  familiarity  with  Grant,  they  were  the  best 
of  friends,  though  it  must  be  confessed  that  Grant,  in  their 
daily  intercourse,  showed  more  bonhomie  towards  his  staff 
officer  than  his  staff  officer  showed  towards  him.  In  this 
they  were  not  unlike  Lincoln  and  Stanton.  Grant,  who  was 
always  kind  and  considerate,  loved  to  chat  with  those  about 
him,  by  the  campfire  or  on  the  march,  but  Rawlins  was  more 
serious  and  apparently  more  preoccupied.  He  of  course  had 
the  orders  and  staff  details  to  look  after  and  these  necessarily 
absorbed  his  time  and  attention  while  others  were  at  rest. 
But  the  close  of  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  which  was  not  only 
the  most  brilliant  but  the  most  complete  in  all  our  annals, 
inaugurated  a  new  era  in  his  career.  It  had  inflicted  the 
first  mortal  blow  upon  the  Confederacy.  It  had  raised  the 
hopes  of  the  Union  men  everywhere  to  the  certainty  of  a 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  147 

complete  triumph  in  the  end,  and  not  only  they  but  the  world 
at  large  were  calling  for  the  details  by  which  the  army's  rapid 
marches  had  been  made,  and  its  splendid  battles  had  been 
won. 

It  has  long  since  come  to  be  well  known  that  Grant  had 
up  to  this  time  made  no  elaborate  reports,  and  had  apparently 
forgotten  that  he  had  sent  in  one  of  seven  closely- written 
pages,  in  regard  to  the  battle  of  Shiloh.  The  fact  is  that  he 
was  looked  upon  by  the  War  Department  as  a  poor  corre 
spondent  and  at  best  but  an  indifferent  reporter  of  his  own 
deeds.  But  now  all  this  was  to  be  changed,  and  the  complete 
story  was  to  be  told.  As  was  his  habit,  Grant  wrote  with  his 
own  hand  an  outline  of  what  had  taken  place  from  first  to 
last  as  far  as  he  could  recall  it,  and  then  turned  that  over 
to  Rawlins  as  a  basis  for  the  final  and  complete  report,  in 
which  every  date  and  figure  should  be  verified  and  every 
essential  detail  should  be  fully  given.  Henceforth  this  was 
the  rule  and  practice,  and  the  duty  of  carrying  them  into 
effect  fell  upon  Rawlins  and  his  assistant,  Major,  afterwards 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  Bowers.  As  the  former  was  a  methodical 
lawyer  and  the  latter  an  experienced  newspaper  man  and 
ready  writer,  the  work  was  thoroughly  done,  and  as  a  con 
sequence  Grant's  reports  from  that  day  forth  are  justly  re 
garded  as  models  of  clearness  and  completeness. 

Department  headquarters  remained  at  Vicksburg  during  the 
summer,  and  while  Grant  had  gone  to  New  Orleans  on  a 
trip  which  Rawlins  did  not  approve,  the  report  of  the  Vicks 
burg  Campaign  was  finished.  As  will  be  more  fully  set 
forth  hereafter,  Rawlins  was  at  the  same  time  in  virtual 
command  of  the  army,  attending  to  all  branches  of  its  admin 
istration,  and  making  all  the  necessary  orders,  in  the  name 
of  its  absent  commander. 

It  is  specially  worthy  of  note  that  Grant's  recommendations 
were  now  received  at  Washington  with  full  credit  and  due 
respect.  The  authorities  could  not  do  too  much  for  him. 


148  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Even  Halleck  wrote  him  complimentary  letters  and  treated 
him  with  marked  consideration,  and  what  was  still  more  to 
the  point, "the  promotions  he  had  asked  for  were  made  with 
out  delay.  Rawlins  shared  the  good  fortune  of  the  army 
and  was  gazetted  Brigadier  General  of  Volunteers  on  August 
n,  1863.  Naturally  he  felt  that  this  new  rank  was  intended 
in  a  measure  to  relieve  him  from  the  drudgery  of  paper  work, 
which  he  naturally  disliked,  and  to  impose  upon  him  the  larger 
and  more  important  duties  appropriate  to  the  peculiar  and 
very  unusual  personal  and  official  relations  which  had  grown 
up  between  him  and  his  Chief. 

In  his  relations  with  his  brothers  of  the  staff,  and  with 
the  general  and  other  officers  having  business  at  headquarters, 
Rawlins  was  singularly  cordial  and  approachable.  While 
he  liked  to  see  all  official  papers  framed  and  submitted  as 
required  by  the  army  regulations,  he  had  no  patience  with 
mere  red  tape  as  such.  Far  from  being  a  martinet  or  caring 
for  formalities  and  ceremonies,  he  made  every  officer  and 
enlisted  man  feel  that  it  was  a  pleasure  as  well  as  a  great 
privilege  to  meet  him.  Every  leading  officer  of  the  army 
knew  and  appreciated  him  as  a  modest,  unselfish,  and  able 
man,  who  could  not  be  swerved  from  his  duty,  nor  induced 
to  look  leniently  upon  the  vices  and  shortcomings  of  mili 
tary  life.  Kindly  and  considerate  towards  all,  civilians  as 
well  as  soldiers,  no  man  could  know  him  or  hear  him  con 
verse  without  marking  him  in  his  memory  as  a  man  of  the 
highest  character  and  patriotism.  While  he  was  cheerful 
and  friendly  towards  all,  he  was  never  light  or  trivial  in 
speech  or  behavior.  As  though  conscious  of  his  lack  of  the 
lighter  accomplishments,  he  never  sought  the  society  of  ladies, 
but  was  painfully  shy  in  the  presence  of  such  as  called  upon 
him  on  business  or  met  him  by  chance.  Altogether  and  every 
where,  though  clad  with  the  rank  and  power  of  office,  he 
never  forgot  that  he  was  one  of  the  plain  people.  While 
he  never  became  a  communicant  or  a  regular  church  member, 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  WEST,  1862  149 

he  had  a  profound  respect  for  religion  and  all  who  regulated 
their  lives  by  its  precepts.  Throughout  life  he  revered  the 
ways  of  the  godly,  and  looked  with  contempt  upon  the  idler 
and  the  drunkard.  He  drank  neither  beer,  wine,  nor  liquor, 
played  no  cards,  and  spent  no  time  in  idle  ways  or  light  and 
profligate  behavior.  In  the  times  of  the  Commonwealth  he 
would  have  been  a  Puritan  of  the  straitest  sect,  if  not  a 
Covenanter  and  an  Ironsides.  And  when  his  sturdy  English 
name  is  considered  along  with  the  austere  ways  of  his  life, 
who  can  say  that  he  was  not  descended  from  the  very  loins 
of  the  New  Model  Army,  which  was  the  crowning  glory  of 
the  immortal  Cromwell? 

It  is  not  certain  that  Rawlins  ever  read  the  story  of  that 
most  heroic  organization  of  our  race,  but  if  the  officers  and 
men  who  upheld  the  Union  cause  with  him  had  all  been  as 
simple,  steady,  orderly,  and  inflexible  in  character,  behavior, 
and  courage  as  he  was,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  we 
should  have  had  the  greatest  army  the  world  had  ever  seen 
up  to  that  time. 


IX 


AFFAIRS    AT    VICKSBURG 

Grant  Goes  to  New  Orleans — Rawlins  in  Virtual  Command — 
Made  Brigadier  General — Battle  of  Chickamauga — Grant  Or 
dered  to  Chattanooga — Commands  Military  Division  of  the 
Mississippi. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  the  capture  and  occupation  of  Vicks- 
burg,  army  headquarters  were  established  at  the  house  of  a 
well-to-do  planter  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city,  and  in  due 
time  both  Grant  and  his  staff  made  the  acquaintance  of  the 
ladies  of  the  family.  Among  them  was  the  governess,  a 
charming  and  accomplished  young  woman  from  Connecticut, 
named  Miss  Hurlbut.  Rawlins  was  at  that  time  in  the  prime 
of  life  and  apparently  in  perfect  health,  but  he  was  singu 
larly  shy  and  restrained  in  the  presence  of  ladies,  and  always 
avoided  their  society  when  he  could  do  so  without  rudeness. 
Others,  however,  less  backward  at  once  discovered  the  beauty 
and  attractiveness  of  the  fair  Yankee  and  made  her  the  object 
of  attentions  which,  although  intended  to  be  flattering,  soon 
became  embarrassing.  This  led  to  the  presentation  of  Raw 
lins  to  the  ladies  as  a  measure  of  protection  during  the  ab 
sence  of  Grant,  and  was  soon  followed  by  the  development 
of  an  interest  which  no  one,  and  Rawlins  least  of  all,  ex 
pected.  He  was  far  from  being  a  beau  but  he  was  full  of 
chivalry,  which  needed  only  a  proper  occasion  to  make  itself 
known.  This  he  found  in  the  protection  he  was  called  upon 
to  give  to  innocence  and  beauty.  He  had  been  a  widower 
nearly  two  years,  and  although  a  man  of  sedate  manners,  his 
reserve  was  soon  relaxed,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks, 

150 


AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG  151 

he  asked  for  and  obtained  the  hand  of  Miss  Hurlbut,  who 
was  at  that  time  a  most  attractive  picture  of  health  and 
beauty.  They  were  married  shortly  after  the  great  victory  of 
Missionary  Ridge,  on  December  23,  1863,  at  Danbury,  Con 
necticut,  and  became  a  devoted  and  contented  couple;  but, 
quite  unconscious  of  the  danger  that  menaced  them,  they  were 
destined  to  close  their  lives  in  turn,  after  a  few  short  years 
of  sorrow  and  suffering,  as  victims  of  that  most  dreadful 
of  diseases,  pulmonary  consumption. 

As  has  been  previously  stated,  Rawlins's  first  wife  died  of 
that  disease  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  and  it  is  now 
certain  that  she  communicated  it  to  her  husband.  It  first 
showed  itself  in  him  at  Chattanooga  in  the  winter  of  1863-64, 
but  the  victim,  with  delusive  hope,  regarded  it  not  only  then, 
but  for  several  years  afterwards,  as  merely  a  cold,  or  at  worst 
a  slight  bronchial  affliction,  which  would  soon  pass  away.  Its 
progress  was  slow,  but  certain  and  irresistible;  and  finally, 
after  seven  years  of  alternate  hope  and  despair,  it  proved 
fatal.  The  fair  young  wife  took  the  disease  in  due  course, 
and  although  every  aid  known  at  that  time  to  the  science  of 
medicine  was  tried,  she  succumbed  to  it  a  few  years  after  her 
husband's  death.  These  three  cases  afford  most  pathetic  but 
indubitable  evidence  both  of  the  communicability  and  the 
fatality  of  the  dread  disease.  The  microbe  or  bacillus  theory 
had  not  yet  been  announced,  and  the  modern  tests  of  the 
disease  were  still  unknown.  The  doctors  repeatedly  assured 
Rawlins  that  he  was  free  from  consumption,  but  the  fear 
of  it  was  with  him  from  his  first  persistent  cold  at  Chatta 
nooga  to  the  end  of  his  life,  and  this,  together  with  his  anxiety 
and  suffering,  had  a  modifying  influence  upon  his  tempera 
ment  and  career. 

But  to  return  to  the  consideration  of  current  events.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg  was 
concluded  by  Grant's  decision  to  parole  Pemberton  and  his 
army  and  allow  the  officers  and  men  to  proceed  to  their  homes, 


152  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

there  to  remain  till  properly  exchanged.  Rawlins,  as  before 
stated,  felt  that  this  was  mistaken  liberality,  and  that  it  would 
lead  to  complications,  if  not  to  the  immediate  reenrollment  of 
the  surrendered  army  in  the  fighting  force  of  the  Confederacy. 
He  suggested  that  it  would  be  better  to  send  the  prisoners 
to  the  North  for  detention  and  safe-keeping,  but  unfortu 
nately  Grant  upon  this  important  occasion  adhered  to  his 
own  views,  and  after  disarming  and  enrolling  his  prisoners 
and  putting  them  on  parole  not  to  take  further  part  in  the 
war  till  duly  exchanged,  allowed  them,  after  stacking  arms 
and  colors,  to  march  back  again  into  the  Confederacy,  under 
the  command  of  their  own  officers,  with  their  various  organi 
zations  intact. 

It  is  only  necessary  here  to  call  attention  anew  to  the  fact 
that  a  month  had  not  passed  before  the  Confederate  authori 
ties  repudiated  the  validity  of  the  capitulation  as  not  comply 
ing  with  the  terms  of  the  formal  agreement  between  the  two 
governments,  and  ordered  the  paroled  troops  to  take  up  arms 
and  resume  hostilities  against  the  United  States. 

Shortly  after  the  surrender  Sherman  was  ordered  towards 
Jackson  and  beyond  with  a  strong  force  of  cavalry,  infantry, 
and  artillery  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  the  State  of  Missis 
sippi  of  the  enemy.  Ord,  with  another  corps,  was  sent  to 
take  part  in  the  operations  in  Louisiana,  and  almost  imme 
diately  after  these  dispositions  were  made,  Grant  himself, 
accompanied  by  that  portion  of  the  staff  which  neither  Dana 
nor  Rawlins  valued  very  highly,  went  to  New  Orleans  for 
the  purpose  of  conferring  with  Banks.  The  result  of  these 
measures,  which  originated  mostly  with  Grant  and  were  ap 
proved  in  Washington,  was  to  scatter  and  practically  neu 
tralize  Grant's  splendid  army,  not  far  from  eighty  thousand 
strong,  and  to  place  its  nucleus  practically  on  the  defensive. 

Of  course  these  dispositions  could  not  have  been  made  or 
carried  into  effect  but  for  Halleck's  consent.  Although  the 
author  of  a  standard  work  on  the  art  of  war,  he  seemed  to 


AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG  153 

be  utterly  unable  to  understand  the  policy  of  concentration, 
or  how  to  use  the  overwhelming  forces  at  his  disposal  so  as 
to  follow  the  enemy  to  his  real  points  of  defence  and  make 
his  overthrow  certain.  Rosecrans  was  about  crossing  the 
Tennessee  River  for  the  purpose  of  maneuvering  Bragg  out 
of  Chattanooga.  To  thwart  this  purpose  and  to  prevent  the 
Confederacy  from  being  again  cut  in  two  by  an  advance  of 
the  national  forces  to  Atlanta,  the  Confederate  Government 
detached  Longstreet's  splendid  corps  of  veterans  from  Lee's 
army  in  Virginia,  and  ordered  it  to  report  to  Bragg  in  North 
ern  Georgia.  Instead  of  acting  on  the  timely  discovery 
of  this  important  movement,  which  had  been  made  by  Meade's 
provost  marshal  and  confirmed  by  spies  operating  in  East 
Tennessee  and  Virginia,  under  orders  issued  from  Dodge's 
headquarters  at  Corinth,  neither  Rosecrans  nor  the  Wash 
ington  authorities  made  any  adequate  preparations  to  antici 
pate  or  counteract  it.  As  elsewhere  stated,  it  was  feasible  to 
send  at  least  two  army  corps,  or  50,000  men,  from  Grant's 
army  on  the  Mississippi,  and  a  like  number  from  Meade's 
army,  at  any  time  after  the  fall  of  Vicksburg,  to  reen force 
Rosecrans;  but  this  was  not  done  till  more  than  ten  weeks 
had  been  wasted  in  secondary  operations,  or,  what  was  still 
worse,  in  idleness  at  sickly  encampments,  or  in  futile  and  frag 
mentary  operations  in  the  field. 

My  duties  as  Inspector  General  of  Grant's  army  required 
me  to  visit  the  posts  and  detachments  scattered  throughout 
the  widely  extended  Department  during  the  lull  of  operations, 
and  as  the  northernmost  post  was  at  Paducah,  and  there  was 
much  work  to  be  done  at  that  place  as  well  as  at  Cairo, 
Columbus,  Jackson,  Memphis,  and  Helena,  I  was  necessarily 
absent  for  several  weeks.  During  the  summer  months  and 
especially  while  Grant  was  absent,  Rawlins  remained  at  Vicks 
burg  in  charge  of  headquarters,  in  virtual  command  of 
the  army.  Strangely  enough,  although  both  Sherman  and 
McPherson  as  next  in  rank  were  entitled  in  turn  to  succeed, 


154  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

they  concurred  in  waiving  their  right  under  the  Army  Regu 
lations,  in  favor  of  Rawlins.  It  was  a  compliment  which 
he  fully  appreciated  and  yet  he  was  far  from  satisfied  with 
the  arrangement.  He  not  only  strongly  disapproved  Grant's 
trip  to  New  Orleans  but  chafed  under  the  arrangements, 
which  he  could  plainly  see  were  neutralizing  such  an  im 
portant  part  of  the  national  army. 

During  my  absence  I  wrote  him  freely  and  received  sev 
eral  characteristic  letters  in  reply.  From  one,  dated  Sep 
tember  15,  1863,  I  make  the  following  extract: 

...  I  am  sorry  that  General  Asboth's  Columbus  improvements 
cannot  be  justified  on  sound  military  principles,  for  it  will  make 
him  feel  badly,  but  an  officer  in  the  discharge  of  a  duty  must 
perform  it  strictly  no  matter  whom  it  may  place  in  an  unpleasant 
situation.  Of  course  he  will  not  go  outside  of  his  proper  path  to 
injure  one's  feelings. 

I  anticipate  a  large  amount  of  valuable  information  from  the 
result  of  your  present  inspection,  not  heretofore  had  at  Depart 
ment  Headquarters;  information  of  utility  as  well  as  interest. 
General  Grant  returned  from  Memphis  to  this  place  on  Saturday 
the  29th  ultimo,  and  left  here  on  the  3 1st  for  New  Orleans  accom 
panied  by  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  and  staff,  General  T.  Kilby 
Smith,  Colonels  Riggin  and  Duff,  Captains  Jaynes  and  Ross,  and 
has  not  yet  returned  though  I  am  looking  for  him  hourly.  I  hear 
a  rumor  that  on  Friday  of  the  first  week  in  this  month,  on  re 
turning  in  company  with  General  Banks  from  a  grand  review 
they  were  riding  quite  rapidly  when  General  Grant's  horse  fell 
and  injured  him  very  badly.  I  have  no  other  knowledge  than 
that  which  rumor  has  put  afloat.  No  one  of  his  highly  intelligent 
staff  has  deemed  the  matter  of  sufficient  importance  to  write  me 
one  word  nor  even  as  much  as  send  a  verbal  message.  The 
General  I  understand  is  at  Carrollton  and  I  suppose  his  staff  are 
in  New  Orleans  enjoying  hugely  the  time  the  General's  indis 
position  from  injuries  gives  them. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  matters  here  move  on  as  smoothly 
as  could  be  desired.  Sherman  and  McPherson  are  both  content 
that  I  should  carry  on  the  current  business  of  the  Department 
the  same  as  if  the  General  were  here.  All  General  Hurlbut's 


AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG  155 

requisitions  for  troops  with  which  to  reenforce  Steele  have  been 
filled  and  he  informed  that  if  necessary  more  could  be  spared. 
I  have  also  written  to  Colonel  Kelton  the  satisfactory  status  of 
things  here.  The  expedition  of  General  Crocker  to  Harrisburg, 
Louisiana,  was  a  complete  success.  The  enemy  evacuated  the 
place  leaving  four  field  pieces  in  our  possession.  I  hope  Steele 
may  get  up  a  fight  and  entirely  rout  the  rebels  at  Little  Rock.  I 
have  high  regards  for  Steele  but  would  like  to  see  Hurlbut  with 
the  expedition  himself. 

In  the  omitted  part  of  this  letter  Rawlins  disclosed  for 
the  first  time  the  great  interest  which  Miss  Hurlbut  had 
excited  in  him,  and  on  my  return  to  headquarters  he  con 
fessed  that  he  hoped  to  make  her  his  wife.  As  she  was 
in  every  way  worthy  of  him,  he  had  the  best  wishes  of 
his  family  and  friends,  and  especially  of  both  General  and 
Mrs.  Grant.  It  was  a  pleasure  to  all  to  see  this  strong  and 
rugged  man  softened  and  humanized  by  the  smiles  of  a 
beautiful  and  interesting  woman.  It  was  a  still  greater 
pleasure  to  see  him  finally  made  happy  a  few  months  later, 
by  the  union  of  her  lot  with  his  for  life. 

During  this  interesting  period,  and  just  before  Grant  left 
for  New  Orleans,  an  incident  took  place  which  well  illustrates 
the  relations  existing  between  him  and  his  adjutant.  Under 
the  trade  regulations  then  in  force  throughout  the  Depart 
ment,  citizens  were  still  forbidden  to  buy  or  ship  cotton 
to  the  North,  but  in  violation  of  standing  orders  a  connec 
tion  of  Grant's  by  marriage,  who  had  come  ostensibly  to 
visit  him,  bought  and  undertook  to  ship  North  a  lot  of 
cotton  from  a  landing  nearby.  The  circumstance  was  at 
once  reported  to  Rawlins,  and  as  a  matter  of  routine,  with 
out  even  consulting  his  chief,  he  issued  an  order  expelling 
the  offender  from  the  department.  This  shortly  became 
known  to  the  General,  who  at  once  most  modestly  asked 
Rawlins  to  recall  or  suspend  the  order.  Thinking  that  the 
request  foreshadowed  a  weakening  on  the  part  of  the  General 


156  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

in  behalf  of  his  kinsman,  which  would  not  be  extended  to 
an  ordinary  citizen,  Rawlins  broke  forth  in  a  flood  of  violent 
language,  concluding  with  the  declaration  that  if  he  were 
a  general*  commanding  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men 
and  a  relation  of  his  came  down  into  it  and  violated  one  of 
his  important  standing  orders,  he  would  march  him  out 
under  guard  and  hang  him  to  the  highest  tree  within  five  miles 
of  camp.  Grant  was  naturally  amazed  at  this  outburst,  but 
with  admirable  self-control  made  no  reply  whatever,  where 
upon  Rawlins  retired  to  his  office,  pale  with  rage.  The  scene 
was  an  embarrassing  one  violating  in  every  way  the  rules  of 
official  propriety.  It  was  the  first  time  I  had  ever  seen 
Rawlins  lose  his  temper  with  the  General,  and  feeling  sure 
he  had  acted  under  a  hasty  and  ungovernable  impulse,  I 
followed  him  out,  and  after  remonstrating  with  him  on  the 
impropriety  of  his  violent  outburst,  pointed  out  the  necessity 
for  the  withdrawal  of  his  words  and  an  immediate  apology 
therefor.  Without  a  moment's  hesitation  he  acknowledged 
his  fault,  and  returning  at  once  to  the  General's  room,  said 
with  a  full  and  sonorous  voice: 

"General,  I  owe  you  an  humble  apology  for  my  exhibi 
tion  of  temper  and  for  the  rude  and  profane  language  I 
have  just  used  in  your  presence.  I  sincerely  beg  your  par 
don,  and  hope  you  will  grant  it.  I  thought  I  had  mastered 
both  my  tongue  and  my  temper,  for  when  I  made  the  ac 
quaintance  of  the  ladies  here,  I  resolved  to  quit  cursing  and 
flattered  myself  that  I  had  succeeded." 

But  by  force  of  habit  he  unconsciously  closed  even  this 
manly  declaration  with  the  unconscious  utterance  of  a  few 
emphatic  words,  which  brought  a  smile  of  forgiveness  to 
Grant's  face.,  with  the  remark: 

"Of  course  you  were  not  cursing,  Rawlins,  but  like  Wil 
son's  friend  merely  expressing  your  'intense  vehemence  on 
the  subject  matter.'  Don't  think  of  it  again,  but  now  that 
the  storm  is  over,  you  can  destroy  that  order,  and  tell  the 


AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG  157 

gentleman  to  whom  it  refers  that  his  health  requires  him  to 
take  the  first  steamer  back  to  Cairo." 

The  reconciliation  was  instantaneous  and  complete,  and 
Grant  never  referred  to  the  incident  again  except  playfully, 
to  illustrate  how  Rawlins,  who  had  early  in  the  war  become 
somewhat  famous  for  the  habit  of  expressing  his  "intense 
vehemence  on  the  subject  matter,"  but  ultimately  gave  it 
up  after  marrying  the  lady  in  whose  honor  he  had  made  the 
worthy  resolution. 

The  summer,  which  was  both  hot  and  dry,  wore  away 
without  further  friction  though  not  without  unhappiness. 
Rawlins  employed  himself  for  the  first  few  weeks  after  the 
occupation  of  Vicksburg  in  editing  the  General's  rough  re 
port  of  operations,  and  in  looking  after  the  routine  business 
of  the  army  and  the  Department.  Affairs  were  conducted 
at  headquarters  with  great  simplicity  and  modesty.  No  dis 
play  nor  dissipation  of  any  sort  was  allowed,  and  but  little 
social  intercourse  was  held  with  the  people.  Even  the  uni 
forms  of  the  officers  were  dull,  and  the  camp  equipage  and 
office  furniture  were  plain  and  primitive  to  a  degree  that 
the  neediest  of  the  Confederates  would  have  regarded  as 
mean,  if  not  niggardly.  Rawlins,  with  his  simple  and  inex 
pensive  habits,  was  apparently  unconscious  of  all  this,  and 
when  Bowers  remonstrated  with  him  against  using  wooden 
blocks  for  candlesticks  and  asked  for  better  ones,  he  replied 
with  a  grave  shake  of  the  head: 

"Oh,  no,  Bowers!  Those  wooden  candlesticks  are  good 
enough.  They  fill  a  very  important  purpose.  They  are  the 
connecting  link  between  silver  candlesticks  and  no  candle 
sticks  at  all!" 

During  the  hot  weather  of  July,  Rawlins  was  perplexed 
by  a  lot  of  petty  annoyances.  The  work  of  preparing  the 
official  reports  and  of  watching  over  the  ladies  at  head 
quarters,  was  incongruous  if  not  exacting,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  alternate  consolation  and  uncertainties  of  love 


158  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

making  they  would  have  made  him  very  unhappy.  Grant 
was  away,  the  army  was  more  or  less  idle,  and  altogether 
official  matters  were  not  going  to  suit  him.  But  when  Grant 
returned  and  found  the  reports  ready  for  signature,  he  con 
cluded  to  give  Rawlins  an  outing  by  sending  him  to  Wash 
ington  as  bearer  of  despatches.  This  was  most  honorable 
and  acceptable  duty  and  as  it  was  intended  as  a  special  com 
pliment  to  Rawlins  it  pleased  him  greatly.  He  arrived  in 
Washington  July  30,  and  the  next  day  had  an  interview 
with  the  President  and  cabinet  lasting  two  hours.  On  his 
return  to  the  army  he  of  course  made  a  full  report  to  General 
Grant,  but  told  the  rest  of  us  but  little  about  it.  Fortunately, 
however,  Gideon  Welles,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  made  an 
interesting  entry  in  his  diary,  and  as  it  not  only  shows  the 
favorable  impression  Rawlins  made  but  confirms  other  state 
ments  of  this  narrative,  I  quote  from  the  Atlantic  Monthly 
as  follows: 

Friday,  July  31,  1863. 

I  met  at  the  President's,  and  was  introduced  by  him  to,  Colonel 
Rawlins,  of  General  Grant's  staff.  He  arrived  yesterday  with 
the  official  report  of  the  taking  of  Vicksburg  and  capture  of 
Pemberton's  army.  [I]  was  much  pleased  with  him,  his  frank, 
intelligent  and  interesting  description  of  men  and  account  of  army 
operations.  His  interview  with  the  President  and  Cabinet  was  of 
nearly  two  hours  duration,  and  all,  I  think,  were  entertained  by 
him.  His  honest,  unpretending,  and  unassuming  manners  pleased 
me,  the  absence  of  pretension,  and  I  may  say  the  unpolished  and 
unrefined  deportment  of  this  earnest  and  sincere  man,  patriot  and 
soldier  pleased  me  more  than  that  of  almost  any  officer  whom 
I  have  met.  He  was  never  at  West  Point,  and  has  had  but  few 
educational  advantages,  yet  he  is  a  soldier,  and  has  a  mind  which 
has  served  his  general  and  his  country  well.  He  is  a  sincere  and 
earnest  friend  of  Grant,  who  has  evidently  sent  him  here  for  a 
purpose. 

It  was  the  intention  of  the  President  last  fall  that  General  Mc- 
Clernand,  an  old  neighbor  and  friend  of  his,  should  have  been 
associated  with  Admiral  Porter  in  active  operations  before  Vicks- 


AFFAIRS  AT  VICKSBURG  159 

burg.  It  was  the  expressed  and  earnest  wish  of  Porter  to  have 
a  citizen  general,  and  he  made  it  a  special  point  to  be  relieved 
from  associations  with  a  West  Pointer;  all  West  Pointers,  he 
said,  were  egotistical  and  assuming,  and  never  willing  to  consider 
and  treat  naval  officers  as  equals. 

The  President  thought  the  opportunity  a  good  one  to  bring 
forward  his  friend  McClernand  in  whom  he  has  confidence,  and 
who  is  a  volunteer  officer  of  ability,  and  possesses  moreover  a 
good  deal  of  political  influence  in  Illinois.  Stanton  and  Halleck 
entered  into  his  views,  for  Grant  was  not  a  special  favorite  with 
either. 

Rawlins  now  comes  from  Vicksburg  with  statements  in  regard 
to  McClernand  which  show  him  an  impracticable  and  unfit  man. 
He  has  not  been  subordinate  and  intelligent,  but  has  been  an  em 
barrassment,  and,  instead  of  directing  or  assisting,  has  been  really 
an  obstruction  to  any  movements  and  operations.  In  Rawlins's 
statements  there  is  undoubtedly  prejudice,  but  with  such  appear 
ance  of  candor,  and  earnest  and  intelligent  conviction,  that  there 
can  be  hardly  a  doubt  McClernand  is  in  fault;  and  Rawlins  has 
been  sent  here  by  Grant  in  order  to  enlist  the  President  rather 
than  bring  despatches.  In  this  I  think  he  has  succeeded,  though 
the  President  feels  kindly  toward  McClernand,  Grant  evidently 
hates  him,  and  Rawlins  is  imbued  with  the  feelings  of  his  chief. 

Meanwhile  the  course  of  the  war  in  the  neighboring  De 
partment  of  the  Cumberland  was  preparing  work  of  a  more 
serious  character  for  all  the  troops  which  could  be  drawn 
from  far  and  near.  The  battle  of  Chickamauga  took  place 
on  September  19-20,  and  followed  as  it  was  by  the  with 
drawal  of  the  Union  army  into  the  fortified  lines  about 
Chattanooga,  and  the  investment  of  that  place  south  of  the 
river,  it  became  necessary  for  the  Government  to  bestir  itself 
and  to  utilize  all  its  resources  to  make  good  its  hold  and  to 
restore  its  supremacy  in  that  quarter.  As  before  stated, 
the  union  of  the  three  departments  of  the  Mississippi  Valley 
into  one  Military  Division,  under  one  supreme  head,  was  now 
recognized  as  an  important  measure  which  must  be  carried 
into  effect  without  further  delay.  An  order  to  that  effect 
was  issued,  Grant  was  by  common  consent  assigned  to  the 


160  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

chief  command,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  informed  and  the 
necessary  arrangements  could  be  completed,  he  proceeded 
with  his  staff  to  the  new  field  of  duty  and  glory  which  the 
fortunes  of  war  had  prepared  for  him. 

Rawlins  had  in  the  meantime  received  his  commission  as 
Brigadier  General,  and  had  been  announced  as  chief  of  staff. 
He  was  relieved  at  once  by  Bowers  from  the  routine  work 
of  the  adjutant  general's  department,  and  was  thus  enabled 
to  devote  himself  exclusively  to  the  more  important  duties 
of  his  new  position.  He  had  grown  steadily  with  his  com 
mander  in  knowledge  and  experience,  and  was  regarded  by 
those  who  knew  him  best  as  fully  entitled  to  the  increased 
rank  which  had  been  bestowed  upon  him.  If  he  had  been 
necessary  to  the  General  in  the  formative  period  of  their 
military  life,  he  was  still  more  necessary  now  that  they  were 
about  to  enter  upon  a  broader  stage  and  to  undertake  a  task 
of  far  greater  magnitude  than  any  which  had  yet  engaged 
their  attention. 


X 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE 

Meeting  Between  Grant  and  Stanton — Plan  of  Operations — 
Battle  of  Missionary  Ridge — Knoxville,  Cumberland  Gap,  and 
Lexington — Headquarters  at  Nashville — Completes  Official 
Reports — Reflections  on  Campaign — Rawlins  Married. 

THE  disastrous  battle  of  Chickamauga  took  place  about 
twelve  weeks  after  the  surrender  of  Pemberton's  army  at 
Vicksburg.  It  was  long  contended  that  inasmuch  as  Rose- 
crans  had  occupied  and  made  good  his  hold  on  Chattanooga 
he  had  gained  a  substantial  victory;  but  as  he  retreated  from 
the  field  of  battle  it  must  in  fairness  be  admitted  that  he 
suffered  an  actual  defeat,  although,  as  is  frequently  the  case, 
the  victorious  army  was  almost  as  much  exhausted  as  the 
one  it  had  beaten.  It  had  put  forth  its  very  last  effort,  and 
if  Thomas,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  Union 
army  and  resisted  every  attack,  had  not  voluntarily  con 
cluded,  after  darkness  had  closed  in,  on  receipt  of  special 
authority  from  Rosecrans,  to  retire,  the  struggle  would  prob 
ably  have  gone  down  to  history  as  at  most  a  drawn  battle. 
But  night  found  neither  army  in  condition  to  strike  another 
blow.  Longstreet's  arrival  from  Virginia  with  his  splendid 
corps,  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  second  day's  battle,  made 
the  contending  hosts  nearly  equal  in  strength.  Had  it  not 
been  for  Longstreet's  weighty  reenforcement  of  his  antago 
nist,  Rosecrans  could  doubtless  have  held  his  position  intact, 
and  might  have  gained  a  substantial  advantage.  On  the 
other  hand,  had  the  Government  sent  Grant's  disposable  force 
promptly  from  Vicksburg  to  reenforce  Rosecrans,  that  gen- 

161 


H  j  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A,  RAWLINS 

eral  would  have  had  a  tremendous  preponderance  of  strength 
and  this  would  have  given  him  every  reasonable  assurance 
of  a  complete  victory. 

But,  unfortunately,  the  authorities  at  Washington  were 
late  in  discovering  the  detachment  of  Longstreet  from  Lee's 
army,  and  never  seemed  to  realize  that  while  superior  genius 
might  give  us  the  victory,  nothing  short  of  a  great  superi 
ority  of  strength  on  the  actual  field  of  battle  could  give  abso 
lute  assurance  of  it.  No  general  ever  had  a  better  knowledge 
of  the  strategical  principles  involved  than  had  Halleck,  the 
General-in-Chief,  and  yet  no  one  ever  failed  more  egregiously 
than  did  he  to  profit  by  their  application.  With  the  introduc 
tion  of  improved  firearms,  the  open  formation  for  battle  and 
the  rapid  construction  of  rifle  trenches  and  breastworks,  the 
dangers  of  the  direct  attack  had  already  become  greatly 
increased.  It  is  now  recognized  among  military  men  that 
rapid  marching  and  an  overpowering  superiority  in  numbers, 
particularly  in  mounted  troops,  which  are  specially  fitted 
to  operate  effectively  against  the  enemy's  flanks  and  rear, 
are  more  than  ever  necessary  to  insure  success  in  warfare; 
but  simple  as  it  is,  this  lesson  never  became  properly  under 
stood  in  Washington. 

News  of  the  disaster  of  Chickamauga  reached  Grant  late 
in  September,  and  immediately  afterwards  he  sent  me  to 
Cairo  by  steamboat  with  despatches  for  Halleck.  I  arrived 
there  on  Saturday,  October  2,  sent  off  my  despatches  at  once, 
received  the  replies  the  same  night,  and  returned  to  head 
quarters  as  rapidly  as  a  swift  steamer  could  carry  me.  On 
the  loth  Grant  gave  orders  to  break  up  at  Vicksburg,  and 
on  the  1 6th  arrived  at  Cairo  with  his  staff.  The  next  day  he 
continued  his  journey  by  rail,  met  Stanton,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  at  Indianapolis,  and  accompanied  him  without  delay 
to  Louisville. 

Neither  Grant  nor  any  member  of  his  staff  except  Rawlins 
had  ever  seen  the  great  Secretary,  and  naturally  enough,  they 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  163 

were  all  anxious  to  meet  him.  When  the  train  stopped  at 
Indianapolis  he  was  at  the  station  and  came  at  once  into 
the  General's  special  car.  Overlooking  or  not  seeing  Rawlins, 
he  walked  directly  up  to  Dr.  Kittoe,  the  chief  surgeon,  who 
was  wearing  a  flowing  beard  and  an  army  hat;  he  held  out 
his  hand  and  said : 

"How  are  you,  General  Grant  ?  I  knew  you  at  sight  from 
your  pictures." 

Of  course  the  error  was  discovered  instantly,  but  the  inci 
dent  was  not  without  embarrassment  to  the  Secretary,  and 
trivial  as  it  was,  seems  to  have  produced  an  unpleasant  im 
pression,  if  not  a  positive  prejudice,  in  his  mind.  He  evi 
dently  expected  to  meet  a  more  impressive  man  than  the 
quiet  and  modest  General,  and  acted  throughout  the  ride  to 
Louisville  as  though  he  was  disappointed.  They,  however, 
dined  and  spent  the  evening  together  and  Stanton  doubtless 
bore  himself  with  perfect  frankness  in  giving  the  General 
his  instructions  in  reference  to  the  new  command  and  the 
new  campaign,  but  it  was  no  secret  to  any  of  us  that  neither 
of  these  great  persons  was  greatly  taken  with  the  other. 
They  cooperated  henceforth  loyally  and  effectively  in  the 
cause,  till  the  struggle  wras  closed,  and  so  long  as  Stanton 
remained  Secretary  of  War  their  relations  were  friendly,  but 
they  never  became  intimate  or  particularly  sympathetic  with 
each  other. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  trivial  mistake  at  the 
beginning  of  their  acquaintance  had  any  appreciable  effect 
upon  the  feelings  of  these  great  but  dissimilar  characters. 
Grant  was  shy,  diffident  and  reserved  with  strangers,  and 
knowing  that  ill  reports  had  been  sent  to  Washington  about 
him,  he  may  have  been  more  or  less  under  restraint,  in  the 
Secretary's  presence.  Stanton,  who  was  a  man  of  extraordi 
nary  severity  of  manner,  was  profoundly  conscious  of  his 
own  importance,  and  may  have  desired  to  impress  Grant  with 
his  personal  as  well  as  with  his  official  power.  Whatever 


164  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

may  have  been  the  inward  feelings  with  which  they  regarded 
each  other,  it  was  evident  from  Grant's  conduct  not  only 
the  next  day  but  always  afterwards  that  he  felt  no  great 
interest  either  in  the  man  or  in  the  Secretary. 

Dana,  who  met  the  party  on  the  way  south  from  Louis 
ville,  returned  with  us  by  the  same  train  to  Stevenson  and 
Bridgeport,  and  gave  us  full  particulars  of  the  great  battle 
and  of  the  behavior  of  the  leading  generals.  As  is  well  known, 
he  had  not  brought  from  the  field  of  Chickamauga  a  favor 
able  opinion  of  Rosecrans,  and  Grant,  who  was  at  best  not 
over-partial  to  that  general,  during  the  conversation  with  the 
Secretary  signified  his  wish  that  the  unfortunate  general 
should  be  relieved  from  command  and  that  Thomas  should 
be  assigned  to  the  vacancy.  It  has  long  been  believed  by 
some  that  this  change  was  partly  due  to  political  intrigue, 
but  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  there  is  no  con 
temporaneous  evidence  to  sustain  this  belief.  It  was  shown 
by  the  Official  Records  years  afterwards  that  during  the 
interview  at  Louisville  the  Secretary  of  War  wisely  placed 
the  choice  of  subordinate  commanders  entirely  at  the  dis 
cretion  of  Grant,  and  Grant,  who  up  to  that  time  had  never 
been  governed  in  the  performance  of  his  duty  by  considera 
tions  of  a  political  nature,  did  not  hesitate  to  decide  in  favor 
of  the  change.  Rawlins  and  I  were  informed  of  all  the 
facts  so  far  as  they  were  then  known,  and  fully  concurred 
in  the  wisdom  of  the  decision.  I  am  sure  that  neither  of  us 
then  knew  or  cared  what  Rosecrans's  politics  were  nor  was 
influenced  in  the  slightest  degree  by  any  other  consideration 
than  the  good  of  the  public  service. 

Pausing  on  the  way  to  the  front  to  confer  with  Rosecrans, 
who  met  the  party  at  Stevenson,  and  with  Hooker  and 
Howard,  who  had  been  stopped  at  Bridgeport,  Grant  and 
his  staff  went  forward  by  horseback  over  the  rough  and 
roundabout  road  through  Jasper,  over  Walden's  Ridge  to 
Chattanooga.  As  Dana  and  I  were  anxious  to  get  on  we 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  165 

took  a  shorter  cut  from  the  same  point  over  the  Ridge  and 
along  the  north  bank  of  the  river  within  range  of  the  Con 
federate  pickets,  and  under  the  cover  of  darkness  rode  into 
the  beleaguered  town  just  before  midnight.  Grant  and  the 
rest  of  the  staff  reached  the  town  wet  and  weary  after  dark 
the  next  night.  But  the  road  was  so  rough  and  slippery 
that  Grant's  horse  had  fallen  upon  him,  severely  bruising 
the  leg  which  had  been  so  badly  injured  at  New  Orleans. 
The  wagons  with  the  baggage  and  camp  equipage  could  not 
keep  up  and  were  consequently  left  far  behind.  As  there 
were  no  hotels  open  at  Chattanooga,  Grant  necessarily  be 
came  the  guest  of  Thomas,  while  his  staff  officers  were  be 
stowed  wherever  room  could  be  found  for  them. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  Grant  and  Thomas  had  last  met 
during  the  Shiloh-Corinth  Campaign,  in  which  Thomas  had 
virtually  superseded  Grant  and  that  this  or  some  other 
circumstance  had  prevented  the  establishment  of  cordial  rela 
tions  between  those  distinguished  officers.  The  tables  were 
now  turned.  Grant  was  in  supreme  command.  He  was  the 
hero  of  the  most  successful  campaign  which  had  been  made 
on  either  side  during  the  war,  and  twelve  weeks  later,  with 
out  the  suspicion  of  personal  influence  or  intrigue,  had  been 
placed  in  authority  over  both  Rosecrans  and  Thomas.  He 
had  without  the  slightest  hesitation  turned  down  the  former 
and  exalted  the  latter,  and  yet  Thomas,  whom  he  had  pre 
ferred,  did  not  receive  him  cordially. 

I  had  been  busy  during  the  entire  day  calling  upon  the 
leading  officers,  inspecting  the  army,  and  studying  the  situa 
tion  at  Chattanooga,  so  as  to  be  prepared  to  make  an  intelli 
gent  report  to  General  Grant  on  his  arrival.  Grant,  wet  and 
weary,  reached  town  between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
and  of  course  went  directly  to  Thomas's  headquarters.  I 
got  in  from  my  work  a  little  later  and  found  the  two  generals 
seated  on  the  opposite  sides  of  a  blazing  wood  fire,  a  little 
puddle  of  water  under  Grant's  chair  and  his  clothes  steaming 


166  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

from  the  heat.  They  were  both  silent  and  grave.  Rawlins, 
whom  I  had  shaken  hands  with  as  I  was  going  in,  was  white 
with  anger  at  the  cool  reception  the  general  and  staff  had 
received.  They  had  made  a  long  and  tiresome  ride  and  were 
soaking  wet,  but  as  yet  nothing  had  been  done  to  relieve  their 
discomfort.  They  had  found  shelter  but  apparently  nothing 
more.  Taking  in  the  situation  at  a  glance,  I  pushed  my  way 
into  the  room  and  after  the  usual  salutations  and  a  few  ques 
tions,  I  spoke  substantially  as  follows: 

"General  Thomas,  General  Grant  has  been  on  the  road 
two  days.  His  wagons  are  behind;  he  is  wet  and  suffering 
from  a  bruised  leg;  besides,  he  is  tired  and  hungry.  Can't 
you  get  him  some  dry  clothes  from  one  of  your  staff  and 
order  some  supper  to  be  provided  for  him?" 

This  broke  the  restraint  and  recalled  Thomas,  who  was 
ordinarily  one  of  the  most  thoughtful  and  considerate  of 
men,  to  the  duties  of  hospitality,  as  well  as  to  the  require 
ments  of  official  courtesy.  He  replied  promptly: 

"Of  course,  I  can." 

And  calling  Willard,  his  senior  aid-de-camp,  he  gave  the 
necessary  orders,  which,  it  is  needless  to  add,  were  cheerfully 
obeyed.  Grant  was  soon  clad  in  dry  clothes  and  called  to  a 
plain  but  bountiful  supper,  during  which  he  listened  to  my 
report,  which  was  by  no  means  encouraging.  As  soon  as  his 
meal  was  finished  he  discussed  the  situation  with  Thomas 
as  quietly  as  if  he  had  received  the  heartiest  welcome;  but  it 
is  a  fact  worth  recording  that  neither  he  nor  Rawlins  ever 
quite  forgot  the  frigidity  of  their  reception.  Rawlins  referred 
to  it  more  than  once  during  the  subsequent  operations  about 
Chattanooga.  He  regarded  it  as  entirely  inexcusable,  if  not 
intentional,  and  cited  the  captious  conduct  of  Thomas's 
adjutant  general,  an  old  regular  officer,  perfectly  posted  in 
all  official  courtesies,  as  positive  proof  that  an  unjustifiable 
state  of  irritation  and  resentment  prevailed  at  Thomas's  head 
quarters  towards  Grant  and  his  staff.  I  was  particularly 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  167 

struck  by  the  evidences  of  it  from  time  to  time  and  have 
referred  to  it  frequently  since  for  the  purpose  of  finding 
a  satisfactory  explanation  of  its  origin,  and  of  pointing  out 
its  baneful  influence  over  the  subsequent  relations  of  those 
distinguished  men.  It  is  admitted  by  all  who  knew  them 
at  that  period  that  they  were  not  sympathetic  with  each  other. 
Perhaps  they  never  became  so.  They  were  alike  in  their 
taciturnity  and  reserve.  Neither  was  ever  effusive  or  demon 
strative  towards  even  his  intimates,  and  yet  both  were  warm 
hearted  and  considerate  to  their  closer  friends.  That  they 
were  not  so  towards  each  other  was  doubtless  due  to  circum 
stances  over  which  neither  had  entire  control,  but  which 
concerned  them  both,  and  exerted  a  great  influence  over  events 
in  which  they  were  deeply  interested. 

Between  Grant,  Sherman,  and  McPherson  a  warm  friend 
ship,  characterized  by  perfect  cordiality,  prevailed  from  the 
first  days  of  their  association.  Grant  could  not  do  too  much 
for  either  of  them.  He  preferred  them  over  all  others  for 
honors  and  command.  He  considered  them  as  more  prompt 
and  probably  more  trustworthy  than  Thomas,  and  yet  in  many 
respects  Thomas  was  the  superior  of  either.  He  was  a  man 
of  greater  deliberation  and  solidity  of  judgment,  as  well  as 
a  better  and  more  experienced  practical  soldier,  organizer,  and 
administrator,  than  either  of  them.  Indeed,  in  these  respects 
it  may  well  be  questioned  if  he  had  his  superior  on  either  side 
of  the  Great  Conflict.  I  have  elsewhere  undertaken  to  point 
out  how  personal  pride,  the  consciousness  of  a  blameless  life, 
of  unfailing  success,  and  of  duty  always  well  performed,  on 
the  one  side,  in  unconscious  contrast  with  careless  habits, 
hard  luck,  and  ill  report,  even  in  the  face  of  unusual  vic 
tories,  on  the  other  side,  may  have  had  a  tendency  to  arouse 
a  spirit  of  rivalry  and  distrust  between  these  great  men.  After 
all  they  were  only  human,  and  it  was  but  natural  that  they 
should  not  understand  each  other  as  well  as  they  understood 


i68  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

those  with  whom  they  were  more  frequently  and  more  favor 
ably  brought  in  contact. 

Rawlins.  recognized  the  full  significance  of  these  facts  and 
exerted  all  his  influence  to  bring  about  greater  intimacy  and  a 
more  cordial  feeling;  but  while  his  convictions  urged  him  in 
that  direction,  the  daily  intercourse  between  the  Military  Di 
vision  and  Department  headquarters  was  never  placed  upon  an 
entirely  satisfactory  basis.  There  was  always  friction,  which 
Rawlins  finally  resented  with  such  energy  as  to  put  an  end  to 
its  open  exhibition  thereafter.  His  relations  with  Thomas 
were  always  most  punctilious,  but  never  intimate.  Dana  and 
I  were  the  means  most  depended  upon  to  cultivate  friendly  re 
lations  and  to  bridge  over  difficulties.  Our  success  was  only 
partial.  We  succeeded  in  preventing  an  open  breach,  but 
failed  to  bring  about  a  cordial  understanding. 

The  plan  of  operations,  the  concentration  of  forces  and 
the  battle  of  Missionary  Ridge  have  been  so  frequently  and 
so  fully  described  that  further  reference  to  them  may  well 
be  omitted  from  the  life  of  a  subordinate.  Rawlins  was  of 
course  at  the  very  focus  of  information  and  events.  Every 
letter  and  order  sent,  as  well  as  every  communication  re 
ceived,  was  necessarily  known  to  him,  if  it  did  not  actually 
pass  through  his  hands.  Grant  consulted  him  more  fully 
than  ever,  and  the  chief  of  staff  did  not  hesitate  to  express 
his  views  whenever  he  thought  it  necessary.  He  did  his  best 
from  the  start  to  hurry  up  reinforcements,  to  open  shorter 
lines  of  communication,  and  to  bring  forward  an  adequate 
amount  of  supplies.  Grant  and  Rawlins  had  during  previous 
campaigns  met  all  the  leading  officers  except  W.  F.  Smith, 
the  chief  engineer,  who  had  recently  come  to  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  had 
been  at  Chattanooga  long  enough  to  become  familiar  with 
the  topographical  features  of  the  surrounding  country,  and 
to  evolve  a  plan  for  opening  a  direct  line  of  supplies  between 
the  beleaguered  town  and  the  railroad  terminus  at  Bridge- 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  169 

port,  30  miles  away.  That  accomplished,  he  was  duly  trans 
ferred  to  Grant's  staff  as  chief  engineer,  and  turned  his  at 
tention  at  once  to  the  development  of  a  plan  of  attack  against 
Bragg' s  position.  In  this  he  found  himself  daily  in  contact 
with  Rawlins,  and  soon  learned  to  confide  fully  in  him,  and 
to  depend  confidently  upon  his  cooperation.  A  warm  friend 
ship,  based  upon  mutual  respect,  grew  up  between  them,  and 
when  the  plan  of  operation  was  ready  for  execution,  every 
feature  of  it  had  the  approval  not  only  of  Grant  but  of 
Rawlins.1 

The  features  of  the  country  and  the  condition  of  the  army, 
at  the  time  Grant  took  command,  as  well  as  the  preliminary 
movements  ordered  by  him  are  well  described  by  Rawlins 
in  a  letter  dated  Chattanooga,  Tenn.,  November  6,  1863. 

.  .  .  Much  of  the  country  between  here  and  Nashville  is  the 
hardest  in  appearance  and  the  worst  for  military  operations  I 
have  ever  seen.  The  fact  is,  when  we  reached  here  the  fate  of 
this  army  was  suspended  by  a  single  thread  and  that  the  line  of 
its  supplies,  which  was  a  road  leading  from  Bridgeport  through 
the  Sequatchie  Valley  and  over  the  mountains  to  Chattanooga,  a 
distance  of  sixty  miles,  the  valley  road  almost  without  bottom, 
and  the  mountain  road  the  roughest  and  steepest  of  ascent  and 
descent  ever  traversed  by  army  wagons  and  mules.  One  riding 
over  the  road  if  he  did  not  see  with  his  own  eyes  that  they  did 
get  over  it,  would  not  believe  it  possible  for  them  to  do  so. 

Since  General  Grant's  arrival  here  the  distance  for  wagon 
transportation  has  been  reduced  to  eight  miles,  by  the  moving  of 
forces  across  to  the  South  side  of  the  Tennessee  River  and  forti 
fying  all  the  mountain  passes  leading  to  it  from  below  Lookout 
Mountain  to  Bridgeport  and  through  which  the  enemy  had  been 
enabled  to  pass  to  the  river  and  cut  off  its  use  for  transportation 
purposes  to  us  and  even  prevent  our  soldiers  passing  along  its 
bank  on  the  North  side.  This  movement  of  ours  was  to  the 
enemy's  perfect  surprise,  and  the  next  night  after  it  was  effected, 
he  attempted  by  a  night  attack  to  regain  the  advantages  we  had 
wrested  from  him,  but  after  a  severe  battle  in  which  we  lost  in 
killed  and  wounded  full  four  hundred,  he  was  repulsed,  leaving 

1  Wilson's  "Life  and  Services  of  Major  General  William  F.  Smith." 


1 70  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

on  the  battle-field  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  dead,  many  of  his 
bad  and  dangerously  wounded  and  seventy-five  well  prisoners, 
and  full  one  thousand  good  Enfield  rifles. 

The  necessity  of  this  movement  had  been  considered  here  for 
weeks  prior  to  General  Grant's  arrival,  but  until  General  Rose- 
crans  was  relieved  and  General  Thomas  succeeded  him  in  com 
mand,  no  steps  had  been  taken  to  carry  it  into  execution  that  I 
am  aware  of.  General  Thomas  immediately  on  being  placed  in 
command  had  issued  orders  for  this  purpose  which  were  con 
curred  in  by  General  Grant  and  the  necessity  of  their  prompt 
execution  urged.  The  advantages  of  this  new  line  of  communica 
tion  and  supplies  to  us,  is  no  less  than  enabling  us  to  hold  Chatta 
nooga,  for  I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  that  it  would  have  been 
during  the  winter  almost  if  not  quite  out  of  the  question  to  have 
supplied  the  army  here  by  the  old  line.  The  mules  were  so  poor 
and  worn  out  that  they  could  not  in  my  judgment  have  made  to 
exceed  two  more  trips.  Still  man  determined  to  do  a  thing  can 
accomplish  almost  impossibilities  and  frequently  does  make  prac 
ticable  that  which  seems  utterly  impracticable. 

The  army  here  under  General  Thomas  is  in  fine  spirits  and 
whatever  may  be  its  feelings  of  love  and  regret  for  General  Rose- 
crans,  it  evinces  no  regret  at  his  removal,  and  is  united  in  accord 
ing  to  General  Thomas  the  glory  of  rescuing  it  from  disastrous 
rout  and  ruin  and  saving  the  honor  of  our  arms  at  Chickamauga. 
Had  some  other  generals,  brave,  double-starred  and  high  in  com 
mand  as  he,  remained  upon  the  field  and  rallied  their  broken 
divisions,  instead  of  leaving  it  for  Chattanooga  at  an  unseason 
ably  early  hour,  the  Federal  and  not  the  rebel  army  would  have 
cared  for  the  wounded  and  buried  the  dead  of  Chickamauga. 

General  Gordon  Granger  shares  largely  with  General  Thomas 
in  the  glory  of  that  terrible  conflict.  Between  a  quarter  and  half 
past  one  o'clock  p.  M.  after  the  second  day's  battles  of  Chicka 
mauga,  three  divisions  or  near  that,  of  Crittenden's  and  McCook's 
corps  were  routed  by  the  enemy  and  our  lines  broken,  and  by  four 
o'clock  p.  MV  of  the  same  day,  Generals  Rosecrans,  McCook  and 
Crittenden  had  got  safely  back  to  Chattanooga,  a  distance  of  full 
twelve  miles  from  the  field  of  battle. 

We  are  expecting  General  Sherman's  forces  here  by  Monday 
or  Tuesday  of  next  week.  On  their  arrival  you  may  expect  to 
hear  news  of  importance  from  this  section  or  field  of  operations. 
We  are  now  secure  or  at  least  in  apparent  security  against  getting 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  171 

out  of  supplies,  and  if  we  can  so  dispose  of  our  troops  as  to 
secure  General  Burnside's  in  East  Tennessee  against  an  attack 
in  overwhelming  numbers  from  the  enemy,  shall  feel  we  have 
accomplished  a  great  deal.  Every  energy  is  being  put  forward  to 
this  end  and  I  feel  certain  we  will  succeed. 

General  Grant  is  a  quiet,  brave  and  energetic  commander,  with 
his  eye  ever  on  the  foe  and  watching  his  movements,  with  a  view 
to  taking  advantage  of  any  misstep  or  weak  point  he  may  dis 
cover.  He  is  not  of  those  who  constantly  write  letters  and  issue 
proclamations  and  keep  their  eyes  half  turned  and  their  ears  half 
listening  to  see  and  hear  what  the  people  back  home  are  writing 
or  saying  of  them,  and  in  such  predicament  lose  the  successes 
they  otherwise  might  obtain,  and  sink  out  of  sight  in  oblivious 
waves  when  they  might  have  been  enthroned  in  fame's  temple 
had  the  one  purpose  of  defeating  the  foe  only  possessed  them. 

Whether  it  be  called  luck  or  military  ability  to  which  is  at 
tributed  General  Grant's  successes,  I  have  but  little  care,  so  that 
the  same  successes  that  have  thus  far  attended  him  desert  him 
not  in  this,  his  new  field  of  operations.  .  .  . 

After  Hooker's  preliminary  movements  against  Lookout 
Mountain,  and  Sherman's  across  the  Tennessee  against  the 
end  of  Missionary  Ridge,  Grant,  Thomas,  Granger,  Smith, 
Rawlins,  Dana,  and  many  staff  officers  took  post  on  Orchard 
Knob  to  witness  the  operations  of  the  day.  It  was  expected 
that  Sherman  would  carry  Tunnel  Hill  and  the  right  of 
Bragg' s  army,  supported  by  Howard's  corps  to  his  immediate 
right,  by  Hooker's  movement  against  Bragg's  extreme  left 
at  Rossville,  and  finally  by  Thomas  with  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland  at  the  centre.  But  Sherman  found  the  enemy 
strongly  posted,  and  instead  of  driving  back  and  doubling 
up  or  taking  in  reverse  Bragg's  right  wing,  he  suffered  a 
severe  repulse,  which  seemed  to  paralyze  his  efforts  and  to 
discourage  his  subordinates.  The  day  was  wearing  away 
with  but  little  promise  of  victory.  A  feeling  of  anxiety  and 
doubt  began  to  show  itself.  Grant's  face  became  overclouded. 
Thomas  was  taciturn  and  silent.  Gordon  Granger  alone  was 


172  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

noisy  in  directing  the  work  of  a  field  battery  nearby.  Smith, 
Rawlins,  and  Wilson,  perceiving  that  a  deadlock  had  been 
reached,  put  their  heads  together  in  conference  as  to  what 
should  be  done.  The  orders  issued  the  night  before  con 
templated  an  advance  from  the  centre  when  it  should  become 
apparent  that  Sherman  had  carried  or  turned  the  enemy's 
right,  and  Hooker  had  turned  his  left,  but  by  noon,  or  shortly 
after,  it  was  painfully  evident  that  the  double  contingency 
had  not  arisen,  and  that  something  else  must  be  done.  The 
deadlock  was  distressingly  evident,  but  neither  could  sug 
gest  anything  more  promising  than  a  demonstration  from 
the  centre  against  Bragg' s  advanced  entrenchments  at  the 
foot  of  the  Ridge;  and  accordingly  it  was  decided  that  Raw 
lins  should  urge  this  movement  upon  Grant.  Concurring 
fully  in  this  conclusion,  he  stepped  up  to  Grant,  and  in  a 
low  voice  made  the  suggestion ;  whereupon  Grant  walked  over 
to  Thomas  several  steps  away  and  in  a  conversational  tone 
said: 

"Don't  you  think  it  is  about  time  to  order  your  troops  to 
advance  against  the  enemy's  first  line  of  rifle  pits?" 

To  this  Thomas  made  no  reply  whatever  so  far  as  could 
be  heard,  but  stood  silent  with  uplifted  glasses,  scanning  the 
enemy's  position  on  the  ridge,  in  plain  view,  just  beyond  the 
range  of  our  artillery,  across  the  intervening  fields  and  open 
country.  He  was  evidently  in  doubt.  So  far  as  the  eye  could 
determine  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  the  slightest  success 
in  Sherman's  front,  and  so  the  deadlock  continued.  Our  little 
group  became  more  and  more  serious  as  time  passed  slowly 
on.  Minutes  seemed  like  hours.  Granger  kept  up  the  noisy 
fire  of  his  battery  and  this  added  to  the  annoyance  and  the 
embarrassment  of  the  situation.  Our  group  grew  still  more 
impatient,  and  finally  at  or  about  three  o'clock,  Rawlins 
again  pressed  Grant  to  issue  a  positive  order,  and  this  he 
did  with  a  firmness  and  decision  which  brought  the  desired 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  173 

result.2  Grant,  who  had  by  this  time  also  become  thoroughly 
aroused,  turned  to  Thomas,  who  was  only  a  few  feet  away 
and  had  doubtless  heard  all  that  had  passed  between  the 
General  and  his  Chief  of  Staff,  and  with  a  blazing  face  and 
an  expression  of  unusual  determination,  said: 

"General  Thomas,  order  Granger  to  turn  that  battery  over 
to  its  proper  commander  and  take  command  of  his  own 
corps."  After  a  pause,  he  added  in  the  same  tone  of  au 
thority:  "And  now  order  your  troops  to  advance  and  take 
the  enemy's  first  line  of  rifle  pits." 

There  was  no  longer  room  for  doubt  or  hesitation.  As 
was  his  duty,  Grant  had  taken  the  entire  responsibility  and 
given  a  positive  order  which  could  not  be  disobeyed.  So  long 
as  the  discretion  was  left  with  Thomas,  he  stood  silent.  Even 
now  he  made  no  reply,  but  turning  at  once  to  Granger,  he 
ordered  him  to  his  corps,  and  then  coolly  despatched  his  aids- 
de-camp  with  orders  for  a  general  advance.  Sheridan,  John 
son,  Wood  and  Baird,  whose  divisions  were  waiting  im 
patiently  for  orders,  moved  out  with  the  promptitude  and 
precision  of  a  parade.  Without  the  slightest  hesitation,  they 
rushed  against  the  enemy  with  irresistible  force.  In  full 
sight  of  all  the  generals  they  swept  over  the  long  line  of  rifle 
trench  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  without  halt  or  pause, 
pushed  on  towards  the  summit.  This  was  more  than  any 
one  expected.  It  was  a  voluntary  impulse  of  the  fighting  line, 
doubtless  due  largely  to  the  slight  resistance  it  had  en 
countered  at  the  enemy's  outlying  defences.  It  was  inex 
plicable  at  the  time,  but  it  is  now  known  that  Bragg  made 
the  fatal  mistake  of  dividing  his  force  between  the  entrench- 

2  S.  Cadwallader  of  the  New  York  Herald,  in  his  manuscript  "Four 
Years  with  Grant,"  says: 

It  is  due  to  General  Rawlins,  Chief  of  Staff,  to  state  that  upon  this 
occasion,  as  upon  that  of  all  Grant's  great  campaigns,  he  is  unquestionably 
entitled  to  one-half  the  praise  for  the  strategy.  Tactical  successes  were 
due  to  others,  but  no  general  or  broad  plan  of  campaign,  or  pitched  battle, 
was  ever  adopted  by  General  Grant  without  the  unqualified  assent  and 
approval  of  Rawlins.  The  latter  was  his  only  military  confidant  and  often 
originated  many  of  the  most  successful  operations. 


174  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ments  at  the  top  and  those  at  the  bottom  of  the  Ridge,  and 
in  directing  the  troops  at  the  bottom  to  deliver  their  fire,  when 
the  Unioa  advance  should  get  within  200  yards,  and  then 
to  retire  to  the  works  above.3  This  order  was  carried  out 
literally,  but  the  officers  standing  on  Orchard  Knob,  including 
Grant  and  Thomas,  all  thought  that  the  upward  rush  of  our 
troops  was  a  mistake  which  would  end  in  disaster,  and  there 
were  muttered  predictions  to  that  effect  in  plenty,  but  as  it 
turned  out  all  fears  were  groundless.  Once  under  way  up 
the  steep  hillside,  officers  and  men  vied  with  one  another 
till  the  summit  was  reached  and  the  victory  won.  Grant, 
seeing  that  his  men  had  broken  the  enemy's  line  and  dis 
appeared  over  the  crest,  mounted  and  went  forward  with 
his  staff  to  the  top  and  across  the  ridge,  till  at  nightfall  he 
came  up  with  Sheridan's  advance  beyond  the  Chickamauga. 
His  example  was  followed  by  Thomas,  who  took  a  road  to 
the  right,  and  had  Sherman  thrown  his  troops  rapidly  for 
ward  along  the  ridge  or,  better  still,  behind  it,  Bragg' s  army 
should  have  been  taken  in  flank  or  rear  and  captured  or 
destroyed  that  night. 

The  victory  was  an  overwhelming  one,  but,  as  has  been 
seen,  while  it  was  gained  by  movements  which  had  been 
previously  ordered,  the  vital  blow  was  struck  by  Thomas  and 
not  by  Sherman,  as  was  intended,  and  what  is  still  more 
singular,  the  immediate  impulse  to  deliver  this  blow  had  its 
origin  with  Grant's  staff,  and  was  not  struck  till  Grant  him 
self  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  and  gave  a  positive 
order  to  put  Thomas's  troops  in  motion.  It  is  but  simple 
justice  to  add  that  while  another  might  have  given  that  im 
pulse  later,  Rawlins  actually  gave  it  at  the  time  and  in  the 
manner  which  I  have  described. 

In  just  fifty-five  minutes  from  the  time  the  national  ad 
vance  began  from  the  centre  both  the  rifle  pits  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  and  the  crest  of  Missionary  Ridge  had  been  carried, 
3  "Military  Memoirs  of  a  Confederate,"  by  E.  P.  Alexander,  p.  476  et  seq. 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  175 

the  enemy's  centre  had  been  broken  and  swept  away  and  his 
whole  army  had  been  compelled  to  retreat,  leaving  many 
guns  and  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Bragg,  who 
was  unaccountably  slow  in  realizing  the  extent  of  the  dis 
aster,  had  scarcely  time  to  make  his  own  escape.  It  is  now 
certain  that  if  Sherman  had  been  as  vigilant  and  aggressive 
as  was  expected  of  him,  this  would  have  been  impossible,  or 
if  Grant  had  had  an  efficient  force  of  cavalry  on  his  left 
flank,  or  could  have  foreseen  the  certainty  and  extent  of 
Thomas's  success,  and  the  timeliness  of  Hooker's  turning 
movement  by  the  roundabout  way  of  Rossville,  the  Confed 
erate  General  and  the  greater  part  of  his  army  must  surely 
have  been  captured.  As  it  was,  the  defeat  was  overwhelming 
and  almost  fatal  to  the  Confederate  cause. 

Grant's  fame  now  became  world-wide.  All  honor  and 
credit  were  ascribed  to  him.  No  one  else  was  considered. 
He  was  the  one  general  of  the  Union  army  who  always 
triumphed  over  the  enemy,  who  was  charged  with  no  fail 
ures,  and  had  nothing  but  victories  to  his  credit. 

By  the  time  he  had  made  the  necessary  dispositions  to  drive 
the  enemy  further  from  his  front  and  from  East  Tennessee, 
winter  was  upon  him  and  general  operations  came  to  a  stand 
still.  After  calling  for  the  reports  of  subordinates,  and  taking 
measures  for  the  completion  of  his  own  records,  Grant  de 
cided,  about  January  i,  to  visit  Knoxville  in  East  Tennessee 
for  the  purpose  of  acquainting  himself  with  the  military 
situation  in  that  quarter.  Becoming  convinced  by  the  infor 
mation  gathered  on  the  trip  that  the  enemy  would  not  seri 
ously  endeavor  to  hold  that  region,  after  tarrying  a  few  days 
he  continued  his  journey  by  horseback  with  his  staff  through 
Cumberland  Gap  to  Frankfort  and  Lexington,  and  thence 
by  rail  to  Nashville,  where  he  established  his  headquarters 
for  the  rest  of  the  winter. 

Meanwhile  Rawlins,  who  had  taken  what  was  at  first  be 
lieved  to  be  nothing  worse  than  a  severe  cold  due  to  exposure 


176  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  hardship,  availed  himself  of  the  lull  which  followed 
our  victory  to'  take  leave  of  absence  for  the  benefit  of  his 
health  and  for  the  additional  purpose  of  getting  married. 
On  his  return  to  duty,  about  the  middle  of  January,  he  began 
the  work  of  editing  and  completing  Grant's  official  report  of 
the  great  campaign.  As  was  his  custom  the  General,  relying 
almost  entirely  upon  his  memory,  wrote  out  with  his  own 
hand  a  simple  but  comprehensive  narrative  of  events,  which 
he  then  turned  over  to  Rawlins  as  the  frame-work  or  guide 
for  the  full  and  accurate  report  which  was  sent  afterwards 
to  the  War  Department.  In  such  work  as  this,  Rawlins,  aided 
by  Bowers,  as  usual,  was  singularly  capable.  He  spared  no 
pains  to  test,  reconcile  and  elaborate  every  statement  and 
inference.  With  fidelity  to  the  truth,  without  prejudice  or 
conscious  bias  in  favor  of  any  one,  he  strove  to  get  at  the 
facts,  and  to  relate  them  always  just  as  they  occurred.  His 
training  as  a  lawyer  and  his  habit  of  gathering  and  stating 
evidence,  so  as  to  bring  out  the  truth  and  do  equal  and  exact 
justice  to  all,  gave  to  his  work  unusual  accuracy  and  value. 
Grant  relied  absolutely  upon  it ;  and  it  is  but  just  to  add  that 
never  in  any  instance  is  he  known  to  have  overruled  Rawlins, 
or  changed  his  account  of  a  controverted  point.  It  is  for 
this  reason  that  Grant's  official  reports,  which  from  Bel- 
mont  to  Appomattox,  either  as  first  submitted  or  afterwards, 
passed  through  Rawlins's  hands  and  received  the  benefit  of 
his  investigations,  have  withstood  criticism  so  successfully. 
Indeed,  it  may  be  safely  said  that  no  official  reports,  whether 
referring  to  the  American  Civil  War  or  to  any  other  war, 
were  ever  framed  with  a  more  scrupulous  regard  to  the  truth, 
whether  resting  upon  personal  statement  or  embodied  in  the 
subordinate  reports,  than  were  those  of  Grant.  If  any  of 
them  contain  misleading  statements  or  false  inferences,  it 
should  be  assumed  that  it  was  because  they  were  not  verified 
by  Rawlins,  or  because  the  facts  on  which  they  were  based 
were  not  fully  or  accurately  known  at  the  time. 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  177 

This  is  particularly  the  case  in  reference  to  the  operations 
ending  with  the  battle  of  Missionary  Ridge.  I  pointed  out 
to  Rawlins  when  he  was  preparing  the  final  report,  that 
Sherman  and  not  Thomas  should  have  won  that  battle,  by 
doubling  up  and  crushing  Bragg's  right  wing  or  by  falling 
on  his  rear.  While  both  Grant  and  IRawlins  claimed  that 
Sherman  had  met  with  unexpected  resistance,  and  thought 
that  I  was  hypercritical,  they  stoutly  maintained  that  his 
operations  had  compelled  the  enemy  on  the  day  of  the  battle 
to  so  weaken  his  left  and  center  by  withdrawing  troops  from 
them  and  sending  them  to  his  right  for  the  purpose  of  re 
sisting  Sherman's  advance,  that  it  made  it  correspondingly 
easy  for  Thomas  to  break  through  the  center.  As  before 
stated,  Grant  and  Sherman  died  in  that  belief,  and  it  may  be 
now  asserted  with  equal  confidence,  that  the  same  was  true 
of  Rawlins.  It  should  be  added  that  this  view  of  the  matter 
is  supported  by  the  official  reports  of  such  of  the  Union  gen 
erals  as  touched  upon  that  point.  All  shared  in  that  delu 
sion,  and  it  was  not  till  long  after  the  close  of  the  war  that 
it  became  certainly  known  that  Stevenson's  Confederate  divi 
sion  was  transferred  the  day  before,  and  that  no  troops  what 
ever  were  moved  from  any  part  of  Bragg's  line  on  the  day 
of  the  battle  to  resist  the  advance  of  Sherman's  column 
against  the  Confederate  right.  Without  these  facts,  the 
weight  of  testimony  was  all  in  favor  of  the  Sherman  con 
tention  and  of  the  conclusion  adopted  by  Grant  and  Rawlins, 
as  well  as  by  Badeau  afterwards,  in  the  "Personal  History  of 
Ulysses  S.  Grant." 

It  was  apparent  to  every  officer  on  Orchard  Knob,  at  the 
time,  that  Sherman  had  not  carried  the  enemy's  position  at 
Tunnell  Hill,  but  had  been  repulsed,  while  Thomas,  who  was 
ordered  to  take  the  enemy's  rifle  trench  at  the  foot  of  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  rather  as  a  demonstration  in  Sherman's  favor 
than  as  a  positive  attack,  had,  much  to  the  surprise  of  every 
body,  not  only  carried  the  rifle  trench  but  had  swept  up  the 


178  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ridge  and  over  its  crest,  breaking  through  the  enemy's  line 
and  driving  him  in  confusion  down  the  slopes  and  across  the 
Chickamauga  beyond.  In  spite  of  all  this,  Sherman,  who 
really  failed,  received  a  larger  share  of  praise  than  Thomas, 
who  succeeded  beyond  all  expectation,  and  this  fact  inevitably 
tended  to  intensify,  rather  than  to  end,  the  feeling  of  estrange 
ment  between  Thomas  and  Grant. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  both  Grant  and  Rawlins 
believed  that  they  had  seen  the  enemy  moving  along  the  crest 
of  Missionary  Ridge  on  the  day  of  battle,  to  his  right  towards 
Sherman,  and  were  entirely  honest  in  their  convictions  that 
Sherman,  who  had  promised  so  much  and  performed  so  little, 
was  entitled  to  greater  praise  than  Thomas,  who  had  promised 
nothing  but  performed  much.  Such  is  frequently  the  case  in 
military  as  well  as  in  civil  life,  and  the  lesson  to  be  drawn 
from  it  is  that  a  cheerful  and  confident  demeanor  is  an  asset 
of  real  value  to  the  soldier  as  well  as  to  the  man  of  affairs. 

To  the  military  reader  it  will  of  course  occur  that  Sher 
man's  threatening  position  on  the  enemy's  right  flank,  not 
withstanding  the  fact  that  all  his  attacks  had  been  repulsed, 
may  have  exerted  a  powerful  influence  towards  weakening 
Bragg's  defence  when  he  saw  his  centre  seriously  assailed. 
Knowing,  as  he  must  have  knowrn,  that  the  united  forces  of 
Sherman  and  Howard  on  his  right,  aided  by  Hooker  on 
his  left,  if  vigorously  handled,  must  prevail  in  the  end,  and 
would  in  that  case  imperil  his  retreat,  it  was  perhaps  natural 
under  the  circumstances  that  he  should  remain  somewhat  in 
doubt  and  fail  to  put  up  as  stout  a  defence  against  Thomas 
as  he  should  have  done.  At  all  events,  his  resistance  was 
comparatively  feeble,  and  although  he  inflicted  heavy  loss 
on  his  gallant  assailants  and  delayed  his  retreat  to  the  last 
minute,  he  succeeded  in  withdrawing  from  his  entrenchments 
with  insignificant  loss  except  in  artillery. 

In  considering  the  results  of  this  battle,  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  the  weight  of  numbers  and  resources,  not  with- 


EVENTS  IN  TENNESSEE  179 

standing  the  extraordinary  natural  strength  of  Bragg's  posi 
tion,  was  hopelessly  against  him,  and  therefore  his  retreat, 
even  before  the  battle,  would  have  been  both  prudent  and 
justifiable. 

The  detachment  of  Longstreet  for  a  campaign  against 
Burnside  in  East  Tennessee  in  the  face  of  the  reinforcements 
coming  from  both  East  and  West  to  strengthen  the  national 
forces,  was  according  to  all  military  rules  a  fatal  mistake 
on  the  part  of  the  Confederate  leader,  though  it  may  be 
doubted  that  he  could  have  held  his  advanced  position  for  any 
great  time  even  with  Longstreet's  help. 

The  great  national  victory  won  in  front  of  Chattanooga 
was  from  every  point  of  view  the  legitimate  outcome  of  the 
broad  and  comprehensive  policy  which  the  Government  on 
the  heels  of  a  great  calamity,  had  been  forced  to  adopt.  The 
overwhelming  concentration  of  men  and  materials  which 
followed  was  a  striking  tribute  not  only  to  the  soundness 
of  the  policy  which  Grant  had  always  advocated,  but  to  the 
success  which  had  always  attended  his  operations.  He  was 
the  rising  man  of  the  Union  army.  Without  pretension  or 
parade,  he  was  making  successful  campaigns  and  winning 
great  victories,  while  both  the  Administration  and  the  coun 
try  were  wondering  how  he  did  it.  There  was  but  little  in 
his  despatches  or  his  reports  throwing  light  upon  the  sub 
ject.  There  was  no  mention  of  "grand  tactics"  or  of 
"strategy."  They  said  nothing  whatever  about  "organizing 
victory,"  and  as  for  "logistics/'  it  may  well  be  doubted  that 
either  Grant  or  Rawlins  ever  heard  the  word  or  had  the 
slightest  conception  of  its  meaning.  And  yet  there  was  no 
great  mystery  in  their  methods.  They  were  plain,  straight 
forward,  earnest,  and  patriotic  men,  working  together  with 
all  their  faculties  as  though  they  were  but  one.  There  was 
no  friction  between  them,  no  jealousy,  no  suspicion,  and  no 
misunderstanding.  The  combination  was  complete.  Grant 
was  the  experienced,  unpretending,  educated  soldier,  while 


i8o  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Rawlins  the  civilian,  was  his  complement  and  ad  latus,  rather 
than  "the  power  behind  the  throne." 

It  adde.d  greatly  to  Grant's  strength  that  he  had  the  habit 
of  absorbing  the  thoughts  and  suggestions  of  others,  and 
incorporating  them  with  his  own  without  showing  the  slight 
est  false  pride  or  jealousy.  There  was  nothing  small  or  mean 
in  his  makeup.  Conscious  of  his  own  needs  and  shortcomings 
and  of  the  inability  of  any  man  to  think  of  everything  or  to 
do  everything,  he  welcomed  assistance  from  every  quarter, 
and  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  reward  or  secure  promotion 
for  those  who  had  contributed  to  his  success.  No  general 
was  ever  more  approachable  than  he,  and  neither  the  records 
nor  the  recollections  of  the  times  will  reveal  the  slightest 
evidence  that  he  ever  harbored  a  feeling  of  resentment 
towards  Rawlins  for  plain  speaking  or  plain  writing. 

As  for  Rawlins,  no  one  can  read  his  letter  of  June  6,  1863,* 
or  his  references  to  the  same  subject  at  various  other  later 
dates  without  realizing  that  he  felt  himself  constantly  in 
the  presence  of  a  great  danger,  and  while  it  is  possible  that 
he  may  have  magnified  that  danger  and  underestimated  the 
strength  of  his  chief,  it  is  certain  that  he  did  not  think  so 
and  was  absolutely  faithful  and  fearless  in  performing  what 
he  conceived  to  be  his  duty  in  respect  to  it.  For  this,  and 
for  the  lofty  virtues  he  always  displayed,  he  enjoyed  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  every  officer  of  rank  and  char 
acter  who  had  the  good  fortune  to  know  him.  So  long  as  he 
remained  at  his  post,  no  one  doubted  the  success  of  Grant, 
or  of  the  army  he  commanded. 

4  Ante,  pp.  128,  129. 


XI 


CHANGES   IN    RANK    AND   DUTIES 

Grant  Made  Lieutenant  General — Rawlins  Chief  of  Staff — Cor 
respondence  of  Grant's  Headquarters  with  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac — Rawlins  Strongly  Approves. 

SHORTLY  after  the  Chattanooga  and  East  Tennessee  cam 
paigns,  and  the  establishment  of  headquarters  at  Nashville, 
I  was  relieved  from  Grant's  staff  and  ordered  to  Washington 
for  temporary  duty,  in  the  War  Department  as  Chief  of 
the  Cavalry  Bureau.  Before  leaving,  I  had  participated  in 
all  the  discussions  which  took  place  between  Grant,  Rawlins, 
and  W.  F.  Smith  in  regard  to  the  future  conduct  of  the  war 
in  the  South  and  Southwest.  I  was  familiar  with  every  plan 
that  had  been  considered,  and  naturally  hoped  to  be  per 
mitted  to  take  part  in  such  active  operations  as  might  be 
finally  agreed  upon.  I  therefore  regarded  this  detail  for 
duty  in  the  War  Department  at  first  as  likely  to  deprive  me  of 
further  field  service,  but  was  reassured  by  the  information 
that  it  was  understood  between  General  Grant  and  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  that  my  detail  would  last  not  longer  than  six 
weeks  or  two  months,  and  that  I  should  return  to  the  field 
in  time  for  the  spring  campaign. 

On  my  arrival  at  Washington  I  found  that  public  atten 
tion  had  been  so  concentrated  on  Grant  and  his  wonderful 
successes  that  his  assignment  to  the  chief  command  of  our 
armies  in  the  field  had  already  become  inevitable.  The  only 
question  open  was  what  rank  he  should  have,  and  when  the 
assignment  should  be  made.  At  that  time  the  highest  grade 
known  in  the  army  was  that  of  Major  General,  and  although 

181 


182  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  President  was  by  law  authorized  to  assign  officers  of  that 
rank  to  the  command  of  armies  or  army-corps,  without  refer 
ence  to  seniority,  this  proviso  was  not  thought  to  be  sufficient, 
either  as  a  means  of  authority  or  as  a  reward  for  such  suc 
cesses  as  those  gained  by  Grant.  It  was  therefore  suggested 
that  the  grade  of  Lieutenant  General  should  be  revived,  and 
that  it  should  be  bestowed  upon  Gran£  along  with  the  com 
mand  of  all  our  armies,  but  the  measure  did  not  at  once 
receive  the  approval  of  the  Government.  At  the  instance 
of  an  official  press  agent,  then  feeling  the  public  pulse  for 
the  first  time,  the  newspapers  discussed  the  subject  both 
favorably  and  unfavorably.  Congress  was  slow  to  commit 
itself,  but  the  bill  to  carry  the  measure  into  effect  was  intro 
duced  by  Mr.  Washburne  and  received  his  untiring  advocacy 
from  the  start.  The  more  it  was  discussed  the  more  popular 
it  became.  Dana,  fresh  from  Chattanooga  and  from  an 
intimate  association  with  Grant  and  his  staff,  gave  it  his 
approval,  and  when  I  arrived  in  Washington  early  in  Feb 
ruary,  1864,  I  found  it  to  be  the  absorbing  theme  of  every 
discussion.  Although  but  recently  appointed  a  brigadier 
general,  it  was  known  that  I  had  participated  in  Grant's  great 
est  campaigns,  and  had  been  honored  by  his  confidence.  It 
was  therefore  thought  that  my  knowledge  of  his  character 
and  methods  might  be  valuable  and  I  was  freely  consulted 
both  by  senators  and  members  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  as  to  the  advisability  of  creating  the  new  rank  and 
bestowing  it  upon  Grant.  In  these  consultations,  as  well  as 
in  frequent  conferences,  both  Dana  and  I  took  ground  in 
favor  of  the  proposed  legislation. 

I  wrote  fully  both  to  Rawlins  and  W.  F.  Smith,  suggest 
ing  among  other  things  that  the  winter  had  been  spent  by 
the  Washington  authorities  in  waiting  for  something  to  turn 
up;  that  Halleck,  who  was  generally  regarded  as  wise  and 
well  informed,  was,  in  fact,  selfish  and  timid ;  that  there  was 
but  little  hope  of  a  vigorous  policy  while  the  General-in- 


CHANGES  IN  RANK  AND  DUTIES  183 

Chief,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  President  were  all  pull 
ing  in  different  directions,  or  while  one  was  pulling  forward 
and  the  others  refusing  to  pull  at  all.  Notwithstanding 
Grant's  great  victory  in  the  West,  military  operations  had 
everywhere  come  to  a  standstill,  and  each  of  the  great  leaders 
of  the  Government  was  apparently  trying  to  shift  the  responsi 
bility  to  the  other.  So  long  as  that  condition  continued  the 
chances  for  ultimate  victory  rested  merely  upon  "main 
strength  and  awkwardness,"  which  was  the  phrase  of  the 
day. 

A  more  comprehensive  policy  was  necessary.  It  was  use 
less  for  any  one  to  suggest  plans  for  the  reorganization  of 
the  army,  or  for  carrying  on  campaigns  till  military  affairs 
could  be  placed  under  a  competent  head.  Accordingly,  I 
wrote  Rawlins  in  part  as  follows : 

...  To  be  plain — General  Grant  must  be  Lieutenant  General 
and  General-in-Chief  of  all  our  armies.  He  is  the  only  really 
successful  man  the  war  has  brought  to  the  front.  Everybody 
here  acknowledges  it,  and  is  willing  to  trust  him  and  the  bill  cre 
ating  the  grade  should  be  put  through  as  soon  as  possible.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  of  this,  and  if  the  General  has  any  scruples,  he 
must  simply  lay  them  aside.  He  owes  Halleck  nothing,  either 
personally  or  officially,  but  the  country  everything.  .  .  . 

When  called  to  the  head  of  the  army  he  can  put  forward  whom 
he  may  choose,  direct  all  the  armies  in  unison,  and  go  hereafter 
as  heretofore  wherever  the  danger  is  greatest.  With  his  honest 
heart,  his  clear  head  and  unselfish  intentions,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  ultimate  result.  He  will  not  be  required  to  remain 
at  Washington.  Halleck  can  be  kept  there.  .  .  . 

In  this  letter  I  referred  also  to  the  demands  which  were 
now  coming  from  the  politicians  and  the  public  press  for 
Grant's  nomination  to  the  Presidency.  As  these  were  obvi 
ously  premature,  and  for  the  greater  part  from  men  who  were 
out  of  patience  with  the  Administration,  or  who  distrusted  its 
willingness  to  allow  any  subordinate  a  free  hand,  I  took  ground 
not  only  against  his  nomination  at  that  time  but  against  his 


184  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

writing  political  letters  or  taking  any  part  in  the  politics  of 
the  country.  I  felt,  besides,  that  it  was  unfair  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  should  be  confronted  by  our  only  successful  general 
in  his  campaign  for  reelection,  and  that  it  might  be  well  for 
Grant  to  let  it  be  known  in  some  authoritative  way  that  he 
would  not  allow  his  name  to  be  used  for  any  such  purpose. 
Fortunately  both  Rawlins  and  Smith  concurred  in  the  main 
with  these  opinions,  and  after  reading  my  letters  to  Grant, 
Rawlins  wrote  me  from  Nashville  with  unusual  fullness,  on 
March  3,  1864,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  While  sympathizing  with  you  in  the  desire  for  harmony 
and  the  greatest  attainable  unanimity  of  action  possible  on  the 
part  of  the  people  in  the  coming  Presidential  election,  I  cannot 
see  a  better  course  for  us  than  that  we  have  hitherto  pursued, 
viz.,  attend  strictly  to  our  duties  as  soldiers,  leaving  the  manage 
ment  and  conduct  of  the  canvass  for  the  election  of  Chief  Magis 
trate  and  civil  officers  to  the  people  at  home.  This  will  not  debar 
those  in  the  service  who  desire  to  do  so,  from  expressing  their 
choice  through  the  ballot  box,  when  from  States  in  which  pro 
vision  has  been  made  for  such  expression,  by  law.  Unanimity  of 
action  on  the  part  of  all  connected  with  the  military  arm  of 
Government,  in  the  one  and  sole  purpose  of  destroying  the  armies 
of  the  Rebellion  and  in  non-interference  with  civil  matters,  will 
in  my  judgment  tend  more  to  secure  the  desired  harmony  and 
unity  of  action  in  the  coming  election  than  all  other  influences 
combined.  It  will  give  to  the  masses  an  earnest  of  our  sincerity, 
confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  Government  to  establish  and  main 
tain  its  supremacy  throughout  the  revolted  States,  and  leave 
powerless  the  argument  of  "danger  from  the  military  to  our 
Democratic  institutions,"  and  by  those  opposed  to  coercion,  to 
excite  their  prejudices. 

I  cannot  conceive  how  the  use  of  General  Grant's  name  in  con 
nection  with  the  Presidency  can  result  in  harm  to  him  or  our 
cause,  for  if  there  is  a  man  in  the  United  States  who  is  unam 
bitious  of  such  honor,  it  is  certainly  he,  yet  the  matter  is  not  in 
such  a  shape  as  to  justify  him  in  writing  a  letter  declining  to  be  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  The  nomination  for  the  office  has 
not  been  tendered  him  by  the  people ;  nor  has  it  by  either  of  the 


CHANGES  IN  RANK  AND  DUTIES  185 

great  political  parties  or  any  portion  thereof.  .  .  .  To  write  a 
letter  of  declination  now,  would  place  him  much  in  the  position  of 
the  old  maid  who  had  never  had  an  offer  declaring  she  "would 
never  marry ;"  besides  it  would  be  by  many  construed  into  a 
modest  way  of  getting  his  name  before  the  country  in  connection 
with  the  office,  having,  as  he  always  has,  avoided  public  notice  or 
newspaper  talk  relating  to  him. 

His  letter  to  the  Democratic  Committee  of  the  State  of  Ohio, 
he  says  was  written  in  the  strictest  confidence  and  he  wishes  it 
still  to  be  so  considered.  Any  use  of  it  by  his  friends  would,  if 
known — and  that  it  would  be  known  scarcely  admits  of  a  doubt — 
remove  from  it  the  curtain  of  privacy  and  might  give  occasion 
for  discussing  it  in  the  public  press  which  of  all  things  you  know 
he  would  most  avoid ;  hence  I  do  not  send  it.1 

The  Hsonorable  E.  B.  Washburne  I  am  sure  is  not  in  favor 
of  Grant  for  the  Presidency.  He  is  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  if  he 
has  made  use  of  the  language  imputed  to  him,  it  has  been  to 
further  the  passage  of  his  Lieutenant-Generalcy  bill;  nothing 
more  I  am  certain.  This  is  my  own  opinion.  That  Washburne 
should  seemingly  arrogate  to  himself  the  exclusive  championship 
of  the  General,  is  not  at  all  strange  when  we  reflect  upon  the  fact 
that  two  years  ago  he  was  the  only  man  in  Congress  who  had  a 
voice  of  condemnation  for  the  General's  maligners.  His  defence 
of  Grant  aided  to  keep  him  in  his  position  and  enabled  him  to 
achieve  the  successes  that  have  placed  him  first  in  the  World's 
History  as  a  military  man,  and  secured  for  him  the  gratitude  of 
his  countrymen.  Grant  cannot  neglect  writing  to  him,  but  of 
course  should  be  guarded  in  what  he  writes  him  as  well  as  in 
what  he  writes  others.  One  in  the  General's  position  can  scarcely 
write  a  private  letter  that  in  any  manner  touches  upon  passing 
events,  because  of  the  eagerness  of  every  one  to  give  to  the  public 
that  which  they  so  easily  conceive  to  belong  to  it,  coming  as  it 
does  from  one  to  whom  all  look  to  dispel  the  dark  clouds  of  war 
that  have  drenched  our  land  with  blood,  and  reveal  to  their  longing 
eyes  the  bright  sky  of  peace  beyond. 

I  am  glad  to  know  you  are  getting  along  so  well  with  your 
new  duties.  Of  one  thing  we  here  were  certain — that  you  would 
bring  to  the  discharge  of  them  an  honesty  and  an  energy  of  pur 
pose  that  would  awe  and  keep  off  those  who  would  by  undue  and 
corrupt  influences,  seek  advantages  against  the  Government. 

1  The  copy  of  this  letter  I  have  never  seen. 


i86  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

When  we  consider  the  immensity  of  the  cavalry  arm  of  the  serv 
ice  and  its  immediate  necessities,  then  and  then  only,  can  we, 
anything  like  properly,  estimate  the  importance  of  your  Bureau 
and  the  many  difficulties  to  be  overcome  by  you  in  the  successful 
management  of  it.  All  here,  Wilson,  wish  you  the  greatest  suc 
cess.  Department  commanders  were  directed  to  send  names  for 
the  inspectors  you  telegraphed  for;  all  have  not  yet  responded. 
The  suggestions  in  your  letter  to  W.  S.  Smith,  Chief  of  Cavalry, 
are  being  attended  to.  As  soon  as  the  necessary  reports  are  in 
from  which  a  correct  estimate  of  the  General's  cavalry  force  can 
be  made,  and  the  numbers  not  mounted  or  armed  ascertained,  to 
the  extent  of  such  unmounted  and  unarmed  cavalry,  the  General 
proposes  to  dismount  the  mounted  infantry,  armed  with  cavalry 
arms,  and  turn  their  horses  over  to  the  cavalry.  In  this  manner 
he  hopes  with  what  you  can  do  for  him  to  at  least  secure  mounts 
and  arms  for  all  his  cavalry. 

Sherman's  expedition  via  Meridian  towards  Central  Alabama 
is  the  subject  of  most  interest  at  present.  The  last  information 
deemed  reliable,  from  him  since  the  rebel  papers  speak  of  his 
being  at  Quitman,  on  the  railroad  South  of  Meridian,  is  to  the 
effect  that  he  had  reached  Demopolis,  East  of  Meridian,  which  if 
true  removes  all  apprehensions  as  to  his  success  and  safety.  The 
repairing  of  the  damage  he  will  do  the  railroads,  will  be  to  the 
enemy  the  work  of  months,  saying  nothing  of  their  losses  in 
negroes,  horses,  mules  and  supplies.  The  expedition  under  Gen 
eral  W.  S.  Smith,  Chief  of  Cavalry,  which  started  from  Memphis 
with  a  view  to  forming  a  junction  at  or  near  Meridian  with  Sher 
man,  has  returned  to  the  neighborhood  of  Memphis.  This  we 
learn  by  despatch  from  General  Butterfield.  No  report  has  yet 
been  received  from  General  Smith.  I  therefore  refrain  from 
comments.  He  has  been  ordered  South  again.  Longstreet  is 
evidently  abandoning  East  Tennessee  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
forces  and  this  is  caused  in  no  little  degree  by  the  movements  of 
Sherman.  He  will  perhaps,  with  a  few  troops,  try  to  hold  Hol- 
ston  Valley,  from  some  safe  point  to  cover  the  salt  works  in 
Virginia.  Thomas's  recent  move  against  Dalton  had  the  effect 
of  making  the  enemy  recall  several  thousand  troops  he  had  started 
against  Sherman. 

The  Lieutenant-Generalcy  bill  has  I  suppose  become  a  law  ere 
this.  That  General  Grant  will  be  appointed  to  that  grade,  if  any 
one,  I  suppose  there  is  no  doubt.  With  his  honest  patriotism, 


CHANGES  IN  RANK  AND  DUTIES  187 

good  common  sense,  great  military  ability  and  experience,  and 
the  unexampled  success  that  has  thus  far  attended  him  we  may 
hope  high  for  the  future  of  our  country.  To  merit  by  acts,  not 
words,  and  receive  the  Lieutenant  Generalcy  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States,  is  to  be  more  than  President.  Let  the  General 
but  continue  to  be  himself  as  now  and  heretofore,  giving  no  public 
heed  although  not  unmindful  of  them,  to  the  censures  or  praises 
of  the  press,  and  there  will  have  lived  few  men  who  have  secured 
so  bright  a  fame.  Military  not  civic  honors  best  bedeck  the 
soldier's  brow. 

The  General  is  very  anxious  about  the  confirmation  of  some  of 
the  Generals  appointed  in  his  command,  among  them  your  own. 
He  has  written  a  letter  to  General  Halleck  on  the  subject  and  put 
your  name  among  the  first  four. 

Captain  Badeau  is  here ;  we  welcome  him  to  our  military  fam 
ily,  appreciate  him  for  his  high  and  gentlemanly  bearing  and 
sympathize  with  him  in  his  misfortune.  He  is  recovering,  how 
ever,  and  will  I  hope  soon  be  able  to  lay  aside  his  crutches.  We 
expect  you  to  be  back  with  us  by  the  opening  of  the  spring  cam 
paign.  Your  horses  are  in  fine  condition.  No  one  uses  them  ex 
cept  the  Engineer  Department  and  that  not  often  I  believe. 
Your  boy  reports  regularly  to  me  pursuant  to  your  directions. 
He  dislikes  much  to  have  the  horses  used  and  I  don't  blame  him. 
If  you  wish  it  I  will  let  no  one  have  them.  Hope  of  W.  F. 
Smith's  promotion  seems  to  be  waning.  You  perhaps  know  more 
about  this. 

General  Grant's  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Chattanooga  has 
gone  forward.  It  is  full  and  complete,  written  in  his  usual  happy, 
narrative  style,  void  of  pomposity  or  parade.  .  .  . 

It  is  known  that  the  President  had  serious  apprehensions 
in  reference  to  Grant's  political  affiliations  and  ambitions  from 
the  date  of  his  surprising  success  at  Vicksburg,  and  shortly 
afterwards,  to  satisfy  himself,  sent  for  their  common  friend, 
J.  Russell  Jones  of  Galena,  then  United  States  Marshal  at 
Chicago.  Jones,  who  had  visited  headquarters  at  Vicksburg, 
and  became  convinced  that  Grant  had  no  political  aspirations, 
was  enabled  to  allay  the  President's  fears  for  the  present,  but 
only  to  see  them  aroused  again  by  the  extraordinary  success 


188  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  Chattanooga.2  To  an  active  politician  like  Lincoln,  it  was 
scarcely  conceivable  that  any  man,  whether  soldier  or  civilian, 
with  such  a  chance  as  was  now  within  Grant's  reach,  should 
not  seize  upon  it  ,to  go  up  higher.  Other  politicians  shared 
Lincoln's  apprehension;  and  knowing  the  intimate  relations 
between  Grant  and  Rawlins,  such  of  them  as  had  the  oppor 
tunity  of  seeing  the  letter  from  which  I  have  just  quoted,  did 
not  hesitate  to  say,  they  regarded  it  as  conclusive.  The  clear 
and  explicit  declarations  which  it  contained  had  a  tendency 
to  allay  apprehension  if  not  to  smooth  the  way  for  Grant's 
accession  to  supreme  military  power,  subject  of  course  to 
the  President  as  constitutional  commander-in-chief. 

The  Senate  passed  the  bill  reviving  the  grade  of  Lieutenant 
General  with  only  six  dissenting  votes,  while  the  House  of 
Representatives  passed  it  by  96  to  41.  It  is  well  known, 
however,  that  the  President  used  no  influence  whatever  for 
or  against  it,  but  as  soon  as  its  fate  became  assured  and  he 
had  given  it  his  approval,  he  sent  for  Grant,  and  the  latter, 
accompanied  by  Rawlins  and  one  or  two  other  staff  officers, 
started  at  once  for  Washington.  He  arrived  there  on  March 
8,  1864,  and  having  received  his  new  commission,  three  days 
thereafter  began  his  return  trip  to  complete  arrangements  for 
assuming  the  duties  to  which  the  President  had  assigned  him. 

Before  starting  on  this  trip  to  the  East,  Grant  wrote,  March 
4,  1864,  to  Sherman,  then  near  Memphis,  notifying  him 
of  his  departure  for  Washington,  informing  him  that  he 
should  accept  no  orders  which  would  require  him  to  make 
that  city  his  headquarters,  and  extending  his  thanks  to  Sher 
man  and  McPherson  as  "the  men  to  whom  above  all  others" 
he  felt  indebted  for  whatever  success  he  had  gained.  It  is  to 
be  observed,  however,  that  the  context  of  this  letter  shows 
delicately,  but  plainly  enough,  that  the  thanks  it  conveyed  to 
his  favorite  lieutenants  were  for  the  energy,  skill,  and  cheer 
fulness  with  which  they  had  always  executed  his  orders, 

2  Richardson's  "Personal  History  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant,"  p.  380  et  seq. 


CHANGES  IN  RANK  AND  DUTIES  189 

rather  than  for  any  special  advice  or  valuable  suggestions 
they  had  contributed  to  the  formation  of  his  plans.  Sher 
man's  reply  was  dated  March  10.  It  heartily  praises  Grant's 
"unselfishness,  honesty,  and  simple  faith  in  his  success."  But 
with  surprising  frankness,  it  indicates  the  existence  of  a  fear 
from  the  first  in  Sherman's  mind  that  Grant's  ignorance  of 
strategy,  science,  and  history,  might  at  any  time  prove  fatal, 
though  this  fear  is  qualified  by  the  confession  that  an  un 
usual  amount  of  common  sense  seems  to  have  so  far  sup 
plied  most  of  Grant's  deficiencies. 

It  is  apparent,  however,  that  Sherman  still  had  serious 
doubts  of  Grant's  strength  and  stability  of  character,  as  well 
as  of  his  capacity  properly  to  solve  the  great  questions  with 
which  he  would  have  to  deal  in  the  East.  This  is  indicated 
by  the  following  extract  from  his  letter : 

.  .  .  Now  as  to  the  future.  Do  not  stay  in  Washington.  .  .  . 
Come  out  West;  take  to  yourself  the  whole  Mississippi  Valley, 
let  us  make  it  dead  sure,  and  I  tell  you,  the  Atlantic  Slope  and 
Pacific  shores  will  follow  its  destiny,  as  sure  as  the  limbs  of  a 
tree  live  or  die  with  the  main  trunk.  .  .  . 

Although  the  purport  of  this  advice  could  not  be  mistaken, 
Sherman  was  evidently  not  satisfied  with  the  way  in  which 
he  first  gave  it.  Apparently  forgetting  that  the  occupation  of 
New  Orleans,  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  and 
the  overwhelming  defeat  of  Bragg  in  front  of  Chattanooga 
had  practically  ended  the  war  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  he 
changed  the  form,  if  not  the  substance,  of  his  exhortation,  as 
follows : 

.  .  .  For  God's  sake  and  for  your  country's  sake,  come  out  of 
Washington.  I  foretold  to  General  Halleck  before  he  left  Corinth 
the  inevitable  result  to  him,  and  I  now  exhort  you  to  come  out 
West.  Here  is  the  seat  of  the  coming  empire,  and  from  the  West, 
when  our  task  is  done,  we  will  make  short  work  of  Charleston 
and  Richmond  and  the  impoverished  coast  of  the  Atlantic.* 

3  For  this  correspondence  in  full,  see  Sherman's  "Memoirs,"  Vol.  i, 
pp.  398-400. 


IQO  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

It  is  known  that  most  of  Grant's  trusted  subordinates 
shared  Sherman's  apprehensions.  Indeed  such  apprehensions 
were  somewhat  widespread  at  the  time,  but  how  far  they 
were  based  upon  distrust  of  Grant's  ability  to  protect  himself 
against  jealousy  and  intrigue,  rather  than  upon  a  misappre 
hension  of  the  obligations  imposed  upon  him  by  his  new  rank, 
to  meet  Lee  and  the  veteran  army  of  Northern  Virginia  on 
the  field  of  battle  must  forever  remain  a  question  of  doubt. 
But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  those  who  favored  the  cour 
ageous  course,  which  Grant  actually  adopted,  did  so  as  much 
because  of  their  confidence  in  Rawlins's  influence  and  inflex 
ible  character,  as  in  Grant's  superior  courage,  constancy,  and 
generalship. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Grant  had  recently  recom 
mended  W.  F.  Smith  or  Sherman  for  the  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  this  was  before  the  bestowal  of 
the  new  office  of  Lieutenant  General,  and  the  President's 
orders  placed  upon  him  the  actual  duty  of  deciding  what 
should  be  done  in  all  such  cases.  The  change  in  his  own 
fortunes  and  duties  was  a  radical  one.  His  new  responsibili 
ties  were  coextensive  with  the  military  operations  of  the 
country,  and  could  not  be  lightly  limited  to  a  sectional  com 
mand.  Fortunately  neither  Grant  nor  Rawlins  was  moved 
by  Sherman's  earnest  appeal  to  "come  out  West."  They 
seemed  to  recognize  from  the  first  that  the  country's  greatest 
danger  and  consequently  its  greatest  military  task  lay  in  the 
Eastern  theatre  of  war.  There  was  the  Confederate  Capital, 
and  there  was  "the  foremost  Army  of  the  Confederacy  under 
the  Confederacy's  foremost  leader."  Lee  had  beaten  Mc- 
Clellan,  Hooker,  and  Burnside.  He  had  bafHed  Meade,  and 
although  he  had  retreated  from  Gettysburg,  he  still  barred 
the  way  to  Richmond,  with  a  confident  and  almost  invincible 
array  of  veteran  soldiers.  Manifestly  so  long  as  that  army 
remained  unbroken,  the  country  must  remain  divided  against 
itself.  Rawlins  saw  all  this  as  plainly  as  any  man  could 


CHANGES  IN  RANK  AND  DUTIES  191 

see  it,  and  realizing  that  Congress  must  have  created,  and  the 
President  must  have  bestowed  the  rank  of  Lieutenant  General 
upon  Grant  the  better  to  clothe  him  with  power  for  a  trial 
of  prowess  and  leadership  with  Lee  and  his  gallant  followers, 
steadily  opposed  the  advice  of  all  who  begged  him  to  "come 
out  West"  and  rightly  favored  the  establishment  of  head 
quarters  in  the  field  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  So 
far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  Grant's  only  objection  to  going 
East  was  based  upon  the  possible  requirement  that  he  should 
remain  in  Washington  as  Halleck  had,  where  he  would  have 
been  subject  to  the  criticism  and  intrigue  of  the  politicians. 
The  danger  of  this  course  was  doubtless  in  Sherman's  mind 
from  the  first  and  may  have  been  the  main  influence  which 
impelled  him  to  urge  Grant  so  strenuously  to  return  to  the 
West  and  complete  the  subjugation  of  the  Mississippi  Valley. 
It  is  said  that  when  he  knew  Grant  was  not  to  remain  in  Wash 
ington,  but  was  going  to  make  his  headquarters  in  the  field 
and  cast  his  lot  in  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  h^gave 
this  determination  his  unqualified  approval.  But  it  must  be 
observed  that  this  was  not  till  Grant  himself  had  decided  the 
question  irrevocably  and  had  made  it  known  that  Sherman 
would  succeed  to  the  chief  command  in  the  Western  theatre 
of  operations. 

Where  Grant,  the  Lieutenant  General  and  chief  commander 
of  the  loyal  armies  in  the  field,  should  place  himself  for  the 
performance  of  the  new  duties  devolving  upon  him,  was  one 
of  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  Opinions  differed  widely 
as  to  its  solution.  Many  besides  Sherman  thought  that  the 
new  General-in-Chief  should  give  his  personal  supervision  to 
the  completion  of  the  campaign  in  the  West.  Others  thought 
it  would  be  better  for  him  to  remain  in  Washington  to  cor 
relate  and  direct  the  movement  of  our  widely  scattered  forces. 
Even  the  President  himself  may  have  held  this  view,  but 
Rawlins,  whose  judgment  in  regard  to  such  questions  acted 
with  the  certainty  of  instinct,  was  never  for  a  moment  in 


192  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

doubt.  He  held  with  Washburne,  Dana,  myself,  and  other 
close  friends  of  Grant,  that  the  new  commission  not  only 
placed  him  in  an  independent  position,  where  he  was  free  to 
act  on  his  own  judgment,  but  carried  with  it  a  supreme  and  im 
perative  duty  resting  solely  upon  himself.  Manifestly  this 
duty  could  neither  be  divided  nor  delegated  to  another. 
Fortunately  the  two  stood  together  in  choosing  the  right 
course  and  when  it  was  crowned  with  success  and  the  victori 
ous  soldier  had  become  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  it  was 
well  and  forcibly  said,  and  Rawlins  approved  the  saying,  that 
Grant  could  no  more  have  declined  the  trial  with  Lee  .  .  . 

without  injuring  his  fame  and  weakening  his  power  to  com 
mand,  than  the  country  could  have  afforded  to  allow  its  life- 
blood  and  treasure  to  be  fruitlessly  wasted  at  the  hands  of 
incompetent  and  irresolute  generals.  He  realized  too  truly  the 
significance  of  his  new  rank  and  the  task  imposed  upon  him  by 
his  countrymen  to  permit  himself  to  be  turned  from  this  duty 
either  by  the  difficulties  and  dangers  attending  it  or  by  the  so 
licitations  of  devoted  but  misjudging  friends.4 

4  Dana  and  Wilson's  "Life  of  Grant,"  pp.  168-9. 


XII 


THE    NEW    FIELD 

Enlarged   Staff — Rawlins  Advocates   New   Policies — Letters  to 
His  Wife — Culpepper  C.  H. — Influence  on  Plan  of  Operations. 

ON  March  23,  1864,  Lieutenant  General  Grant  reached 
Washington  with  Rawlins  and  six  members  of  his  Western 
volunteer  staff.  There  was  not  one  regular  officer  among 
them,  but  the  duties  of  Grant's  new  position,  with  all  the 
additional  work  it  imposed  upon  him,  made  an  increase  of 
his  staff  absolutely  necessary,  and,  naturally  enough,  he  se 
lected  regular  officers.  Colonel  Comstock,  a  learned,  digni 
fied,  and  experienced  officer  of  the  regular  engineers,  who 
had  served  with  him  as  chief  engineer  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  and  afterwards  as  inspector  general  of  the  Mili 
tary  Division,  was  naturally  assigned  to  the  new  staff  as 
senior  aid-de-camp.  Horace  Porter,  captain  of  ordnance, 
and  Orville  E.  Babcock,  captain  of  engineers,  were  also  se 
lected  as  aids-de-camp.  Neither  had  served  on  Grant's  staff, 
but  largely  on  my  introduction  and  recommendation,  they 
were  both  chosen  and  through  the  interposition  of  Dana, 
who  had  met  them  in  the  field,  both  were  finally  allowed  to 
accept  the  promotion  and  assignment  which  had  been  offered 
them.  These  young  officers  were  honor  graduates  of  West 
Point,  of  excellent  character,  and  first-class  ability  each  in  his 
own  line;  but  they-  were  to  a  certain  extent  new  men,  unac 
quainted  with  Grant  or  his  methods,  and  without  special  sym 
pathy  for  officers  from  civil  life.  They  had  but  little  acquaint 
ance  with  Rawlins,  or  with  Grant,  for  that  matter,  and  were 
naturally  slow  to  acknowledge  the  real  merit  of  the  former,  or 


194  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  comprehend  the  reasons  for  his  extraordinary  influence 
over  their  common  chief.  They  doubtless  did  whatever  work 
fell  to  tfreir  lot  to  the  very  best  of  their  ability,  but  even  in 
the  fiercest  campaign  the  busiest  officer  finds  time  for  rest  and 
for  social  intercourse  with  his  fellow  officers  from  the  general 
down. 

Grant,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  entirely  free  from  all 
affectation  of  superiority,  and  habitually  treated  his  staff  on 
the  regular  army  theory  that  "gentlemen  are  all  of  the  same 
grade."  He  regarded  them  as  his  companions  and  social 
equals,  and  while  he  rarely  ever  consulted  them  in  reference 
to  policies  or  plans,  he  never  repressed  their  efforts  to  help 
or  repelled  their  informal  expression  of  opinion.  He  was 
both  kindly  and  impressionable,  and,  like  other  great  men, 
more  or  less  unconsciously  absorbed  the  views  and  yielded 
to  the  influences  of  such  of  those  about  him  as  he  liked  and 
respected. 

As  has  been  seen  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  Rawlins, 
who  in  a  military  sense  had  grown  up  with  the  successful 
general,  and  knew  him  better  than  any  one  else,  did  not  hesi 
tate  even  in  the  new  and  greater  field  to  give  his  views  and 
advice  whenever  he  thought  the  occasion  called  for  them ;  but 
it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  with  the  advent  of  new  officers  and 
new  conditions,  he  grew  more  reserved.  It  was  both  natural 
and  proper  that  he  should  be  less  aggressive  and  outspoken 
in  counsel,  and  more  considerate  of  the  military  proprieties 
in  his  new  position.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  probable  that 
Grant,  in  view  of  his  own  uniform  success,  had  begun  to 
feel  more  confidence  in  himself  and  less  necessity  for  leaning 
on  others.  At  all  events,  to  those  who  knew  the  inside  of  their 
past  relations  it  soon  became  apparent  that  the  Lieutenant 
General  and  his  Chief  of  Staff  were  measurably  drifting 
apart.  There  was  no  rupture,  and  no  public  withdrawal  of 
confidence  or  respect,  but  Rawlins  soon  came  to  understand 
that  there  were  influences  at  work  which  he  could  not  always 


THE  NEW  FIELD  195 

locate  or  counteract.  During  the  Overland  campaign  from 
the  Rapidan  to  Appomattox,  he  told  me  repeatedly  that  he 
felt  his  influence  with  Grant  was  not  what  it  used  to  be,  and 
that  neither  the  policy  nor  the  plans  developed  themselves 
with  the  same  absence  of  friction,  or  reached  the  same  high 
level  of  excellence,  that  characterized  them  in  the  West  when 
the  staff  was  smaller.  He  recognized,  of  course,  that  the 
problems  which  confronted  them  were  greater,  and  that  the 
Confederacy  was  putting  forth  its  last  and  best  efforts  under 
the  command  of  its  ablest  leader;  but  in  addition  it  is  certain 
that  as  the  campaign  progressed,  he  became  conscious  of  com 
plications  and  difficulties  of  a  more  or  less  intangible  char 
acter,  due  partly  to  the  new  conditions  and  partly  to  the 
increased  complexity  of  the  machinery  for  military  command 
and  administration.  The  staff  was  necessarily  larger,  while 
the  arrangements  for  supervising  the  operations  of  the  entire 
army  were  in  a  measure  tentative,  if  not  experimental.  As 
it  turned  out  they  were  also  quite  defective  at  times. 

When  Grant  was  assigned  to  duty  as  Lieutenant  General, 
two  courses  were  open  to  him  in  respect  to  the  method  of 
exercising  command  and  arranging  his  staff  for  carrying  his 
orders  into  effect.  He  might  have  assumed  direct  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  assigned  Meade  to  the 
command  of  one  of  its  corps,  in  which  case  it  would  have 
been  necessary  for  him  to  issue  orders  directly  to  each  corps 
commander;  or  he  might  have  left  department,  army  and 
army-corps  organizations  as  he  found  them,  and  issued  his 
orders  to  their  immediate  commanders,  leaving  those  officers 
free  to  regulate  and  control  the  details  of  carrying  such  orders 
into  effect.  Something  might  have  been  said  in  favor  of  each 
plan.  While  the  former  would  have  been  simpler  and  more 
direct,  it  would  have  required  a  larger  and  much  more  effi 
cient  staff,  with  much  greater  experience  and  knowledge  of 
details  and  a  much  closer  attention  to  the  various  branches 
of  army  administration  as  well  as  to  the  strategy  of  the 


196  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

marches  and  combinations  and  to  the  tactical  arrangements 
of  the  fighting  line  in  the  various  contingencies  of  actual 
battle.  In  modern  armies  the  supervision  of  these  duties 
falls  within  the  province  of  the  general  staff.  They  require 
not  only  the  highest  theoretical  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war, 
but  the  greatest  aptitude  and  practical  experience  in  the  de 
tails  of  commanding,  marching,  and  fighting  troops. 

In  the  consideration  of  this  subject,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten 
that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  at  the  time  supposed  to 
be  the  best  army  we  had  in  the  field.  It  was  composed  largely 
of  veterans,  commanded  by  regular  generals  of  great  experi 
ence,  with  every  qualification  to  meet  the  actual  exigencies 
of  campaign  and  battle.  To  tell  them  how  to  form  their 
lines  or  columns,  or  to  bring  them  effectively  into  battle 
might  well  have  been  considered  as  unnecessary,  if  not  pre 
sumptuous.  Grant  himself  was  never  considered  a  great 
organizer  and  still  less  a  great  tactician.  He  was  not  over- 
fond  of  details,  and  never  thought  of  hampering  such  officers 
as  Sherman,  Thomas,  McPherson,  or  Ord  with  minute  in 
structions.  Still  less  did  he  think  it  necessary  with  Meade, 
Hancock,  Sedgwick,  Warren,  Wright,  Humphreys,  W.  F. 
Smith,  or  Sheridan.  At  all  events  he  decided  that  it  was 
not,  and  throughout  the  campaign,  till  near  its  close,  con 
tented  himself  with  indicating  in  general  terms  what  he 
desired  to  have  accomplished,  leaving  his  subordinates  to 
work  out  the  details  in  such  manner  as  they  thought  best. 

This  course  not  only  received  Rawlins's  approval,  but 
seemed  to  him,  under  the  circumstances,  the  best  that  could 
be  devised.  He  was  conscious,  no  doubt,  of  his  own  lack  of 
technical  knowledge  and  practical  experience  in  the  com 
manding  of  troops,  and  while  he  knew  that  there  were  sev 
eral  good  officers  within  easy  reach,  such  as  Upton  for  in 
stance,  who  were  in  every  way  qualified  to  work  out  all 
sorts  of  military  details  and  to  superintend  their  execution, 
no  such  help  was  called  for.  As  Chief  of  Staff  he  could 


THE  NEW  FIELD  197 

doubtless  have  obtained  permission  to  detail  any  other  officer 
he  thought  necessary,  but  made  no  such  detail,  and  the  war 
was  fought  through  to  the  end  without  the  assistance  of  any 
thing  corresponding  to  a  General  Staff.  Looking  back  on 
the  course  of  operations  during  the  Overland  Campaign,  it 
is  hard  to  understand  how  they  were  conducted  at  all  with 
out  such  an  organization.  Both  Grant  and  Rawlins  were 
to  blame  for  this.  Neither  seems  to  have  understood  the 
necessity  for  it,  but  that  the  chief  responsibility  for  it  should 
be  placed  upon  Grant,  the  professional  soldier,  rather  than 
upon  the  volunteer  Chief  of  Staff,  must  be  the  verdict  of 
the  military  critic.  That  Grant  was  aware  of  a  great  defect 
in  the  organization  of  his  army  is  shown  by  the  celebrated 
simile  of  the  "balky  team'*  by  which  he  typified  the  difficulty 
of  making  the  corps  commanders  work  together  in  harmony, 
and  justified  himself  for  winning  "by  force  of  numbers" 
and  "mere  attrition,"  if  by  no  other  means.  Withal,  it  is 
believed  by  many  that  if  Grant  had  organized  his  forces 
more  simply  and  compactly,  and  had  had  a  competent  general 
staff  for  the  management  of  details,  he  could  have  ended- 
the  war  within  six  months  instead  of  taking  nearly  a  year 
for  it  as  he  did. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  in  this  connection  that  while  Lee's 
army  was  more  simply  organized,  and  he  had  direct  command 
over  all  the  Confederate  corps  in  Virginia,  without  the  inter 
position  of  army  or  department  commanders,  his  staff  ar 
rangements  were  more  defective  than  even  Grant's.  Lee,  the 
professional  soldier,  relied  entirely  upon  himself  and  his 
corps  commanders.  He  wrote  many  of  his  most  important 
orders  with  his  own  hand,  and,  like  Grant,  refrained  from 
burthening  his  subordinates  with  detailed  instructions.  This 
did  much  to  mar  the  result  of  his  operations,  especially  at 
Gaines's  Mill,  White  Oak  Swamp,  Malvern  Hill,  and  perhaps 
elsewhere.  His  staff  was  small  and,  even  to  a  greater  extent 
than  Grant's,  was  made  up  of  civilians  with  but  little  technical 


I98  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

knowledge  or  experience,  and  therefore  capable  of  perform 
ing  but  little  of  the  complicated  technical  work  usually  as 
signed  to  the  general  staff. 

But  to  return  to  Rawlins.  It  has  been  seen  that  his  title 
was  to  a  certain  extent  a  misnomer.  While  he  was  Grant's 
oldest  and  most  trusted  staff  officer  and  had  more  influence 
with  him  than  had  any  one  else,  it  is  evident  that  the  plan 
under  which  the  national  forces  in  Virginia  were  then  organ 
ized  had  more  to  do  with  limiting  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
staff,  of  which  he  was  the  chief,  than  had  any  lack  of  knowl 
edge  on  his  part  as  to  the  kind  of  officers  it  needed,  or  as 
to  the  kind  of  work  they  would  be  called  upon  to  perform. 
As  the  army  was  actually  organized,  the  duties  of  the  staff 
as  well  as  of  its  chief  were  necessarily  minimized.  Rawlins 
had  therefore  more  to  do  with  questions  of  military  policy 
than  with  details  of  military  operations.  He  believed  in 
the  Overland  route  to  Richmond,  and  that  Lee's  army  was 
Grant's  true  objective.  He  believed  in  maneuvering  against 
Lee's  flanks  and  marching  rapidly.  In  the  Vicksburg  cam 
paign  he  had  seen  the  futility  of  assaulting  well-defended 
rifle  trenches,  however  hastily  constructed,  and  of  making 
direct  attacks  against  strong  positions.  He  believed  in  gath 
ering  all  the  forces  that  were  available,  and,  above  all,  he 
believed  in  the  good  sense  and  the  solid  qualities  of  Grant, 
and  in  the  superiority  of  his  army  in  numbers  and  resources. 
He  had  no  doubt  that  Grant  would  win,  but  after  the  first 
few  days  he  became  bitterly  opposed  to  the  slipshod  manner 
in  which  many  important  operations  were  conducted,  and 
especially  to  the  persistency  with  which  the  army  was  hurled 
head-on  against  the  enemy's  entrenchments  on  the  way  to 
Spottsylvania  Court  House  and  beyond.  He  did  not  hesi 
tate  to  declare  later  that  such  attacks  were  a  fatal  blunder, 
due  mostly  to  the  influence  of  Colonel  Comstock  of  his  staff, 
a  regular  engineer,  whose  advice  and  constant  refrain  was, 
"Smash  'em  up!  Smash  'em  up!"  In  repeating  this  re- 


THE  NEW  FIELD  199 

frain,  which  he  did  more  than  once,  Rawlins's  face  grew 
pale,  and  his  form  became  almost  convulsed  with  anger. 
With  the  fearlessness  that  characterized  the  imprudent  utter 
ances  of  W.  F.  Smith  and  of  that  peerless  soldier  Emory 
Upton,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  designate  this  as  "the  murderous 
policy  of  military  incompetents,"  and  there  is  good  reason 
for  believing  that  his  outspoken  remonstrances,  emphasized 
as  they  were  by  the  failure  and  fearful  loss  of  life  which 
uniformly  accompanied  the  head-on  attacks  in  parallel  order 
against  entrenched  lines  had  more  to  do  with  their  abandon 
ment  than  anything  else,  except  perhaps  the  pathetic  protest 
of  the  enlisted  men,  who  at  Cold  Harbor,  before  advancing 
to  the  charge,  wrote  their  names  on  slips  of  paper  and  pinned 
them  to  their  coats  in  order  that  their  dead  bodies  might  be 
recognized  after  the  battle  was  over.1 

Another  policy  of  great  wisdom  which  Rawlins  constantly 
advocated  during  the  campaign  in  Virginia  was  in  favor  of 
bringing  troops  from  places  where  they  were  not  needed, 
or  were  rendering  service  of  only  secondary  importance,  to 
the  front,  where  the  army  was  engaged  in  daily  battle  and 
suffering  heavy  loss.  He  was  doubtless  unconscious  of  the 
great  military  principle  laid  down  by  the  masters  in  support 
of  this  policy,  but  his  own  common  sense  must  have 
told  him  that  it  was  correct.  He  had  perhaps  never  heard  it 
stated  that  the  greatest  duty  of  the  State  in  carrying  on  war 
is  to  "keep  the  road  to  the  front  crowded  with  recruits  and 
reinforcements,"  to  fill  the  gaps  made  by  sickness  and  battle, 
but  with  a  prescience  which  would  have  done  credit  to  a 
great  theoretical  commander,  he  not  only  did  his  best  to  carry 
out  this  maxim  but  constantly  favored  the  draft  to  fill  the 
ranks  of  the  old  regiments,  instead  of  organizing  new  ones, 
as  the  quickest  and  best  possible  way  to  make  the  Union 
army  overwhelming  in  strength  and  invincible  in  battle. 

Fortunately  Rawlins's  attitude  in  respect  to  these,  as  well 
1  "Campaigning  with  Grant,"  by  General  Horace  Porter,  p.  174. 


200  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

as  other  important  matters,  does  not  rest  upon  conjecture, 
but  was  made  known  from  day  to  day  in  a  series  of  letters 
to  his  wife  beginning  in  January,  1864,  and  continuing  almost 
to  the  end  of  the  campaign  against  Lee.  The  first  of  these 
letters  is  dated  January  14,  1864,  and  the  last  April  4,  1865. 
They  are  without  break  or  intermission,  except  when  his 
wife  was  in  camp,  or  he  was  absent  from  the  field  on  account 
of  sickness.  There  is  another  series,  written  while  absent 
from  her  in  search  of  health  after  the  war  was  over.  I 
shall  quote  freely  from  each  series  as  occasion  seems  to  call 
for  it,  but  so  much  of  either  as  refers  to  other  public  mat 
ters  will  be  given  in  full  in  the  appendix. 

It  has  not  been  previously  emphasized,  but  it  should  now 
be  noted,  that  it  was  by  this  time  becoming  generally  known 
that  Rawlins  was  seriously  ill.  Soon  after  establishing  head 
quarters  at  Chattanooga  he  began  to  cough  violently  and 
continuously.  The  weather  had  become  inclement.  The 
rainy  season  had  begun,  and  his  quarters  were  more  or  less 
uncomfortable.  Hence  we  thought  at  first  that  his  cough 
was  due  to  a  severe  cold  which  would  soon  pass  away;  but 
in  spite  of  every  attention,  it  proved  persistent,  better  one 
day  and  worse  the  next.  Finally  it  aroused  the  deep  anxiety 
of  the  patient  himself  and  especially  of  his  home  friend,  Chief 
Surgeon  Kittoe,  who  applied  all  known  remedies,  but  with 
out  permanent  success.  During  the  whole  of  his  stay  at 
Chattanooga,  Nashville,  as  well  as  afterwards  with  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  and  in  the  West,  to  the  end  of  his  life  his 
pathetic  and  baffling  fight  against  the  disease  was  hardly  ever 
absent  from  his  letters.  Many  another  man  would  have 
given  up  the  struggle  in  its  earlier  stage,  but  to  this  noble 
soul  that  way  out  was  never  seriously  considered.  For  a 
season  his  confirmation  by  the  Senate  as  brigadier  general 
seemed  doubtful,  and  in  reply  to  a  question  from  his  wife 
as  to  what  he  should  do  in  case  he  was  not  confirmed  he 
expressed  both  incredulity  and  indifference;  and  there  can  be 


THE  NEW  FIELD  201 

no  doubt  that  he  would  have  returned  to  private  life  with 
resignation,  if  not  with  cheerfulness,  had  he  lost  the  place 
to  which  he  had  been  advanced  in  the  army.  While  he  had 
frequently  expressed  the  idea  that  he  regarded  his  services, 
like  those  of  every  other  sound  man,  as  obligatory  without 
reference  to  either  rank  or  pay,  and  was  proud  of  his  suc 
cess  and  of  the  honor  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  chief  as  well 
as  by  the  leading  generals  who  had  served  with  him,  he  was 
not  without  ambition  as  to  what  might  yet  be  in  store  for 
him.  He  therefore  at  no  time  slackened  his  work  nor  relaxed 
his  vigilance  over  what  was  going  on  around  him. 

During  and  after  the  Chattanooga  campaign  a  number  of 
minor  operations  were  carried  out:  Dodge  drove  the  enemy 
from  Athens  towards  Florence,  in  Northern  Alabama;  Mor 
gan  L.  Smith,  of  Logan's  command,  attacked  and  defeated 
a  strong  force  near  Lebanon,  Kentucky;  a  third  affair  took 
place  at  Sevierville;  a  fourth  in  East  Tennessee,  and  finally 
Sherman  made  and  relinquished  his  abortive  march  eastward 
from  Vicksburg,  nominally  because  Forrest  defeated  and 
drove  back  his  cooperating  cavalry  column  under  Sooy  Smith, 
but  really  because  he  met  with  greater  resistance  than  he  ex 
pected.  To  keep  the  run  of  all  this,  and  occasionally  to  visit 
an  outlying  command  or  to  accompany  the  General  to  Chat 
tanooga,  kept  Rawlins  fully  employed  throughout  the  winter. 
But  fortunately  his  activity  was  broken  at  the  Christmas 
holidays  by  a  leave  of  absence  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
married  to  the  lady  whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  under 
interesting,  if  not  romantic,  circumstances  at  Vicksburg.  The 
wedding  took  place  at  Danbury,  Connecticut,  on  December 
24,  1864;  but  the  short  honeymoon  ended  by  his  return  to 
headquarters  at  Nashville  early  in  January.  Counting  on 
remaining  there  a  few  weeks,  he  sent  for  his  wife  and  chil 
dren  (by  his  first  wife)  whom  he  installed  in  a  comfortable  little 
house,  where  he  had  hardly  three  weeks  of  unalloyed  happi 
ness,  and  where  the  comforts  of  home  checked  his  disease  and 


202  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

encouraged  him  to  hope  for  an  early  and  complete  recovery. 
The  exact  length  of  this  period,  perhaps  the  brightest  of  his 
life,  is  fixed  by  the  fact  that  no  letters  from  him  to  his  wife 
were  found  dated  between  February  16  and  March  5,  1864. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  shortly  after  the  victory  of  Mis 
sionary  Ridge  and  the  enemy's  withdrawal  from  Northern 
Georgia  and  East  Tennessee,  Congress  revived  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant  General,  with  the  evident  intention  that  it  should 
be  bestowed  upon  Grant.  Under  the  old  laws  the  President 
had  full  authority  to  assign  any  Major  General  to  chief  com 
mand  without  reference  to  relative  rank,  and  had  frequently 
exercised  that  authority  according  to  his  own  judgment  with 
out  let  or  serious  hindrance  from  any  quarter.  But  it  had 
at  last  become  evident  that  the  new  and  higher  rank  would 
strengthen  the  hands  of  the  actual  commander,  whoever  he 
might  be.  There  was  some  talk,  however,  at  the  time  that 
the  act  of  Congress  created  and  was  intended  to  create  a 
military  dictatorship,  but  it  cannot  be  too  often  repeated  that 
this  talk  exerted  no  hurtful  influence  on  either  Lincoln  or 
Grant.  Both  accepted  it  loyally  and  modestly,  and  as  soon 
as  it  became  law  Lincoln  summoned  Grant  to  receive  the 
higher  commission. 

Accordingly  Grant  and  Rawlins  set  out  for  Washington, 
but  had  to  wait  over  at  Louisville.  That  evening,  after  din 
ing  at  the  Gait  House,  they  went  to  the  theatre,  of  which 
Grant  was  fond.  But  the  play,  or  his  physical  condition,  or 
perhaps  the  important  juncture  of  affairs  filled  Rawlins' s 
mind  with  serious  reflections,  and  after  returning  to  his  room 
he  wrote  to  his  wife  in  terms  which  at  least  throw  a  strong 
light  upon  his  own  character.  He  was  evidently  depressed 
by  the  great  responsibility  about  to  be  placed  on  his  chief's 
shoulders,  and  felt  that  the  latter  was  yielding  more  readily 
and  more  fully  to  the  applause  he  received  at  the  theatre 
than  was  becoming  in  one  whom  he  had  grown  to  think  both 
unusually  modest  and  unassuming.  He  referred,  with  ap- 


THE  NEW  FIELD  203 

proval,  to  a  letter  on  the  new  promotion,  which  I  had  written 
him  from  Washington.  He  was  profoundly  impressed  with 
the  magnitude  and  weight  of  the  duties  which  would  soon 
come  to  the  Lieutenant  General  and  himself,  and  also  with 
his  own  lack  of  technical  military  education  for  thev  high 
position  of  Chief  of  Staff.  In  view  of  all  this,  he  signified 
his  willingness  to  withdraw  and  leave  "the  place  to  an  edu 
cated  and  finished  soldier."  But  he  did  not  disguise  the  feel 
ing  that  having  been  with  Grant  throughout  his  brilliant 
career,  having  shared  all  his  perils  and  "been  his  stay  and 
support  in  his  darkest  hours,"  without  at  any  time  playing 
the  part  of  an  injudicious  friend,  he  had  the  right  to  claim 
the  place  without  subjecting  himself  to  the  charge  of  vanity. 
It  is  evident  that  Grant  not  only  considered  the  situation 
fully  but  reassured  him  now  of  his  unabated  confidence  and 
did  what  he  could  to  put  an  end  to  Rawlins's  undue  appre 
hensions  and  to  silence  his  self-depreciation. 

The  journey  to  Washington  began  the  next  morning,  March 
8,  and  of  course  at  the  first  opportunity  Rawlins  wrote  his 
wife  full  particulars  of  such  incidents  as  attracted  his  atten 
tion.  On  the  whole  he  was  gratified  by  the  modest  manner 
in  which  Grant  received  the  enthusiastic  greetings  "which  the 
people,  ladies,  gentlemen  and  children"  everywhere  on  the 
route  extended  to  him.  He  approved  the  reticence  with  which 
Grant  received  the  congratulations  of  Halleck  and  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  and  the  great  modesty  with  which  he  accepted 
his  new  commission  and  made  haste  to  return  to  Nashville 
for  the  purpose  of  turning  over  to  Sherman  the  next  week 
the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi.  He  appeared  to 
be  particularly  pleased  that  Grant  would  not  even  delay  a 
few  hours  for  the  purpose  of  attending  a  dinner  which  Mrs. 
Lincoln,  and,  doubtless,  the  President  wished  to  give  in  his 
honor  at  the  White  House. 

The  return  to  Nashville  was  without  incident  or  delay, 
and  the  business  connected  with  the  change  of  station  and 


204  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

command  was  soon  despatched.  Rawlins  sent  his  wife  and 
children  to  his  parents  at  Galena,  and  within  ten  days  had 
everything  ready  for  the  new  order  of  things  and  was  on 
the  way  with  the  Lieutenant  General  and  personal  staff  back 
to  Washington.  It  is  pleasant  to  add  that  Rawlins  records 
with  unalloyed  satisfaction  that  the  General  and  Mrs.  Grant, 
who  left  the  party  at  Harrisburg,  were  more  attentive  to  him 
during  this  trip  than  ever  before,  though  he  naively  con 
fessed  he  was  at  a  loss  to  account  for  it,  unless  it  was  be 
cause  his  recent  separation  from  his  wife  entitled  him  to 
special  sympathy. 


XIII 


IN    VIRGINIA 

Headquarters  at  Culpepper — Overland  Campaign — Battles  in  the 

Wilderness. 

GRANT  remained  but  two  days  in  conference  with  the  Presi 
dent  and  other  authorities  at  Washington.  On  March  24  he 
took  post  at  Culpepper  Court  House,  accompanied  by  Rawlins 
and  Comstock.  He  established  headquarters  in  a  house  large 
enough  for  himself,  the  Chief  of  Staff,  and  an  office,  and 
at  once  issued  his  orders  taking  command  of  the  Army. 

It  was  rough  March  weather,  with  alternate  snow  and 
rain,  which  kept  Rawlins,  at  least,  in  quarters  for  several 
days.  Spring,  however,  was  near  at  hand ;  but  without  wait 
ing  for  sunshine,  the  work  of  reorganization,  as  far  as  re 
organization  was  necessary,  was  begun.  Two  army  corps 
were  distributed  into  the  others,  thus  reducing  the  organiza 
tion  from  five  weak  corps  to  three  strong  ones.  Rawlins  was 
apprehensive  that  this  might  produce  dissatisfaction;  but  his 
correspondence  with  his  wife  shows  that  his  fears  were  soon 
dismissed  as  unfounded.  The  most  radical  changes  were  in 
the  Cavalry  Corps  to  the  command  of  which  Sheridan,  from 
the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  fell  heir;  while  Torbert,  from 
the  infantry,  took  the  First  Division,  and  Wilson,  from 
Grant's  Staff  and  more  recently  from  the  Cavalry  Bureau, 
took  the  Third  Division.  The  Corps  had  been  overworked  and 
badly  needed  remounts,  therefore  it  was  permitted  to  reduce 
the  extended  front  its  pickets  were  covering.  While  Rawlins 
was  privy  to  all  this,  and  fully  concurred  in  the  orders  which 
brought  it  about,  his  routine  work  was  greatly  reduced  from 

205 


206  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  first,  and  this  in  turn  gave  him  more  time  to  familiarize 
himself  with  the  country  and  the  great  problems  which 
henceforth  were  to  tax  his  chief  to  the  utmost  of  his 
powers. 

While  it  has  been  stated  that  Grant  had  at  one  time  recom 
mended  William  F.  Smith  to  command  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  at  another  thought  of  Sherman  for  that  im 
portant  place,  it  soon  became  known  that  Smith  would  go  to 
Butler  as  second  in  command,  and  that  Meade  would  con 
tinue  in  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under 
Grant's  immediate  supervision.  Just  how  far  Rawlins  was 
consulted  in  this,  or  in  the  plans  of  campaign,  cannot  be 
precisely  stated,  but  his  correspondence  shows  that  he  ac 
companied  Grant  to  Fortress  Monroe,  April  i,  and  neces 
sarily  became  aware  of  all  measures  under  consideration. 
Although  Butler  was  adroit  enough  to  enroll  himself  in  Raw 
lins' s  mind,  with  Sherman  and  Meade,  as  a  friend  whom 
Grant  could  thoroughly  trust,  it  is  quite  certain  that  both  he 
and  Grant  thought  it  wise  to  supplement  that  wily  politician 
by  sending  William  F.  Smith  to  him  and  providing  that  he 
should  have  a  large  command  when  the  spring  campaign 
began. 

Whether  Smith  ever  discussed  the  plan  of  operations  in 
person  with  either  Grant  or  Rawlins  does  not  appear;  but 
it  is  certain  that  soon  after  Grant's  return  from  Fortress 
Monroe,  Smith  sent  me  a  letter  fully  setting  forth  his  views 
on  the  forthcoming  campaign,  and  this  in  turn  I  sent  to 
Rawlins.  It  is  now  known  that  Rawlins,  in  laying  it  before 
Grant,  took  strong  ground  against  it,  which,  it  is  to  be  ob 
served,  required  a  good  deal  of  independence  of  judgment, 
not  only  because  the  plan  suggested  involved  considerations 
of  the  highest  strategic  and  administrative  importance  but 
because  it  had  the  general  support  of  a  strong  group  of  older 
strategists,  who  had  stood  behind  McClellan  in  favor  of  the 
disastrous  Peninsula  Campaign.  The  plan  suggested  involved 


IN  VIRGINIA  207 

all  the  difficulties  of  the  old  one,  of  which  it  was  a  modifica 
tion;  for  it  required  the  transfer  of  a  great  part  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  by  water  and  the  concentration  of  an  inde 
pendent  and  cooperating  army  on  Albermarle  Sound,  to  move 
from  there  against  the  interior  of  North  Carolina  and  the 
railway  lines  connecting  Richmond  with  the  interior  of  the 
Confederacy. 

Rawlins  evidently  thought  that,  because  I  had  been  made 
the  channel  through  which  this  plan  was  transmitted,  it  had 
my  approval  also;  but  such  was  not  the  case.  Recognizing 
from  the  first  that  it  was  General  Grant's  exclusive  right 
to  make  the  plans,  and  that  in  doing  this  he  should  have  the 
help  of  the  best  minds  in  the  army,  I  felt  it  to  be  plainly  my 
duty  to  hand  Smith's  letter  to  Rawlins  for  such  disposition 
and  consideration  as  it  ought  to  receive.  The  letter  itself, 
although  Rawlins  sent  a  copy  to  his  wife,  has  not  been 
found.1  Its  general  character  is,  however,  sufficiently  well 
known.  The  most  important  point  for  present  consideration 
is  that  it  incurred  Rawlins's  strenuous  opposition  from  the 
first,  mainly  because  its  natural  effect  would  have  been  to 
move  the  army  on  eccentric  lines  by  sea  and  further  scatter 
instead  of  concentrating  the  national  forces.  This  argument 
doubtless  caused  it  to  be  turned  down  by  Grant  after  the 
full  and  careful  consideration  to  which  the  high  rank  and 
great  experience  of  its  author  entitled  it.  But  Smith's  letter 
derives  additional  importance  from  the  fact  that  Rawlins 
certainly  and  Grant  probably  considered  it  as  an  evidence  of 
an  improper  desire  on  the  part  of  its  writer  to  exert  a  con 
trolling  influence  over  the  plan  of  campaign  in  the  East  as 
he  had  over  that  recently  carried  out  in  the  West.  If  this  sur 
mise  is  correct,  it  necessarily  strengthened  Grant's  decision 
to  attach  Smith  to  Butler's  army,  which  was  to  move  by  river 
from  Fortress  Monroe  towards  Petersburg  and  Richmond, 

1  See  Wilson's  "Life  of  Major  General  William  F.  Smith,"  p.  81  et  seq. 


208  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  could  easily  be  transferred  further  south,  instead  of  as 
signing  him  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  for 
which  th.e  General  had  previously  recommended  him. 

Rawlins's  letter  also  shows  beyond  question  that  he  not 
only  had  a  correct  view  of  the  fundamental  principle  which 
should  control  Grant's  plans,  but  did  not  fail  to  use  all  the 
arguments  he  could  bring  to  bear  in  favor  of  its  observance. 
Had  he  been  better  educated  in  military  history  and  the  art 
of  war,  he  would  not  have  thought  it  necessary  to  ascribe 
selfish  or  other  improper  motives  to  so  distinguished  a  soldier 
as  W.  F.  Smith  merely  because  that  commander  advocated  a 
plan  which  he  thought  the  Government  strong  enough  at  that 
time  to  carry  safely  into  effect. 

Rawlins,  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  was  not  only  an  un 
usually  strong  and  able  man  himself,  but,  as  is  frequently  the 
case  with  men  of  his  race  and  class,  he  was  naturally  not 
above  the  vice  of  suspicion.  No  one  can  read  his  letters 
without  seeing  that  while  he  was  devoted  heart  and  soul  to 
the  national  cause  and  to  his  chief,  and  was  perfectly  will 
ing  to  efface  himself  as  far  as  necessary  in  their  behalf,  he 
was  no  more  than  properly  jealous  of  his  personal  and  offi 
cial  prerogatives.  He  evidently  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  and 
privilege  to  express  his  views  or  those  of  others  which  he 
made  his  own,  upon  both  the  plans  and  the  motives  of  those 
who  submitted  them.  He  believed  that  Grant  should  know 
his  men  "inside  as  well  as  outside,"  and  hence  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  speak  against  either  men  or  plans  which  he  did 
not  approve;  and  when  he  had  condemned  either  he  became 
quite  impatient,  and  perhaps  at  times  unjust,  towards  such  as 
continued  to  stand  out  against  him. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Rawlins  did  not  keep  a  formal 
diary,  and  that  his  letters  written  as  they  were  from  the  very 
centre  of  the  army  as  it  was  constantly  pressing  to  the  front, 
were  necessarily  liable  to  capture  by  Confederate  raiders  or 
partizans  in  the  rear,  and  were  therefore  given  up  to  per- 


IN  VIRGINIA  209 

sonal  rather  than  official  details.  This  circumstance  will  suffi 
ciently  account  for  their  lack  of  vital  military  interest;  yet 
no  one  can  read  them  without  catching  glimpses  here  and 
there  of  how  plans  were  made  and  great  questions  were  dis 
posed  of  at  headquarters,  and  how  great  operations  were  car 
ried  out  by  subordinate  commanders.  They  show  beyond  all 
question  that  Rawlins,  notwithstanding  his  impaired  health 
and  the  presence  of  a  number  of  regular  officers  on  the  staff, 
was  the  ever  vigilant  and  faithful  coadjutor  of  his  chief  in 
the  East  as  he  was  in  the  West.  They  also  show  conclusively 
that  he  threw  his  entire  influence  at  all  times  for  the  success 
of  his  chief. 

First:  he  advocated  what  finally  came  to  be  known  as  the 
Overland  Campaign,  or  in  other  words  he  favored  Grant's 
marching  out  to  find  Lee,  who  was  known  to  be  near  at 
hand,  and  directly  in  front;  instead  of  transferring  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  several  hundred  miles  by  water  to  the  James 
River,  or  still  further  south,  to  Albermarle  Sound,  as  recom 
mended  by  Smith  and  other  able  strategists. 

Second :  he  favored  concentrating  the  largest  possible  force 
on  the  chosen  line  of  operations  in  Virginia,  by  withdrawing 
troops  from  other  lines  and  departments  where  they  were 
not  needed,  and,  above  all,  by  filling  up  the  old  regiments 
through  a  rigid  enforcement  of  the  draft,  rather  than  by  call 
ing  into  the  field  new  volunteer  organizations  under  inexperi 
enced  officers.  His  declaration  that  he  believed  more  in 
"the  infallibility  of  numbers  than  in  the  infallibility  of  gen 
erals,  no  matter  how  great  their  reputation,"  is  the  compre 
hensive  expression  of  a  fundamental  principle  which  should 
pass  into  the  settled  maxims  of  war. 

Third :  he  strenuously  opposed  the  promotion  and  employ 
ment  of  political  generals  over  regular  officers  educated  at 
West  Point. 

That  the  Chief  of  Staff,  himself  only  a  citizen  soldier, 
should  have  formulated  and  expressed  these  views  at  the 


210  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

time  and  under  the  circumstances  that  he  did,  shows  him  to 
have  been  not  only  a  strong  and  virile  thinker  but  an  extraor 
dinarily  clear  and  sound  one.  No  professional  soldier  could 
have  expressed  them  better,  and  no  soldier,  professional  or 
volunteer,  could  have  advocated  them  with  greater  force  or 
greater  independence. 

All  arrangements  having  been  completed,  Grant's  great 
campaign  began  at  i  A.  M.,  May  4,  1864,  with  the  Third 
Cavalry  Division,  under  my  command,  in  advance.  Grant's 
headquarters  were  established  that  evening  near  the  Old  Wil 
derness  Tavern.  The  army  was  distributed  upon  two  roads 
and  both  columns  were  well  covered  by  cavalry,  but  the  move 
ments  of  the  infantry  from  the  first  were  cautious  and  slow. 
Had  they  pushed  forward  with  all  the  celerity  of  which  they 
were  capable,  instead  of  moving  cautiously  and  slowly,  as 
they  did,  the  first  day  after  crossing  the  Rapidan  they  could 
have  passed  almost,  if  not  entirely,  through  the  Wilderness 
and  forced  the  enemy  to  fight  in  the  open  country  beyond. 
From  Lee's  headquarters  at  or  near  Orange  Court  House, 
with  his  front  on  the  Rapidan,  which  separated  him  from  the 
Union  Army,  and  his  right  on  Mine  Run,  he  had  no  means 
of  knowing  the  direction  Grant's  columns  would  take  till  their 
movement  was  well  developed.  It  is  of  course  possible  that 
he  might  have  taken  exactly  the  same  roads  he  did  take  to 
strike  Grant  in  flank,  and  this  would  have  increased  the 
perils  of  our  situation,  but  competent  critics  of  Lee's  methods 
have  generally  held  that  his  true  policy  was  to  throw  himself 
as  directly  and  quickly  as  possible  across  Grant's  line  of 
march  and  thus,  with  his  entire  force,  impede  his  foe's  prog 
ress  towards  Richmond.  That  is  perhaps  what  he  strove  to 
do  in  the  Wilderness,  and  although  it  brought  him  against 
the  right  flank  of  Grant's  columns,  instead  of  in  their  front, 
it  was  perfectly  easy  for  the  latter  to  face  to  the  right  and 
fight  on  equal  terms.  It  is  evident  that  a  flank  or  rear  attack 
against  Grant's  probable,  or  even  his  real,  line  of  battle  formed 


IN  VIRGINIA  211 

no  part  of  Lee's  actual  plan.  This  is  abundantly  shown  by  the 
"Official  Records"  and  by  the  light  cast  upon  the  course  of 
events  by  the  Reminiscences  and  Memoirs  of  various  Con 
federate  generals. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  dwell  upon  the  details  of  this  cam 
paign  further  than  may  be  necessary  to  explain  the  part  taken 
in  it  by  the  Chief  of  Staff.  It  is  here  worthy  of  note,  how 
ever,  that  Rawlins,  Bowers,  Sheridan,  Dana,  and  I  were  the 
only  officers  of  high  rank  in  that  vast  host  who  had  ever  been 
with  Grant  in  battle,  and  that  it  was  no  part  of  his  plan  to 
fight  in  the  dense  and  almost  impenetrable  woods  of  the  Wil 
derness,  if  he  could  help  it.  He  was  surrounded,  as  it  were, 
by  strangers  who  were  more  or  less  incredulous  as  to  his 
real  capacity  as  a  general,  and  believed  that  he  had  succeeded 
hitherto  by  good  fortune  rather  than  by  good  management. 
As  shown  by  Rawlins's  letter  of  May  2,2  these  critics  did  not 
conceal  their  apprehension  that  Lee  would  prove  to  be  too 
much  for  Grant.  This  feeling  was  widespread  and  undis 
guised.  It  was  evidently  shared  by  many  of  the  rank  and  file 
as  well  as  by  several  generals  commanding  corps  and  divi 
sions,  and  doubtless  did  much  towards  making  the  movements 
of  the  Union  army  more  cautious  and  more  deliberate  than 
they  should  have  been.  As  it  was,  they  were  inexcusably  slow. 
It  was  clearly  Grant's  true  policy  as  well  as  his  plan  to  force 
his  army  as  rapidly  as  possible  through  the  Wilderness  to 
the  open  country  beyond,  and  all  his  orders  were  made  to 
that  end;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  cavalry  was  the  only  part 
of  the  fighting  force  that  reached  each  day  the  point  to  which 
it  was  directed.  The  Third  Cavalry  Division  had  the  advance 
next  to  the  enemy  for  five  days,  and  was  the  only  division 
that  ever  got  into  Spottsylvania  Court  House.  It  did  this 
early  on  the  morning  of  May  9 ;  and  after  driving  out  Wick- 
ham's  Confederate  cavalry,  capturing  about  fifty  prisoners 
from  two  divisions  of  Longstreet's  corps,  and  recapturing  a 

2  Appendix,  pp.  426,  427. 


212  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

number  of  our  own  men,  it  held  the  place  for  several  hours, 
and  did  not  withdraw  till  after  it  had  received  orders  not 
to  go  there  at  all. 

On  the  night  of  May  3,  after  the  orders  were  issued,  the 
day's  work  done,  and  the  troops  in  motion  towards  the 
Rapidan,  Richardson  tells  us  that  Grant,  Rawlins,  and  their 
anxious  friend,  Washburne,  sat  up  till  two  o'clock  the  next 
morning  "talking  about  politics,  history,  and  literature."  No 
further  record  of  that  conversation  is  known  to  exist.  It 
does  not  appear  that  Rawlins  had  time  to  write  to  his  wife 
again  for  several  days,  but  if  he  wrote,  his  letters  were  either 
captured  or  have  passed  out  of  the  possession  of  his  family. 
It  is  of  course  possible  that  Washburne  kept  a  private  account 
of  what  took  place,  and  if  so  it  may  yet  be  published.  Mean 
while  it  can  be  well  understood  that  the  conversation  must 
have  been  one  of  unusual  interest,  as  it  doubtless  had  first 
to  do  with  the  plans  and  movements  then  under  way  and 
with  the  calculations  and  hopes  of  those  present,  before  it 
passed  to  questions  of  history  and  literature,  or  even  to  those 
of  current  politics. 

So  far  as  headquarters  were  concerned,  there  was  little 
to  be  done  after  the  general  orders  were  actually  sent  out. 
Under  the  method  of  procedure  adopted  by  the  Lieutenant 
General,  Meade  and  his  subordinates  worked  out  the  details 
and  kept  Grant  well  informed  of  all  that  came  to  them  from 
the  front.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Lee  was  not  taken 
by  surprise.  He  was  too  able  a  commander  to  neglect  any 
precaution  along  his  front,  and  especially  at  the  crossings  of 
the  Rapidan,  for  obtaining  early  and  exact  information  of 
Grant's  operations.  He  was  quite  as  well  prepared  as  Grant 
was  for  any  movement  that  might  be  made,  and  when  the 
Union  columns  began  their  march  to  pass  beyond  his  right 
flank,  he  lost  no  time  in  making  his  dispositions  to  counter 
act  it.  His  columns  advanced  with  certainty  and  confidence, 
engaging  shortly  in  a  two  days'  death  grapple,  in  which  neither 


IN  VIRGINIA  213 

commander  could  see  his  opponent,  nor  do  much  more  than 
face  the  dangers  confronting  him. 

The  righting  on  both  sides  was  desperate  in  the  extreme. 
First  one  line  would  gain  ground,  and  then  the  other,  but 
no  decided  advantage  crowned  the  efforts  of  either  till  late 
in  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  when  the  Confederates  un 
der  Gordon  turned  the  right  flank  of  the  Sixth  Corps  under 
Sedgwick  and  rolled  it  back  in  confusion.  Gordon  tells  in  his 
"Reminiscences"  how  early  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth  he 
found  himself  on  the  extreme  right  of  Grant's  line  and  after 
satisfying  himself  by  a  personal  reconnoissance  that  his  pres 
ence  was  unknown,  and  that  no  sufficient  disposition  had  been 
made  to  stay  his  onset,  asked  first  his  division  and  then  his 
corps-commander  for  permission  to  sally  forth,  and  that  this, 
notwithstanding  his  urgency  and  his  repeated  assurances  that 
he  could  win,  was  denied  till  nearly  nightfall,  when  Lee  him 
self,  riding  his  lines  and  conferring  with  his  subordinate 
commanders,  listened  to  his  suggestions  and  gave  him  per 
mission  to  carry  them  into  effect. 

Gordon's  narrative,  whether  correct  or  not  in  all  its  details, 
is  one  of  the  most  graphic  and  exciting  bits  of  military  writing 
to  be  found  in  our  history.  It  is  the  story  of  a  born  soldier 
who  had  learned  by  actual  experience  one  of  the  great  lessons 
of  modern  warfare,  namely,  that  an  unexpected  and  well- 
sustained  attack  in  flank  or  rear  can  scarcely  fail,  if  directed 
against  an  enemy  who  has  not  had  ample  warning  and  time 
to  prepare  for  it. 

At  all  events,  Gordon's  attack  upon  the  right  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  after  the  fighting,  front  to  front,  was  over  for  the 
day,  fell  upon  the  Federal  line  in  the  nature  of  a  surprise. 
It  was  the  most  important  event  of  the  campaign  so  far, 
and,  like  Jackson's  flank  attack  the  year  before  against  How 
ard,  was  signally  successful  till  darkness  put  an  end  to  it. 
It  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Generals  Seymour  and  Shaler, 
with  a  considerable  part  of  Seymour's  division,  but  that  was 


214  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

not  all.  It  threw  the  right  half  of  the  corps  into  great  con 
fusion  and  filled  with  the  gravest  apprehension  the  minds  of 
both  Grant  and  Meade,  who  were  encamped  together  and  in 
constant  conference.  Fortunately,  Sedgwick  had  all  the 
steadiness  that  might  be  expected  of  a  descendant  of  Major- 
General  Sedgwick  of  Cromwell's  New  Model  Army.  With 
imperturbable  deliberation  he  gave  the  necessary  orders  for 
an  additional  change  of  front,  to  resist  the  enemy;  but 
the  latter  failed  to  realize  the  extent  of  his  own  suc 
cess,  or  perhaps  thought  further  progress  was  impossible 
through  the  darkness,  which  was  made  still  more  impenetrable 
by  the  gloom  of  the  surrounding  forest.  What  looked  at  first 
like  an  irremediable  disaster  to  the  Union  right  soon  gave 
place  to  a  cessation  of  the  fight,  which  was  in  due  time  fol 
lowed  by  a  conviction  on  the  part  of  Sedgwick  and  his  vet 
erans  that  the  worst  had  passed. 

Shortly  after  dark  I  received  an  order  from  Sheridan 
to  move,  as  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  see,  with  my  divi 
sion  to  the  Germanna  Ford  road,  for  the  purpose  of  ascer 
taining  if  the  enemy  had  reached  it,  or  had  advanced  to  the 
right  and  rear  of  the  Sixth  Corps.  The  intervening  hours 
were  full  of  anxiety  to  Sheridan,  Forsyth  and  myself.  We 
were  near  Chancellorsville  on  the  Fredericksburg  and  Orange 
turnpike,  from  three  to  five  miles  from  general  headquarters. 
We  had  early  received  the  news  of  Sedgwick's  disaster,  ac 
companied  by  orders  to  cover  the  movement  of  the  trains 
towards  Fredericksburg,  which  we  construed  as  foreshadow 
ing  a  retrograde  march  of  the  army,  possibly  to  the  north  side 
of  the  river.  To  make  matters  worse,  we  thought  we  could 
hear  the  rattle  and  roar  of  distant  musketry  till  late  at  night, 
but  fortunately  this  turned  out  to  be  the  noise  of  the  moving 
trains.  Yet  withal  the  night  was  a  gloomy  one,  long  to  be 
remembered. 

At  early  dawn  my  division  turned  into  the  Germanna 
Ford  road  and  was  covering  with  its  skirmishers  the  entire 


IN  VIRGINIA  215 

zone  of  danger;  but  happily  we  soon  discovered  that  the 
enemy  had  not  fully  realized  the  value  of  his  opportunity 
and  had  taken  no  measures  whatever  to  improve  it.  Know 
ing  how  important  it  was  that  both  Grant  and  Meade  should 
be  immediately  advised  as  to  the  exact  state  of  affairs  in  this 
quarter,  I  sent  a  staff  officer  to  report  to  the  latter,  and  rode 
myself  rapidly  to  the  former.  Naturally  I  was  full  of  anxiety 
as  to  the  effect  upon  Grant  of  the  exciting  incidents  of  the 
two  days  previous  and  especially  of  the  night  before,  and 
hence  went  as  fast  as  my  horse  could  carry  me.  I  reached 
headquarters  on  a  little  wooded  knoll  in  the  Wilderness  at, 
or  shortly  after,  seven  o'clock,  and  dismounting  at  the  proper 
distance,  I  had  started  up  the  hillside  when  Grant  caught 
sight  of  me,  and  before  receiving  my  report,  called  out  cheer 
ily:  "It's  all  right,  Wilson;  the  army  is  moving  towards 
Richmond!" 

This  was  the  first  time  I  had  seen  the  Lieutenant  General 
since  he  crossed  the  Rapidan.  Of  course  his  hearty  recep 
tion  and  confident  bearing  relieved  my  mind  instantly  of 
all  apprehension.  An  exchange  of  greetings  with  Rawlins, 
Bowers,  and  the  other  staff  officers  followed  at  once.  We 
congratulated  one  another  on  the  triumphant  manner  in  which 
our  Chief  had  met  the  crisis  of  his  fate.  Up  to  that  time  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  had  not  " fought  its  battles  to  a  finish" ; 
but  it  was  now  certain  that  it  "would  fight  it  out  on  that  line 
if  it  took  all  summer,"  although  this  stirring  assurance  was 
not  made  public  till  Grant  sent  his  memorable  letter  of  May  1 1 
to  General  Halleck  by  the  hand  of  Mr.  Washburne. 

Many  misleading  accounts  have  been  given  to  the  world 
in  regard  to  Grant's  bearing  when  the  news  of  Seymour's 
disaster  and  capture  reached  him.  He  has  been  reported  as 
having  remained  unmoved  and  unshaken  throughout  the  ex 
citement  which  followed.3  As  the  incident  was  not  closed 
till  some  time  after  dark,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  it  consti- 

3  "Campaigning  with  Grant,"  by  General  Horace  Porter,  p.  70  el  seq. 


216  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

tuted  a  crisis  of  the  most  portentous  character,  calling  not 
only  for  unusual  fortitude  but  for  unusual  self-control  on  the 
part  of  the  commanding  general.  As  courier  after  courier 
dashed  up  to  his  headquarters  with  reports  more  or  less  ex 
aggerated,  but  all  most  alarming,  and  as  the  serious  nature 
and  progress  of  the  disaster  became  better  known,  it  would 
have  been  an  extraordinary  exhibition  of  stolid  insensibility 
if  Grant  had  actually  gone  to  sleep  in  the  midst  of  the  excite 
ment.  Defeat  might  possibly  grow  out  of  this  unexpected 
disaster,  and  defeat  meant  more  to  him  than  to  any  other 
man  in  that  army.  Hitherto  he  had  met  the  enemy  but  to 
overwhelm  him,  and  this  was,  above  all,  the  reason  for  his 
being  awake  and  at  the  head  of  the  army  in  that  field.  To 
suffer  a  reverse  of  fortune  at  the  hands  of  Lee  meant  in  the 
end  a  failure  that  might  be  fatal  to  his  country's  cause,  and 
must  be  fatal  to  himself.  All  this  and  more  may  have  passed 
through  his  mind,  and  externally  composed,  as  all  unite  in 
saying  he  was,  he  would  have  been  less  than  human  had  it 
not  moved  him  to  the  very  depths  of  his  soul. 

And  there  is  no  doubt  that  such  was  the  case.  Rawlins  and 
|  Bowers  united  in  saying  to  me  aside  before  I  left  that  the 
i  situation  the  night  before  for  a  time  seemed  appalling,  that 
Grant  met  it  outwardly  with  calmness  and  self-possession,  but 
after  he  had  asked  such  questions  and  given  such  orders  as 
the  emergency  seemed  to  call  for,  he  withdrew  to  his  tent 
and,  throwing  himself  face  downward  on  his  cot,  instead  of 
going  to  sleep,  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  a  way  which 
left  no  room  to  doubt  that  he  was  deeply  moved.  They  con 
curred  in  assuring  me  that,  while  he  revealed  to  others  neither 
uncertainty  nor  hesitation  as  to  what  was  to  be  done,  and  was 
equally  free  from  the  appearance  of  indifference  and  bravado, 
he  made  no  effort  to  conceal  from  them  the  gravity  of  the 
danger  by  which  the  army  was  threatened.  They  had  been 
with  him  in  every  battle  from  the  beginning  of  his  career,  and 
had  never  before  seen  him  show  the  slightest  apprehension 


IN  VIRGINIA  217 

or  sense  of  danger;  but  on  that  memorable  night  in  the  Wil 
derness  it  was  much  more  than  personal  danger  which  con 
fronted  him.  No  one  knew  better  than  he  that  he  was  face 
to  face  with  destiny,  and  there  was  no  doubt  in  their  minds 
that  he  realized  it  fully  and  understood  perfectly  that  retreat 
from  that  field  meant  a  great  calamity  to  his  country  as  well 
as  to  himself.  That  he  did  not  show  the  stolidity  that  has 
been  attributed  to  him  in  that  emergency  but  fully  realized 
its  importance  is  greatly  to  his  credit.  It  rests  upon 
the  concurrent  testimony  of  those  two  faithful  officers  that 
he  not  only  perfectly  understood  the  situation  but  was  the 
first  to  declare  that  the  enemy,  not  having  fully  improved  his 
advantage,  had  lost  a  great  opportunity.  It  was  also  Grant 
who  was  first  to  see  with  the  clear  vision  of  a  great  leader 
that  the  true  way  out  of  the  perils  which  surrounded  him  was 
to  leave  the  care  of  his  right  flank  to  the  imperturbable  Sedg- 
wick,  and  push  his  army,  as  soon  as  it  could  see  its  way, 
through  the  Wilderness  on  its  forward  march  "towards 
Richmond." 

In  adopting  this  heroic  course  Grant  had  the  earnest  sup 
port  of  both  Rawlins  and  Bowers,  as  well  as  of  those  who 
had  yet  to  learn  by  actual  observation  that  it  was  his  custom 
to  fight  his  battles  through  to  the  end.  I,  for  one,  am  free 
to  confess  that  when  he  gave  me  the  cheerful  assurance  that 
the  army  was  already  in  motion  ''towards  Richmond,"  he 
lifted  a  great  weight  from  my  mind.  We  who  had  known 
him  best  felt  that  the  crisis  was  safely  passed,  and  that  we 
were  now  on  the  sure  road  to  ultimate  victory.  I  never  saw 
Rawlins  in  a  more  resolute  nor  more  encouraging  temper,  nor 
Grant  in  a  state  of  greater  confidence.  Feeling  entirely  re 
assured,  I  returned  to  my  division,  and  as  soon  as  possible 
made  known  to  Sheridan  and  Forsyth  all  I  had  learned.  My 
report,  as  might  have  been  expected,  also  lifted  a  load  from 
their  minds  and  strengthened  their  faith  in  Grant  and  the 


218  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ultimate  success  of  the  campaign  in  which  we  were  now  fully 
embarked. 

Rawlins's  first  letter  to  his  wife  after  the  army  crossed  the 
Rapidan  shows  that  Grant  claimed  the  advantage  in  the  first 
two  days'  fighting.  It  also  shows  that,  when  the  enemy  with 
drew,  Grant  did  not  know  in  what  direction  he  had  gone.  The 
letter  runs  as  follows: 

Battle-field,  Old  Wilderness  Tavern,  Va.,  May  7,  1864. 
.  .  .  We  crossed  the  Rapidan  on  the  4th  instant  with  the  entire 
army  of  the  Potomac,  without  opposition,  were  met  by  the  enemy 
at  this  place  on  the  forenoon  of  the  5th  and  after  a  very  san 
guinary  battle  which  closed  only  with  the  night  of  the  6th,  found 
ourselves  this  morning  masters  of  the  field,  the  enemy  having 
withdrawn.  Whether  within  his  fortifications  at  Mine  Run,  five 
miles  distant  from  here,  or  towards  Richmond,  is  not  yet  clearly 
ascertained.  Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  will  reach 
full  ten  thousand,  among  them  five  general  officers.  On  the  main 
road  by  which  the  Confederates  retired  they  have  left  a  consid 
erable  force  to  protect  their  rear.  With  the  pickets  of  this  force 
our  skirmishers  are  now  engaged.  The  General  and  staff  are  all 
well.  I  am  feeling  much  better  than  when  I  left  Culpepper. 
On  my  way  here  I  saw  Miss  Rawlins.  She  is  my  cousin  and  a 
daughter  of  Elloi  Rawlins.  .  .  . 

The  next  letter  runs  as  follows : 

Near  Spottsylvania  C.  H.,  Va.,  May  9,  1864.  .  .  .  Since  writ 
ing  you  on  the  7th  we  have  progressed  about  eleven  miles  nearer 
Richmond.  The  enemy  beat  us  to  Spottsylvania  and  now  hold  the 
place.  By  this  move  they  have  interposed  their  whole  force,  per 
haps,  between  us  and  Richmond.  The  feeling  of  our  army  is  that 
of  great  confidence,  and  with  the  superiority  of  numbers  on  our 
side,  I  think  we  can  beat  them  notwithstanding  their  advantage  of 
position.  In  God  we  trust  for  continued  success.  To-day  the 
brave  and  heroic  Sedgwick,  commanding  the  Sixth  Army  Corps, 
was  shot  through  the  head  and  died  instantly.  He  was  a 
gallant  and  able  officer  but  thank  God  his  place  is  well  filled  by 
the  accomplished  General  H.  G.  Wright,  who  is  an  able  officer 
and  as  popular  as  his  predecessor,  the  lamented  Sedgwick. 

By  a  Richmond  paper  of  the  7th  we  learn  that  the  enemy  up 


IN  VIRGINIA  219 

to  that  time  had  lost  in  killed  and  mortally  wounded,  three  gen 
eral  officers;  General  Longstreet  was  also  severely  wounded  in 
the  shoulder.  .  .  I  am  in  very  good  health.  .  .  . 

Two  days  later  Rawlins  wrote  as  follows : 

Near  Spottsylvania,  Va.,  May  n,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  had  six 
days  continuous  fighting  and  heavy  losses  in  killed  and  wounded, 
reaching  perhaps  eighteen  thousand,  and  among  them  Major 
General  Sedgwick,  commanding  the  Sixth  Corps,  Brigadier  Gen 
erals  Wadsworth,  Hare,  Stevenson  and  Rice.  Wounded  Brig 
adier  Generals  Robinson  and  Bartlett.  Missing  Brigadier  Gen 
erals  Seymour  and  Shaler. 

The  enemy's  loss  is  perhaps  as  great  as  ours,  in  rank  and  file, 
and  in  general  officers ;  in  captures  of  prisoners,  we  perhaps  have 
the  count  considerably  in  our  favor,  having  already  captured 
near  four  thousand.  In  an  assault  last  evening  one  brigade  of 
ours  pierced  the  enemy's  lines,  and  captured  an  entire  rebel 
brigade.  We  have  suffered  no  such  loss.  In  all  our  losses,  we 
have  not  yet  lost  a  single  regimental  organization,  much  less  a 
brigade.  I  mention  this  to  show  you  how  complete  have  been  our 
lines  and  perfect  the  discipline  of  our  men,  only  one  brigade  hav 
ing  at  any  time  shown  evidence  of  stampeding ;  this  one  is  the  old 
brigade  of  General  Milroy  of  Winchester  notoriety. 

Our  progress  towards  Richmond  is  slow,  but  we  are  on  the 
way,  and  do  not  propose,  unless  some  disaster  overtakes  us,  ever 
taking  a  step  backwards.  We  have  still  an  abundance  of  sup 
plies  and  ammunition  .  .  . 

How  my  heart  bleeds  to  think  of  the  weeping  of  loved  ones,  on 
the  receipt  of  the  news  from  this  terrible  strife,  but  those  who 
have  been  killed,  have  died  in  a  noble  cause,  and  fallen  with  their 
faces  towards  Richmond,  having  lost  no  step  taken  in.  that  di 
rection.  .  .  . 

Again,  two  days  later,  he  wrote: 

Battle-field,  Spottsylvania,  May  13,  1864.  .  .  .  Yesterday's 
battle  ended  with  dark,  and  during  the  night  the  enemy  fell  back 
from  the  position  he  held  stubbornly  during  the  day.  Whether 
they  will  make  a  stand  for  another  battle  this  side  of  Richmond, 
is  not  known,  but  my  opinion  is  they  will  fight  us  again  in  their 
present  position;  a  few  hours,  however,  will  determine.  Our 


220  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

losses  have  been  very  heavy,  but  the  advantages  in  the  conflict 
have  been  with  us  most  decidedly.  It  still  continues  to  rain,  and 
the  effects  of  the  damp,  chilly  weather  I  feel  very  perceptibly — 
still  I  am  quite  well.  .  .  . 

If  Rawlins  wrote  any  letters  between  the  fourteenth  and 
the  twenty-third  of  May,  they  have  not  come  into  my  pos 
session,  nor  are  they  in  the  hands  of  his  family.  It  was  a 
period  of  suspense  and  uncertainty,  during  which  there  was 
a  constant  strain,  but  no  great  crisis.  Sheridan  had  been 
detached  with  the  entire  cavalry  corps  to  operate  against 
the  Confederate  cavalry  under  Stuart,  and  to  break  up  Lee's 
lines  of  railway  communication  with  Richmond.  Grant  was 
pressing  steadily  and  irresistibly  towards  Richmond,  while 
his  grim  determination  to  win  at  any  cost,  which  was  most 
popular  with  the  people,  was  again  bringing  his  name  forward 
for  the  Presidency.  It  may  be  safely  assumed  that  Rawlins 
was  not  insensible  of  this,  but  it  must  be  recalled  that  the 
contingency  in  which  he  could  favor  it,  that  of  complete  suc 
cess  over  the  enemy,  had  not  yet  arrived;  hence,  the  infer 
ence  is  safe  that  he  was  at  that  time  taking  no  interest  in  it, 
but  confining  himself  rigidly  to  the  duties  of  his  position.  It 
was  now  evident  that  Lee  could  not,  as  in  former  days,  "com 
mand"  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  well  as  his  own,  and  that 
it  had  at  last  passed  under  a  general  who  did  not  take  orders 
from  his  opponent.  It  may  well  be  doubted  if  there  was 
ever  an  army  which  was  held  so  relentlessly  to  its  work,  or 
which  was  more  bravely  confronted  by  its  opponent.  The 
fighting  was  almost  without  intermission,  and  the  loss  on 
both  sides  unprecedented.  The  necessity  for  reinforcements, 
so  ably  set  forth  in  Rawlins's  farsighted  letters,  was  now 
apparent  to  all;  and  after  giving  a  summary  of  the  operations 
the  previous  day,  on  May  25  he  wrote : 

.  .  .  The  entire  army  was  ordered  to  move  out  this  morning 
and  feel  the  enemy,  and  ascertain  if  he  is  making  a  stand  here,  or 
falling  back  still  nearer  to  Richmond.  It  is  now  eight  o'clock 


IN  VIRGINIA  221 

A.  M.  and  no  firing  has  been  heard.  So  I  infer  he  has  gone  south 
of  the  South  Anna  and  Pamunkey  Rivers.  The  railroad  from 
Hanover  Junction  to  Gordonsville  is  in  our  possession  and  its 
systematic  and  complete  destruction  has  been  ordered. 

Reinforcements  are  still  coming  forward  with  commendable 
promptness.  I  have  every  confidence,  if  the  Government  will 
keep  up  this  army  to  its  present  numbers,  all  will  go  well  and  that 
before  many  months,  perhaps  weeks,  Lee's  army  will  be  de 
feated,  and  the  last  hopes  of  the  Confederacy  extinguished  in 
the  bloody  storm  that  called  it  into  existence. 

I  am  in  very  good  health,  and  stand  the  campaign  finely.  In 
fact  it  has  continued  to  benefit  me.  .  .  . 

On  May  26  he  wrote  from  Quaile's  Ford,  on  the  North 
Anna,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Yesterday  no  changes  were  made  of  any  moment  in  the 
relative  positions  of  the  two  armies,  the  reconnoissances  on  our 
part  having  shown  us  the  enemy  in  strong  force  immediately  in 
our  front  and  strongly  entrenched.  You  may  think  the  continual 
mention  of  the  enemy's  entrenchments  very  strange,  when  you 
have  been  constantly  hearing  of  his  having  been  by  some  move 
ment  of  ours  compelled  to  abandon  first  one  of  his  defences  and 
then  another.  Now  the  true  statement  of  this  is,  that  when  we 
crossed  the  Rapidan  the  enemy  had  strong  works  at  Mine  Run, 
some  three  miles  to  the  right  of  the  road  we  marched  on. 
He  came  out  of  his  works  and  gave  us  battle  at  Old  Wilder 
ness,  after  the  second  day  of  which  he  fell  back  with  his  main 
force  into  his  works,  and  we  took  up  our  march  by  his  right  flank 
for  Spottsylvania.  Discovering  our  movement,  the  enemy 
marched  rapidly  for  the  same  place,  and  having  the  shorter  line, 
arrived  there  a  few  hours  before  us,  and  commenced  at  once  to 
entrench  his  new  position.  By  the  time  we  got  up  our  whole 
force  and  had  put  our  trains  in  a  place  of  safety,  he  had  so  far 
completed  his  new  works  as  to  give  him  great  protection  in  the 
battles  which  were  subsequently  fought  there.  So  again,  when 
we  by  a  movement  similar  to  that  in  the  Wilderness  had  started 
for  this  point,  the  enemy  broke  camp  simultaneously  with  us,  and 
having  the  Telegraph  road  to  move  on,  one  of  the  finest  in  the 
country,  and  the  direct  one  to  this  point,  he  succeeded  in  getting 
here  about  twelve  hours  in  advance  of  us  and  throwing  up  rifle 


222  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

pits  in  defence.  A  few  hours  always  suffice  for  an  army  acting 
purely  on  the  defensive  to  fortify  itself,  and  the  fortifications 
make  up  greatly  for  inferiority  of  numbers. 

I  cannot  speak  of  contemplated  movements  as  I  would  like  to 
do,  lest  my  letters  .  .  .  might  be  captured  by  the  enemy  while 
passing  through  the  country  to  Washington  by  courier,  or  rather 
to  our  base  on  the  river.  I  am  in  excellent  health  and  spirits,  and 
have  full  confidence  in  our  final  success.  The  feeling  of  this 
army  as  to  its  ability  to  whip  that  of  Lee  is  good  and  gives  -as 
surance  that  it  can,  unless  some  mistake  should  be  made  in  move 
ment,  which  I  do  not  fear.  .  .  . 

In  spite  of  the  heavy  fighting  behind  field  entrenchments, 
Rawlins  wrote  confidently  as  follows: 

Hanover  Town,  Va.,  May  28,  1864.  .  .  .  The  army  of  the  Po 
tomac  is  massing  here,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Richmond.  So 
you  see  the  real  results  of  the  battles  we  have  fought  notwith 
standing  what  may  be  said  by  those  who  do  not  believe  Richmond 
can  be  taken.  Unless  some  terrible  blunder  is  committed  in  the 
movements  of  our  army,  by  which  the  enemy  obtains  an  ad 
vantage  over  us,  Richmond  must  fall.  That  any  such  blunder 
will  be  committed  I  do  not  for  a  moment  believe.  General  Grant 
and  General  Meade  are  both  able  and  experienced  soldiers,  either 
of  them  the  equal  and  in  everything  heretofore  Lee's  superior 
on  the  field.  Of  course  our  numbers  are  greater  than  those  of 
the  enemy,  but  by  his  fortifications  he  has  made  up  for  inferiority 
of  numbers.  You  know  what  I  have  heretofore  written  you  of 
General  Meade.  My  opinion  which  has  always  been  decidedly 
favorable  to  him,  is  much  heightened  by  the  soldierly  qualities 
and  great  ability  he  has  displayed  throughout  this  campaign.  He 
reminds  me  much  of  Sherman,  and  handles  his  men  equally  well 
in  battle.  If  in  anything  Sherman  is  superior  it  is  in  writing.  Of 
this,  I  cannot  however  be  sure,  for  I  have  seen  nothing  of  General 
Meade's  abilities  in  this  direction.  Generals  Hancock,  Wright, 
Warren  and  Burnside  are  all  able  and  competent  soldiers  and 
their  subordinate  officers  and  men  are  equal  to  any  in  the  world. 
With  such  an  army  of  leaders,  and  such  men  as  fill  the  ranks  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  no  nation  need  fear  its  triumph,  when 
engaged  in  the  holy  cause  of  liberty  and  its  own  existence. 

I  should  never  have  been  fully  able  to  speak  impartially  of  this 


IN  VIRGINIA  223 

army  of  heroes  had  it  not  been  for  the  opportunity  I  now  have 
of  serving  with  and  becoming  acquainted  with  them.  These 
soldiers  fight  as  well  and  bravely  as  do  their  comrades  in  the 
armies  of  the  West.  They  are  all  Americans  and  why  should 
they  not? 

Reinforcements  are  still  arriving.  A  portion  of  the  force  from 
General  Butler  will  be  here  to-morrow  .  .  . 

Our  base  will  hereafter  be  at  the  White  House,  the  place  made 
famous  as  the  base  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  under  McClellan 
in  his  celebrated  Peninsula  campaign.  How  I  pray  in  my  heart 
that  God  will  avert  from  us  the  fate  that  met  his  attempt  to 
overthrow  the  rebel  army  and  capital.  I  have  the  utmost  con 
fidence  in  success  and  no  fear  of  failure.  I  would  like  to  speak 
particularly  of  further  movements.  I  know  your  good  sense 
would  appreciate  such  knowledge,  but  the  danger  of  the  capture 
of  our  mails,  and  prying  officials  forbid  this.  .  .  . 

From  this  time  on  Rawlins  wrote  to  his  wife  daily  as  fol 
lows: 

Hanover  Town,  Va.,  May  29,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  de 
lightful.  Nothing  exciting  has  taken  place.  Our  reconnoitering 
forces  pushed  out  in  the  direction  of  Richmond  and  found  the 
enemy  in  force  about  seven  miles  distant  from  here.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  army  is  ordered  forward  to  the  support  of  the 
forces  sent  out  at  noon.  The  new  position  of  the  enemy  is  on  a 
creek  called  the  Totopotomoy,  at  the  crossing  of  the  Shady  Grove 
and  Mechanicsville  roads.  Whether  he  intends  holding  this  po 
sition  against  us  at  the  risk  of  a  general  engagement  is  not  cer 
tainly  known.  My  opinion  is  that,  most  likely  he  will  defend  his 
new  position  as  long  as  he  can  make  it  tenable,  but  the  prevalent 
opinion  is  that  he  will  give  it  up  and  retire  behind  the  Chicka- 
hominy.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  we  shall  pursue  steadily 
the  original  plan  of  General  Grant's  to  the  reduction  of  Richmond 
if  it  is  to  fall.  In  this  campaign  thus  far  there  has  been  no  devia 
tion  from  it.  That  which  we  most  desire  and  what  would  soonest 
give  us  the  city,  is  a  battle  on  something  like  equal  ground,  in 
which  I  am  sure  we  would  defeat  and  rout  the  enemy.  Sheri 
dan's  cavalry  corps  had  hard  fighting  yesterday  evening  about 
three  miles  in  advance  of  here.  It  drove  the  enemy  about  a 
mile.  Our  loss  was  three  hundred  and  fifty,  of  whom  fifty-four 


224  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

were  killed.    In  the  list  of  casualties  were  fifty  officers,  of  whom 
seven  were  killed.  .  .  . 

Near  Hawes  Shop,  Va.,  May  30,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  delight 
ful  day.  We  are  now  about  three  miles  nearer  Richmond  than 
we  were  yesterday,  but  the  position  of  the  army  is  but  little 
changed.  Our  reconnoissances  have,  however,  developed  the 
enemy  in  force — perhaps  his  whole  army — in  our  immediate 
front  with  every  indication  that  he  will  await  battle  this  side  the 
Chickahominy.  A  few  days  will  solve  the  question  of  Richmond, 
and  whether  a  long  siege  or  a  sharp  decisive  battle  is  to  termi 
nate  it.  My  health  is  still  improving.  .  .  . 

Near  Hawes  Shop,  Va.,  May  31,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  delightful 
day.  The  position  of  this  army  is  the  same  as  last  described, 
save  that  it  has  advanced  a  short  distance. 

The  enemy  attacked  General  Warren's  advance  forces,  on  our 
left,  about  six  o'clock  last  evening,  and  after  a  sharp  conflict  of 
perhaps  forty  minutes,  were  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  We 
buried  over  one  hundred  of  their  dead,  and  captured  from  one 
hundred  to  two  hundred  prisoners.  They  removed  their  wounded 
from  the  field.  Our  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  was 
about  four  hundred. 

General  Hancock  carried  a  line  of  the  enemy's  works  in  his 
front  this  morning  and  captured  about  thirty  prisoners,  the  loss 
on  either  side  not  heavy. 

General  Wilson  was  sent  this  morning  to  destroy  railroad 
bridges.  He  is  a  good  destructionist,  and  I  have  confidence  in 
his  rendering  the  railroads  as  useless  as  any  one  in  the  service 
could.  The  success  of  the  cavalry  expedition  under  Sheridan 
in  which  General  Wilson  had  command  of  a  division,  secured  his 
confirmation  by  the  Senate.  Of  this  I  am  truly  glad  for  Wilson 
is  a  brave  and  energetic  officer  and  I  am  of  the  opinion  will  be 
popular  with  his  command.  His  superior  officers  all  think  a  great 
deal  of  him.  You  remember  the  letter  I  wrote  him  from  Nash 
ville.  He  expressed  to  me  great  satisfaction  and  perfect  accord 
ance  with  its  statements. 

General  William  F.  Smith  has  arrived  at  White  House  with 
heavy  reinforcements  for  this  army.  Another  large  force  is  also 
on  the  way  from  Port  Royal,  and  is  now  near  here. 

General  Breckenridge's  and  General  Buckner's  divisions  from 
Western  Virginia  have  reenforced  the  enemy  in  our  front,  but 


IN  VIRGINIA  225 

I  feel  sure  they  cannot  get  forward  for  the  grand  struggle  as 
large  a  force  as  we  shall  be  able  to  gather. 

I  enclose  you  a  rose  bud  from  the  yard  of  a  beautiful  residence 
just  in  rear  of  one  of  our  batteries  occupied  by  the  4th  U.  S. 
Artillery,  and  in  front  of  a  battery  of  the  enemy,  and  from  which 
residence,  strange  to  say,  the  women  folks — a  mother,  four 
grown-up  daughters  and  several  small  children — refuse  to  go,  but 
sought  shelter  in  the  cellar  during  the  cannonading  yesterday. 
The  house  was  struck  by  canon  shot  and  shell  at  least  twenty 
times,  and  is  marked  much  by  bullets  from  the  enemy's  sharp 
shooters.  These  women  and  children  were  requested  by  officers 
to  leave,  but  they  would  not,  and  thought  it  very  hard  that  the 
Yankees  would  put  a  battery  where  they  did,  thereby  drawing 
the  fire  of  the  enemy  upon  them.  I  mention  this  to  show  you 
that  war  has  not  softened  in  any  way  its  features  since  you  looked 
it  in  the  face  at  Vicksburg.  .  .  . 

Near  Via  House,  Va.,  June  I,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been 
beautiful,  and  closed,  or  is  closing,  in  a  heavy  battle.  So  far 
as  heard  from  the  result  is  favorable  to  us.  General  Smith's 
troops  have  arrived  and  are  in  position.  The  only  change  of  the 
forces  from  yesterday  is  that  General  Wright's  Corps  (the  Sixth) 
has  moved  from  our  right  to  our  left.  The  cavalry  under  Sheri 
dan  attacked  the  enemy  last  evening  near  Cold  Harbor  and  drove 
him  into  and  through  that  place,  which  holding  at  one  A.  M. 
to-day  he  was  in  turn  attacked  by  the  enemy,  but  repulsed  the 
attack  and  captured  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners. 
Neither  our  loss  nor  that  of  the  enemy  has  yet  been  reported.  .  .  . 

Colonel  Bowers  is  in  very  poor  health  and  goes  to  Washington 
to-morrow.  I  was  the  only  invalid  when  we  started  on  the  cam 
paign,  but  am,  I  have  no  doubt,  to-day  in  as  robust  health  as  any 
member  of  the  staff,  and  promise  fairly  to  beat  all  of  them  in 
the  end.  I  am  really  almost  well.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  2,  1864.  .  .  .  The  forenoon  was  very 
hot  and  dusty;  this  afternoon  and  to-night  it  is  raining  quite 
heavily. 

The  enemy  yesterday  afternoon  about  five  o'clock  attacked  our 
lines  in  front  of  Warren's,  Burnside's  and  Hancock's  corps  and 
were  repulsed,  the  heaviest  attack  being  on  General  Warren's 
front.  Here  they  were  repulsed  three  times.  At  4.30  P.  M. 


226  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Generals  Wright  and  Smith  attacked  the  enemy  in  their  imme 
diate  front,  and  carried  one  line  of  works,  which  we  now  hold, 
excepting. a  portion  of  that  carried  by  General  Smith,  which,  be 
ing  commanded  by  another  line,  was  abandoned  by  us.  They 
captured  full  eight  hundred  prisoners.  Our  entire  loss  during 
all  this  righting  was  2,078  wounded  and  about  500  killed.  The 
loss  of  the  enemy  can  only  be  guessed  at,  save  their  loss  in  prison 
ers  already  stated. 

Our  cavalry  under  General  Wilson  succeeded  in  destroying  the 
railroad  bridges  across  the  South  Anna  yesterday,  so  altogether 
yesterday  was  a  day  of  success  for  us.  To-day  but  little  has  been 
done,  save  that  we  have  made  some  changes  in  our  lines.  During 
the  withdrawal  of  one  of  General  Warren's  divisions  the  enemy, 
thinking  to  take  advantage  of  it,  attacked  it,  but  it  returned  imme 
diately  to  its  old  position  and  forced  the  enemy  back. 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  5,  1864.  .  .  .  Along  our  lines  to-day 
there  has  been  comparative  quiet.  The  righting  day  before  yes 
terday  inclined  each  of  the  opposing  armies  to  desist  until  they 
could  breathe.  This  very  moment  heavy  firing  has  commenced 
in  front  of  General  Hancock.  It  is  the  enemy,  I  suppose,  trying 
to  drive  our  working  parties  from  work.  It  is  too  late  for  a  seri 
ous  attack.  These  days  of  quiet  are  long  ones,  I  assure  you,  but 
this  musketry  is  growing  louder  and  heavier,  and  it  may  be  more 
than  I  suppose.  It  still  rages  with  the  greatest  fury.  The  artil 
lery  has  opened,  but  it  sounds  not  half  so  terrible  and  deadly  as 
does  the  quick  and  rapid  discharge  of  musketry.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  6,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  very 
warm,  a  foretaste  I  suppose  of  what  we  are  to  have  during  the 
summer.  How  I  would  like  to  look  on  this  campaign  as  soon  to 
close  successfully.  That  it  will  soon  be  at  an  end,  I  scarcely  think 
probable.  A  people,  although  in  error,  will  not  easily  give  up  that 
in  which  they  have  sacrificed  the  flower  of  their  youth  and  im 
poverished  themselves  in  a  bloody  war  of  three  years  to  maintain. 

I  enclose  you  a  new  two-cent  coin,  the  first  one  received  at 
these  headquarters  and  the  first  one  seen  by  the  Lieutenant  Gen 
eral.  Please  retain  it  as  a  keepsake.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  7,  1864.  .  .  .  This  morning  was  very 
cold,  a  great  change  in  the  temperature.  Everything  has  been 
quiet  along  our  lines,  except  in  front  of  one  of  Burnside's 


IN  VIRGINIA  227 

divisions,  where  there  was  a  skirmish  which  resulted  in  nothing 
of  importance  to  either  side.  The  Richmond  Examiner  of  to-day 
states  that  their  forces  under  the  command  of  General  W.  E. 
Jones  were  defeated  twelve  miles  beyond  Stanton;  that  General 
Jones  was  killed  on  the  field,  and  that  his  successor  retired  to 
Waynesboro  in  the  mountains  between  Charlottesville  and 
Stanton.  This  is  a  triumph  which  will  inure  greatly  to  our 
interest  in  this  campaign.  Hunter  is  doing  what  we  expected 
Sigel  to  do  some  time  since.  Hunter  and  a  heavy  force,  under 
General  Crook,  will  meet  now  without  doubt  at  Staunton,  if  they 
have  not  already  done  so.  Their  combined  forces  will  be  suffi 
ciently  strong  to  enable  them  to  strike  a  staggering  blow  against 
the  Confederacy;  besides,  heavy  reinforcements  have  been  or 
dered  to  Hunter. 

I  took  dinner  to-day  with  General  Wilson,  about  four  miles 
from  here,  in  the  house  of  Edmund  Rufiin,  who  fired  the  first 
gun  at  Fort  Sumter.  His  fine  plantation  is  abandoned,  and  I 
understand  that  he  is  dead.  I  enclose  a  lily  picked  in  the 
yard.  .  .  . 

After  the  dinner  mentioned  above  I  returned  with  Raw- 
lins  to  army  headquarters,  and  during  our  ride  we  had  an 
interesting  conversation  in  regard  to  the  policy  under  which 
the  army  had  acted  so  frequently  during  the  campaign,  and 
especially  during  the  last  four  or  five  days.  I  refer  of  course 
to  its  repeated  assaults  of  the  enemy's  entrenched  positions, 
which  assaults  generally  failed,  and  always  resulted  in  a 
number  of  killed  and  wounded  entirely  out  of  proportion  to 
the  advantages  gained.  Rawlins  declared  his  bitter  opposi 
tion  to  such  assaults,  and  to  the  influences  which  brought  them 
about,  and  reiterated  that  as  they  were  advised  by  Comstock, 
a  professional  soldier,  whose  specialty  on  the  staff  was  sup 
posed  to  be  entrenchments  and  their  capture,  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  neutralize  his  influence.  He  was  usually  sound 
enough  on  most  military  questions,  but  his  judgment  in  ref 
erence  to  the  conditions  under  which  battle  should  be  deliv 
ered,  was  regarded  by  Rawlins  as  faulty  in  the  extreme. 

The  next  day  I  removed,  with  my  first  brigade,  to  the  left 


228  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  the  army  and  Rawlins  repeated  his  visit;  but  this 
time  he  was  accompanied  by  Dana  and  Warren.  The 
conversation  again  turned  upon  the  policy  of  attacking  the 
enemy  behind  breastworks  and  rifle  trenches,  and  again  this 
policy  received  unsparing  condemnation.  During  the  con 
versation  Rawlins  and  Dana  concurred  in  criticising  and 
disapproving  the  influence  which  had  come  to  be  paramount 
at  headquarters ;  and  in  expressing  their  regret  that  I  was  no 
longer  with  them  on  the  staff,  but  was  commanding  a  divi 
sion  instead,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  their  own 
influence  was  on  the  wane  and  that  the  new  staff  was  neither 
so  harmonious  nor  so  efficient  as  the  old  one  used  to  be. 

The  next  day  I  received  a  letter  from  W.  F.  Smith,  com 
menting  severely  upon  the  "murderous  assaults"  of  Cold 
Harbor,  the  demoralizing  effect  they  had  had  upon  the  rank 
and  file,  and  the  reflection  which  they  cast  upon  the  general 
ship  of  those  who  had  ordered  them,  or  were  responsible  for 
their  management.  I  sent  this  letter  at  once  to  Dana  at 
Grant's  headquarters,  and  it  is  known  that  he  approved  its 
statements;  but  what  use  he  made  of  it  has  never  been  re 
ported.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  he  also  showed  it  to 
Rawlins,  from  whom  he  had  no  concealments.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  a  period  of  gloom  and  discouragement  followed,  and 
the  army's  feelings  were  reflected  throughout  the  country. 
Officers  of  all  ranks  participated  in  it,  and  the  unfortunate 
controversy  between  Grant,  Smith  and  Butler  ultimately  grew 
out  of  it;  but  as  I  have  discussed  this  controversy  with  suffi 
cient  fullness  in  "The  Life  and  Services  of  General  Smith,"  4 
I  return  to  the  letters  of  Rawlins,  which  give  many  interesting 
details  of  current  events. 

On  June  8  he  wrote  from  Cold  Harbor  as  follows : 

.  .  .  All  quiet  to-day  except  for  occasional  firing  of  artillery 
and  sharp-shooters. 

4  Published  by  the  John  M.  Rogers  Press,  Wilmington,  Del.,  1904. 


IN  VIRGINIA  229 

The  sudden  change  of  the  weather  from  extreme  heat  to  cold 
night  before  last  was  the  cause  of  my  taking  cold  and  of  a  slight 
return  of  my  cough.  .  .  . 

The  papers  are  filled  with  eulogies  of  General  Grant  and  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  but  little  is  said  about  General  Meade,  who  is  one 
of  the  ablest  and  most  accomplished  officers.  Grant's  fame  is 
established  as  one  of  the  most  successful  military  men  on  our 
side,  brought  to  the  notice  of  history  by  the  Rebellion.  Sherman 
by  the  success  of  his  campaign  thus  far  against  Atlanta  has  risen 
and  is  still  rising  in  the  public  estimation.  You  know  my  opinion 
of  him.  General  Meade,  however,  is  overlooked  by  all  in  the 
eagerness  to  see  Grant,  and  let  me  assure  you  no  one  regrets  this 
more  than  General  Grant  himself,  and  when  this  campaign  is 
ended,  whatever  may  be  the  result,  in  his  official  report  he  will 
do  justice  to  the  able  and  patriotic  Meade.  There  has  been  noth 
ing  thus  far  between  Generals  Grant  and  Meade  (nor  do  I  have 
a  single  apprehension  there  will  be)  in  their  official  and  personal 
'relations  conflicting  in  the  slightest  manner  with  the  most  cordial 
cooperation  in  all  movements  of  the  army  or  marring  for  one 
moment  their  friendship.  In  no  single  instance  has  General 
Meade  shown  the  slightest  indication  of  indecision.  To  the  con 
trary  he  is  prompt  and  decided  in  everything  and  at  all  times. 
I  have  never  seen  the  officer  who  knew  more  of  his  army  and 
was  more  watchful  to  guard  it  against  surprise  by  the  enemy. 
He  fills  my  highest  expectations  of  him,  some  of  which,  if  I 
remember  right,  I  expressed  in  a  letter  from  Culpepper  C.  H. 
He  is  of  all  men  in  the  army  of  the  Potomac  the  one  most  fitted 
to  command  it.  This  opinion  is  not  mine  only,  but  is  one  fre 
quently  expressed  by  General  Grant.  His  modesty  and  merit 
will  be  discovered  and  made  to  illuminate  the  pages  of  history  by 
searchers  after  truth  and  the  admirers  of  worth  in  the  final  writ 
ing  of  this  rebellion.  In  your  conversations  about  officers  con 
nected  with  this  Army,  please  give  considerable  prominence  to 
Meade,  for  none  is  more  deserving  than  he.  This  I  particularly 
desire.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  9,  1864.  .  .  .  Greater  quiet  has  pre 
vailed  along  the  lines  of  the  hostile  armies  to-day  than  at  any  time 
since  our  arrival  here.  An  armistice  was  had  on  the  7th  for  the 
burial  of  the  dead  of  each  army.  The  number  of  ours  buried 
was  432.  The  enemy  buried  his  own,  and  I  have  no  means  of 


23o  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

knowing  the  number.  These  were  killed  in  the  battle  of  the  3rd. 
General  Grant  proposed  certain  arrangements  to  General  Lee  on 
the  4th  for  the  burial  of  the  dead,  but  they  were  not  agreed  to, 
hence  the  delay. 

General  Sheridan  left  here  three  days  ago  with  a  large  cavalry 
force  for  Charlottsville  or  thereabouts.  He  will,  we  have  great 
hopes,  be  able  to  effect  a  junction  with  General  Hunter,  who 
after  whipping  the  enemy  badly  at  Mt.  Crawford,  twelve  miles 
beyond  Staunton,  on  Sunday  last,  entered  Staunton  on  the  Mon 
day  following.  I  mentioned  this  battle  in  a  previous  letter. 
Hunter  and  Sheridan  will  have  a  force  of  great  strength,  able 
to  take  care  of  itself  in  an  open  country,  and  which  will,  I  have 
no  doubt,  inflict  great  injury  upon  the  enemy.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  10,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  more 
quiet  than  any  day  since  we  crossed  the  Rapidan.  Richmond 
papers  confirm  previous  reports  of  the  defeat  of  their  forces  by 
General  Hunter,  and  also  state  that  General  Crook,  in  command 
of  a  large  force  of  Yankees,  was  on  Monday  last  at  Wilboro, 
about  sixteen  miles  from  Lexington,  Va.,  where  the  rebels  have 
a  military  academy,  the  destruction  of  which  they  very  much 
fear.  This  all  looks  favorable  to  us.  Sheridan  has  reached 
Charlottesville  before  this  and,  we  have  great  hopes,  has  effected 
a  junction  with  Hunter  and  Crook,  unless  they  have  moved  on 
to  Lynchburg,  the  destruction  of  which  place  would  be  a  terrible 
blow  to  the  rebels.  This  is,  however,  almost  too  much  to  hope 
for  considering  our  forces,  yet  it  is  not  improbable  by  any 
means.  .  .  . 

Cold  Harbor,  Va.,  June  n,  1864.  .  .  .  Along  our  main  lines 
we  have  had  almost  perfect  quiet  since  my  last  writing.  Our 
cavalry  on  the  right  this  morning  drove  in  the  enemy's  pickets, 
and  were  in  turn  driven  back  by  the  enemy.  The  loss  of  the 
cavalry  was  fourteen  killed  and  wounded.  The  enemy's  main 
cavalry  force  has  evidently  gone  after  Sheridan,  who  started 
five  days  ago  for  Charlottesville. 

Our  entire  loss  since  the  beginning  of  this  campaign,  May  4th, 
1864,  to  and  including  June  9th,  as  officially  reported,  is  killed 
7,289,  wounded  37,410,  missing  9,862,  total  54,561.  This  state 
ment,  however,  does  not  include  the  losses  in  the  cavalry  corps 
since  June  ist.  Its  loss  will  be  about  600.  I  send  you  the  exact 
number  of  casualties  that  you  may  not  be  in  ignorance  when  you 


IN  VIRGINIA  231 

see  statements  of  the  same  made  in  the  newspapers.  The  num 
ber  is  great,  but  the  losses  of  the  enemy  are  also  great.  We  have 
already  captured  and  sent  forward  fully  11,000  prisoners,  but  in 
killed  and  wounded  their  loss  must  have  been  considerably  less 
than  ours,  especially  at  this  place.  Our  attacks  have  been  against 
a  strongly  fortified  position.  In  all  other  places  I  should  say  their 
loss  has  been  as  great  as  ours. 

If  any  letter  was  written  on  the  I2th,  it  has  not  been  found. 

Charles  City  C.  H.,  June  13,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  fine  and 
pleasant.  We  broke  our  camp  at  Cold  Harbor  yesterday  at  3 
o'clock  P.  M.,  encamped  near  Despatch  Station  last  night  and 
reached  here  at  4:30  p.  M.  to-day.  The  whole  army  is  now  vir 
tually  across  to  the  west  side  of  the  famous  Chickahominy.  To 
morrow  morning  we  shall  commence  laying  a  pontoon  bridge 
across  the  James  River,  and  also  ferrying  over  troops.  Our 
movement  this  far  has  been  a  splendid  success,  and  the  weather 
most  opportune  for  all  our  movements.  I  have  no  doubt  the 
enemy  is  also  moving  to  the  south  side  of  the  James  and  will 
meet  us,  most  probably  at  Petersburg,  should  we  move  in  that 
direction.  He  may  possibly  make  an  attack  on  us  in  our  cross 
ing  the  river,  but  I  apprehend  no  such  thing.  From  the  com 
mencement  of  this  campaign  General  Grant  has  not  deviated  at 
all  from  his  written  plan,  but  has  steadily  pursued  the  line  he 
then  marked  out.  I  shall  give  it  to  you  in  one  of  my  letters 
hereafter. 

A  despatch  from  General  Hunter  confirms  all  we  heard  of  the 
victory  he  had  gained  over  Jones.  He  captured  1,500  prisoners, 
3,000  stands  of  arms,  three  pieces  of  artillery  and  large  quantities 
of  stores.  .  .  . 

I  am  in  excellent  health  and  spirits.  .  .  . 

Charles  City  C.  H.,  June  14,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  beautiful  day 
has  just  closed,  with  a  lovely  western  horizon,  giving  promise  of 
fair  weather  to-morrow.  Two  more  such  days  as  this,  with  no 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  will  enable  us  to  cross 
the  entire  army  of  the  Potomac  to  the  south  side  of  the  James 
River.  It  seems  that  thus  far  we  have  been  especially  favored 
of  Heaven.  Our  last  flank  movement  has  been  regarded  by  mili 
tary  men  as  extra  hazardous.  General  W.  F.  Smith's  corps  has 
already  reached  Bermuda  Hundred,  and  Hancock's  corps  is 


232  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

nearly  all  ferried  over  to  a  point  nearly  opposite  here.  A  pon 
toon  bridge  will  be  laid  across  the  river  at  Fort  Powhattan  by 
to-morrow  morning.  Our  troops  are  all  up,  with  trains  near  by. 
Everything  is  progressing  finely. 

I  accompanied  the  General  to  Butler's  headquarters  to-day. 
We  went  by  boat.  The  James  River  is  one  of  the  most  majestic 
of  the  great  rivers  of  America,  and  is  daily  adding  to  the  interest 
it  already  possesses  in  American  history.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  15,  1864.  •  •  •  Beautiful  weather.  .  .  . 
Hancock's  corps  is  across  the  river  and  the  advance  of  it  near 
Petersburg.  The  pontoon  bridge  was  finished  this  morning,  and 
by  to-morrow  morning  Burnside's  corps,  which  is  now  crossing 
on  it,  will  be  also  well  up  towards  Petersburg.  General  W.  F. 
Smith,  with  a  force  of  15,000  infantry  besides  cavalry  and  artil 
lery,  has  been  fighting  since  about  4 130  A.  M.  at  Petersburg.  He 
has  carried  one  line  of  works,  capturing  some  artillery;  was  to 
have  assaulted  the  enemy's  line  at  dark  to-night,  and  there  has 
been  heavy  firing,  which  indicates  that  he  did  so.  We  have  re 
ceived  no  report  from  him  as  yet,  but  are  momentarily  expecting 
one.  The  enemy  since  about  3  150  p.  M.  have  been  reenforcing 
Petersburg  by  the  railroad  from  Richmond,  and  we  very  much 
fear  he  will  be  too  strong  for  Smith.  Unless  the  latter  should 
succeed  to-night  in  conjunction  with  Hancock  in  taking  Peters 
burg,  we  will  likely  have  to  commence  regular  approaches  for  its 
reduction. 

The  news  from  General  Hunter  through  rebel  papers  is  very 
encouraging.  He  captured  Lexington,  Va.,  on  Saturday,  the 
nth,  and  was  within  28  miles  of  Lynchburg  and  marching  in 
that  direction.  Great  apprehensions  are  felt  by  the  Confederates 
for  the  safety  of  that  place.  Should  he  reach  it,  a  great  advan 
tage  will  be  gained  by  our  arms.  Nothing  could  tell  more  terri 
bly  against  Richmond  unless  it  were  the  defeat  of  Lee's  army. 
Lynchburg  is  the  point  where  not  only  two  lines  of  railroad  may 
be  cut,  but  also  the  James  River  canal. 

Word  from  Sherman  is  very  cheering,  and  all  looks  well,  but 
from  Northern  Mississippi  we  have  news  of  another  terrible  dis 
aster.  General  Sturgiss  was  sent  out  some  days  ago  with  a  force 
of  8,000  men,  of  whom  3,000  were  infantry,  from  Memphis  to 
drive  Forrest,  who  was  assembling  his  command  for  a  raid 
against  Sherman's  communications,  out  of  Northern  Mississippi. 


IN  VIRGINIA  233 

He  met  Forrest  near  Baldwin  on  the  Ohio  &  Mobile  Railroad, 
and  was  defeated  with  the  loss  of  4,000  men  and  all  his  artillery, 
and  was  pursued  to  Colliersville,  Tenn. 

I  cannot  understand  this,  but  it  seems  that  we  are  destined  to 
meet  with  reverses  in  that  direction  and  must  try  the  harder  to 
win  success  in  other  places.  Morgan's  raid  into  Kentucky  has 
been  promptly  met,  and  the  raiders  after  the  loss  of  three-fourths 
of  his  command  is  fleeing  for  safety  with  the  remainder  of  it.  ... 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  16,  1864.  ...  All  the  troops  except  one 
division  of  the  army  are  across  to  the  south  side  of  the  James 
River,  and  four  corps  are  in  front  of  Petersburg.  The  attack 
of  General  W.  F.  Smith  on  Petersburg  last  night  was  very  suc 
cessful,  resulting  in  the  capture  of  the  entire  left  of  its  main 
defences,  260  prisoners  and  16  pieces  of  artillery.  These  de 
fences  were  very  formidable  and,  had  the  enemy  succeeded  in 
throwing  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  into  the  place,  we  would 
not  have  been  able  to  carry  these  works  except  by  siege.  They 
command  the  city  of  Petersburg,  which  lies  in  a  flat  below  them. 
The  enemy  still  holds  the  right  of  the  line  around  the  place,  and 
is  busily  constructing  an  interior  one.  An  attack  was  ordered 
again  this  evening,  but  from  it  no  report  has  as  yet  been  received. 

The  colored  troops,  about  3,000,  in  the  attack  last  night  carried 
the  strongest  part  of  the  entrenchments,  losing  in  the  assault  about 
500  killed  and  wounded.  They  did  nobly,  and  are  entitled  to  be 
regarded  as  among  the  best  of  soldiers.  You  know  I  have  ever 
had  some  misgivings  of  their  efficiency,  but  seeing  what  they  have 
accomplished,  I  doubt  no  longer. 

The  enemy  this  afternoon  abandoned  his  works  in  front  of 
Bermuda  Hundred,  and  General  Butler  sent  out  a  strong  force 
and  now  occupies  them.  He  also  pushed  a  force  forward  to  the 
Petersburg  and  Richmond  Railroad  and  destroyed  considerable 
of  the  track.  This  seems  a  strange  move  on  their  part  and  would 
indicate  an  intention  to  evacuate  Petersburg.  They  certainly 
can't  hold  it  with  Butler  between  it  and  Richmond.  Two  divisions 
of  Wright's  corps  are  now  passing  up  the  Appomattox  to  the 
support  of  Butler. 

A  rebel  paper  of  yesterday  states  that  Lieutenant  General  Polk 
was  killed  near  Marietta  on  the  I4th  instant.  He  was  struck  by 
a  shot  from  Sherman's  artillery.  Generals  Johnston  and  Hardee 
were  with  him  at  the  time.  The  same  paper  says  that  Hampton 


234  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

had  attacked  and  defeated  Sheridan  at  Trevillian  Station,  cap 
turing  500  prisoners.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  June  17,  1864.  .  .  .  My  health  is  still  improving, 
and  you  may  be  assured  no  one  seems  less  likely  to  be  a  subject 
of  consumption  than  I.  The  doctors  have  all  assured  me  that 
my  lungs  are  not  affected,  and  if  you  saw  me  now  you  would 
concur  in  their  opinion. 

The  attack  on  the  enemy  at  Petersburg  made  last  night  and 
this  morning  resulted  in  the  further  capture  of  works,  six  addi 
tional  guns  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.  Our  loss  in 
killed,  wounded  and  missing  was  about  two  thousand  two  hun 
dred.  Petersburg  is  still  firmly  held  by  the  enemy.  While  I 
write,  however,  heavy  cannonading  is  going  on  in  that  direction. 
I  was  out  there  both  yesterday  and  to-day. 

General  Butler  has  returned  to  his  old  lines  and  the  enemy 
to  his  old  position  in  Butler's  front.  Butler  has  been  ordered 
to  drive  the  enemy  back,  which  he  will  try  to  do  to-night.  His 
failure  to  hold  and  fortify  the  position  they  evacuated  yesterday 
morning  was  a  great  mistake  and  may  cost  us  a  great  deal.  The 
General  and  all  are  well.  .  .  . 

I  have  just  heard  from  Petersburg.  Burnside  attacked  the 
enemy  at  eight  o'clock  p.  M.  and  has  carried,  according  to  report 
of  prisoners  taken,  the  last  line  of  entrenchments  between  us  and 
Petersburg.  The  fighting  is  still  progressing.  I  have  great  hopes 
of  being  able  to  report  the  capture  of  the  Cockade  City  to-morrow 
night.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  18,  1864.  .  .  .  We  failed  to  get  into 
Petersburg  to-day,  but  gained  considerable  ground  in  that  direc 
tion  on  some  portions  of  our  lines,  which  we  are  entrenching 
and  will  hold.  We  are  within  one  mile  of  the  main  part  of  the 
city.  Our  losses  since  we  arrived  before  Petersburg  have  been 
very  heavy.  I  will  be  able  to  state  the  number  in  my  next  letter. 
I  send  you  a  Vicksburg  paper,  not  knowing  but  in  the  notices  of 
marriages  you  might  see  some  name  you  would  recognize. 

You  ask  to  know  the  size  of  my  head  and  the  number  of  the 
slipper  I  wear.  My  head  is  seven  and  a  quarter  full — my  slip 
pers  No.  8. 

To-day,  like  many  preceding  it,  has  been  most  beautiful.  Qur 
headquarters  are  most  delightfully  situated  on  the  banks  of  the 
James  River,  overlooking  the  immense  fleet  of  river  and  sea- 


IN  VIRGINIA  235 

going  vessels  lying  at  City  Point  and  Bermuda  Hundred.    You 
would  be  delighted  and  charmed  with  the  view.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  June  19,  1864.  ...  A  despatch  from  Sheridan, 
dated  i6th  instant  at  Guinea's  Bridge,  Virginia,  states  that  he 
had  a  severe  engagement  with  the  enemy  at  Trevillians'  Station 
on  the  Virginia  Central  Rairoad  on  the  I2th,  and  completely  de 
feated  them,  capturing  500  prisoners  and  inflicting  on  them  a 
heavy  loss.  He  destroyed  the  road  from  Trevillian's  to  Louisa 
C.  H.  Among  the  rebel  officers :  Colonel  McCallister  killed,  Gen 
eral  Rosser  and  two  colonels  wounded.  The  enemy  having  sent 
a  heavy  force  on  to  the  road  between  him  and  General  Hunter, 
he  commenced  his  journey  back.  General  Hunter  is  on  the  rail 
road  about  twenty  miles  west  of  Lynchburg,  destroying  it  at  a 
great  rate,  according  to  the  Richmond  papers.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  June  20,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  clear  and  fine, 
with  all  quiet  along  our  lines.  No  news  from  any  quarter,  except 
from  the  White  House,  which  place  was  attacked  by  the  enemy 
at  daylight  this  morning,  and  at  10  A.  M.  the  fighting  was  still 
going  on.  Our  forces  there  number  about  3,000  men  under  Gen 
eral  Abercrombie.  The  place  is  well  fortified,  and  we  have  every 
reason  to  believe  will  be  able  to  hold  out  until  the  arrival  of 
Sheridan,  who  was  near  there  yesterday. 

I  am  now  out  of  debt  and  feel  independent.  If  you  could  ex 
change  your  greenbacks  for  gold,  it  might  possibly  be  the  best  in 
vestment  you  could  make.  Do  as  you  like  about  it.  Don't  say  to 
any  one  I  have  advised  you  thus,  but  the  rapid  rise  in  gold  and  the 
great  surplus  of  currency  makes  me  doubt  if  greenbacks  will  ever 
be  at  par,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  result  of  the  war.  The  trou 
ble  in  our  currency  is,  in  my  judgment,  the  surplus,  in  excess  of 
the  necessities  of  commerce,  and  not  in  the  fact  that  we  don't  take 
Richmond.  Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  this  campaign,  the 
success  of  which  I  do  not  for  a  moment  doubt,  our  Government 
is  strong  and  wealthy,  and  will  cancel  or  put  into  the  course  of 
cancellation  all  its  indebtedness.  If  you  have  gold  you  can  always 
convert  it  into  currency,  and  I  think  you  had  better  make  the 
exchange.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  21,  1864.  .  .  .  Everything  quiet  on  our 
lines.  The  attack  on  White  House  yesterday  was  repulsed. 
Sheridan  reached  there  at  5  p.  M.  and  will  join  us  here  at  once. 


236  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

The  Petersburg  papers  on  the  2Oth  say  that  General  Hunter 
attacked  Lynchburg  on  Saturday,  the  i8th,  and  was  repulsed, 
and  that  they  expected  a  general  battle  the  next  day,  which 
showed  that  the  attack  and  repulse  amounted  to  no  more  than 
a  reconnoissance  on  the  part  of  Hunter. 

President  Lincoln  is  here.  He  arrived  about  two  o'clock 
p.  M.  to-day,  and  in  company  with  the  General  and  staff  rode 
out  to  the  front.  We  got  back  to  this  point  about  eight  o'clock. 
He  goes  to-morrow  to  the  pontoon  bridge  across  the  James  at 
Deep  Bottom.  He  is  greatly  pleased  with  the  condition  of  affairs 
here,  and  it  was  most  truly  interesting  when  he  was  cheered  by 
the  negro  troops,  those  who  fought  so  gallantly  here  on  the  i6th. 
Their  honest,  hearty  hurrahs  for  the  man  whom  they  regard  as 
their  liberator  went  up  to  Heaven  I  am  sure.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  22,  1864.  ...  In  moving  the  corps  of 
Generals  Hancock  and  Wright  to  the  left  to  circumvallate  if 
possible  Petersburg  to  the  river  on  our  left,  the  enemy  attacked 
Hancock  in  great  force  and  compelled  him  to  fall  back  some  dis 
tance  from  the  intended  line,  with  the  loss  of  four  pieces  of 
artillery.  We  subsequently  retook  the  line,  but  whether  we  re 
captured  the  guns  or  not  is  not  reported.  At  seven  o'clock  p.  M. 
the  advance  was  to  commence  again,  but  we  have  not  heard  from 
it  yet.  It  will  most  likely  result  in  a  heavy  fight. 

Richmond  papers  again  report  the  attack  of  Hunter  upon 
Lynchburg,  which  attack  they  say  was  repulsed  with  a  loss  to 
Hunter  of  200  prisoners  and  three  guns,  and  that  they  were  in 
pursuit. 

President  Lincoln  left  here  for  Washington  this  afternoon. 

Wilson  and  Kautz  with  7,000  cavalry  started  this  morning 
for  the  Danville  &  Richmond  Railroad.  They  crossed  the  Peters 
burg  &  Weldon  road  at  10  A.  M.,  destroying  the  track  and  depot 
where  they  crossed.  I  have  great  confidence  in  their  success, 
although  cavalry  thus  far  has  succeeded  but  poorly  in  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  enemy's  communications.  The  enemy's  cavalry  are 
mostly  to  the  north  of  the  river,  and  hence  my  belief  in  the  suc 
cess  of  this  raid. 

General  Ransom  of  the  old  Tennessee  Army,  who  was  wounded 
in  the  Red  River  expedition,  is  here.  Also  Colonel  Hillyer  and 
two  French  officers.  Thus  you  see  we  have  distinguished 
visitors.  , 


IN  VIRGINIA  237 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  23,  1864.  .  .  .  You  say  I  need  give  my 
self  no  uneasiness  about  your  wearing  imported  goods.  Now, 
my  dear,  if  you  understand  me  as  being  uneasy  about  your  doing 
so,  you  misunderstand  my  letter.  I  simply  desire  you  to  give 
your  approval  to  that  movement  on  the  part  of  the  ladies  of 
America  and  am  delighted  to  know  that  you  do  approve  it.  Every 
thing  that  looks  to  rendering  our  country  independent  of  other 
countries  I  desire  to  favor.  Its  greatness  and  glory  is  the  one 
idea  of  my  heart,  after  my  love  and  duty  to  you  and  our  little 
ones.  And  all  through  her  greatness  and  glory  I  would  have 
her  benevolence  and  generosity  shine.  .  .  . 

The  refusal  of  Congress  to  strike  out  the  commutation  clause 
in  the  conscript  law  is  regarded  by  many  here  as  very  un 
fortunate.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  June  24,  1864.  .  .  .  Have  ju§t  returned  from  the 
front.  In  extending  our  lines  last  night  we  lost  very  heavily— 
about  3,000  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  at  a  rough  estimate, 
and  four  pieces  of  artillery.  We  reached  the  Weldon  Railroad 
and  destroyed  about  one  mile  of  it,  and  then  fell  back.  We  now 
hold  a  strong  line  threatening  the  road,  and  cavalry  has  been  at 
work  destroying  it  to-day. 

This  morning  the  enemy  attacked  General  Smith's  line,  and 
were  repulsed,  leaving  in  our  hands  166  prisoners.  To-night 
an  attack  was  ordered  by  General  Smith  on  a  hill  between  ours 
and  the  enemy's  main  line,  but  the  result  has  not  yet  been  re 
ported.  Our  entire  losses  in  our  operations  from  the  Qth  to  and 
including  the  I9th  instant  were  ten  thousand  four  hundred  and 
fifteen  (10,415). 

I  have  made  an  arrangement  with  Colonel  Hillyer  to  convert 
the  money  on  deposit  with  N.  Corwith  &  Co.,  that  is  to  say,  five 
hundred  dollars,  into  gold,  and  have  drawn  on  them  for  it.  ... 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  25,  1864.  .  .  .  Very  dry.  Everybody 
wishing  for  rain. 

General  Smith  did  not  make  the  attack  he  intended  last  night. 
To-day  all  has  been  quiet.  Yesterday  afternon  Sheridan  had 
heavy  fighting  in  the  protection  of  his  trains,  and  in  getting  them 
to  the  James  River.  He  succeeded  in  saving  everything  and  in 
flicted  severe  loss  on  the  enemy.  His  own  loss  was  heavy,  say 
about  400  killed  and  wounded.  .  .  . 


238  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  26,  1864.  .  .  .  Excessively  hot  to-day. 
So-  hot  indeed  as  to  practically  put  an  end  to  operations. 

Everything  on  our  lines  has  been  quiet  except  occasional  firing 
of  artillery.  The  extreme  heat  renders  operations  exceedingly 
difficult,  but  it  will  enable  the  army  to  get  that  rest  which  long 
and  continued  marching  and  fighting  since  May  4th  makes  neces 
sary.  A  few  days  will  suffice  for  this  purpose.  .  .  . 

I  have  been  urging  General  Grant  to  write  to  the  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  insisting  upon  the  three-hundred- 
dollar  clause  being  struck  out  of  the  conscription  act.  Whether 
he  will  do  so  or  not,  I  cannot  say.  It  is  getting  so  late  that  such 
a  letter  might  not  reach  the  House  before  action  on  the  bill  is  had. 
With  the  great  advantages  we  now  hold  on  the  James  River  and 
in  Georgia,  if  we  fail  to  put  down  the  Rebellion,  the  nations  of 
the  world  and  our  own  children  will  arraign  us  throughout  long 
ages  to  come  for  our  treason  to  humanity  and  liberty.  We  must 
succeed.  We  dare  not  fail.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  June  28,  1864.  ...  All  quiet  along  our  lines  yes 
terday  and  to-day,  save  the  firing  of  siege  guns  at  intervals  into 
Petersburg  and  at  bridges  across  the  Appomattox. 

Richmond  papers  of  yesterday  show  that  General  Wilson's 
cavalry  raid  is  doing  great  damage  upon  their  railroads.  He 
reached  Burkeville  Junction  on  Friday,  destroyed  the  depots,  etc., 
tore  up  and  burnt  the  ties,  bending  the  rails  over  the  fires.  He 
went  on  down  the  Danville  road  towards  Danville,  destroying 
as  he  went.  All  communications  with  Richmond  by  rail  are  now 
out,  and  I  imagine  it  will  take  several  days,  if  not  weeks,  to  repair 
damages  so  as  to  get  cars  through  from  beyond  the  breaks  in 
the  roads.5  .  .  . 

They  claim  to  have  whipped  a  detachment  of  Wilson's  cavalry 
on  the  Petersburg  road  about  seven  miles  from  Burkeville  Junc 
tion,  but  I  doubt  its  truth,  as  they  gave  no  particulars.  General 
Hunter  has  reached  Gauley,  Virginia,  after  having,  as  he  reports 
officially,  inflicted  great  injury  to  the  rebels  in  the  destruction  of 
railroads  and  supplies,  and  whipped  them  in  every  engagement. 
He  says  his  troops  are  in  good  heart  and  health  and  ready  to 
move  in  any  direction  on  getting  a  fresh  supply  of  ammunition. 
It  was  want  of  ammunition  that  caused  his  return. 

5  It  took  nine  weeks  to  repair  this  road  so  that  trains  could  be  run 
over  it.     See  Richardson's  "Personal  History  of  U.  S.  Grant,"  p.  417. 


IN  VIRGINIA  239 

We  have  had  no  rain  yet  at  this  point,  but  yesterday  it  rained 
all  around  us  and  cooled  the  atmosphere  very  considerably.  It 
is  now  delightfully  pleasant.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  29,  1864.  .  .  .  All  quiet  along  our  lines, 
save  artillery  firing  at  intervals.  It  will  be  several  days,  perhaps 
weeks,  before  we  have  another  general  engagement.  We  are  not 
idle,  however,  and  should  we  discover  any  weakening  in  the 
enemy's  lines,  advantage  will  be  taken  of  it  if  possible. 

An  officer  with  forty  men  came  through  to-day  from  Wilson. 
He  is  on  the  Weldon  Railroad  and  confronted  by  a  greatly 
superior  force  of  the  enemy.  Sheridan's  other  two  divisions 
of  cavalry  have  gone  to  his  assistance,  supported  by  Wright's 
army  corps  of  infantry,  which,  while  they  effect  the  relief  of 
Wilson,  will,  we  trust,  effectually  finish  the  work  of  destruction 
on  the  railroads. 

News  from  Washington  to-day  says  the  House  has  passed  the 
conscription  bill  without  the  commutation  clause.  I  hope  it  will 
also  pass  the  Senate.  It  is  more  like  an  earnest  desire  for  the 
end  of  the  war  than  any  act  of  the  House  since  the  fall  of  Sumter. 

The  General  was  at  the  front  to-day,  and  I  learn  from  one 
of  his  staff  he  deviated  from  the  only  path  he  should  ever  travel 
by  taking  a  glass  of  liquor.  It  is  the  first  time  I  have  failed  to 
accompany  him  to  Petersburg,  and  it  was  with  misgivings  I  did 
so.  Nothing  but  indisposition  induced  me  to  remain  behind.  I 
shall  hereafter,  under  no  circumstances,  fail  to  accompany 
him.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  June  30,  1864.  •  •  •  To-day  has  been  as  dry 
as  any  preceding  it.  In  fact  it  is  so  dry  and  dusty  that  the  very 
river  looks  like  a  bed  of  dust.  .  .  . 

News  from  Wilson  is  laden  with  grief.  His  command  was 
attacked  yesterday  afternoon  this  side  of  Notoway  River  and 
from  all  the  information  we  have  obtained  was  defeated  with 
heavy  loss  in  men,  his  train  and  five  pieces  of  artillery.  General 
Kautz  cut  his  way  out,  bringing  off  his  own  command  and  a 
part  of  Wilson's,  while  Wilson  retreated  towards  Jarrott's  Sta 
tion  on  the  Weldon  road.  The  cavalry  and  infantry  sent  out 
yesterday  to  his  aid  did  not  reach  there  in  time. 

It  is  hoped  that  this  force  will  be  able  to  relieve  him  yet  and 
make  up  in  damage  to  the  enemy  all  they  have  inflicted  on  Wil- 


240  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

son.     Our  reports  are  vague  and  unsatisfactory.     I  have  hopes 
the  facts  will  look  better  for  us  when  they  come  to  hand. 

I  have  received  my  commission,  which  I  send  you  by  Ex 
press.  .  .- . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  I,  1864.  .  .  .  Still  hot  and  dry.  .  .  . 
News  from  Wilson  received  this  evening  confirms  the  reports 
of  his  defeat  and  loss  of  train  and  artillery,  all  of  which  he  de 
stroyed  himself  to  keep  it  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  His  loss  in  men  will  not  exceed  1,000,  I  should  say,  from 
present  information.  He  destroyed  effectually  twenty-six  miles 
of  the  Petersburg  &  Lynchburg  Railroad  and  thirty  miles  of  the 
Richmond  &  Danville  Railroad.  On  the  latter  road  he  also  de 
stroyed  every  tie  and  rail.  The  Richmond  papers  say  it  will  take 
four  weeks  to  repair  the  damage  done.  At  this  time  Richmond 
is  entirely  isolated  from  all  railroad  communications  with  the 
South,  and  we  hope  to  continue  the  isolation  until  it  falls  of  its 
own  weight.  This,  however,  will  take  months.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  2,  1864.  .  .  .  No  rain  yet.  All  has  been  quiet 
to-day,  save  artillery  firing,  which  is  continued  at  intervals  along 
a  portion  of  our  lines. 

Colonel  Rowley  left  for  Galena  this  morning.  His  health  is 
poor  and  he  talks  of  resigning,  in  fact  has  tendered  his  resigna 
tion,  but  Bowers  and  I  have  persuaded  him  out  of  the  notion, 
and  urged  him  to  take  orders  for  Chicago,  from  whence  he  could 
go  home  and  stay  for  a  month  at  least,  and  at  the  expiration  of 
the  time  he  could  forward  his  resignation  should  he  still  be  of 
that  mind.  Otherwise  he  could  return  to  the  field. 

Colonel  Dent  went  North  yesterday  in  very  low  health,  and 
Colonel  Babcock  is  lying  sick  in  camp.  I  am  in  very  excellent 
health.  My  cough,  although  it  still  hangs  on,  is  very  slight  in 
deed.  ...  I  am  better  in  general  health  than  I  have  ever  been 
since  our  acquaintance.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  3,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  day,  dusty,  dry 
and  hot,  has  closed,  with  no  sign  of  change.  Quiet  prevails  all 
along  the  lines  of  the  army.  The  great  giants  who  have  wrestled 
from  the  time  of  their  grappling  with  each  other  on  the  5th  of 
May  south  of  the  Rapidan  until  their  feet  pressed  the  soil  of 
Petersburg  south  of  the  James,  now  breathe  in  each  other's  face 
while  resting  and  making  ready  for  another  struggle,  each  look- 


IN  VIRGINIA  241 

ing  for  the  spot  to  strike  at  in  which  he  can  inflict  the  greatest 
injury. 

Judging  from  the  newspapers,  it  would  seem  that  the  resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Chase  is  creating  quite  a  sensation  or,  rather,  has 
increased  the  gloom  that  has  hung  over  our  nation  since  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion.  I  have  held  Mr.  Chase  in  high 
esteem  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  feel  that  he  has  shown 
a  want  of  true  patriotism  in  selecting  this  time  of  all  others  to 
add  to  our  national  embarrassment,  and  am  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  his  withdrawal  from  the  Treasury  Department  will,  after 
it  becomes  fully  understood,  result  in  good  to  our  cause.  Repre 
senting  as  he  does  the  radicalism  of  the  country,  he  is  little  less 
dangerous  than  Vallandigham. 

Our  national  currency  looks  badly,  but  what  of  it?  Had  not 
the  rebellion  maintained  the  war  against  us  from  almost  the 
beginning  with  a  depreciated  and,  for  the  last  eighteen  months, 
an  entirely  worthless  currency?  And  can  we  not  do  what  they 
have  with  all  the  advantages  and  means  to  boot  in  our  favor? 
No,  a  depreciated  currency  cannot  stop  the  war  for  national 
existence.  We  are  too  near  the  goal  of  triumph  now  to  recede. 
Give  us  the  conscription  bill  with  the  commutation  clause  stricken 
out  and  we  will  within  twelve  months  stand  forth  among  the 
nations  as  a  united  people,  free  and  powerful  for  good.  Years 
only  can  erase  the  feelings  of  ill  will  engendered,  but  time  will 
heal  them  in  the  end.  This  is  the  faith  of  my  existence.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  4,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  of  our  country's 
anniversaries  of  independence  and  the  first  of  the  fall  of  Vicks- 
burg  has  just  closed.  Oh,  how  unlike  those  before  the  rebellion, 
and  how  my  heart  aches  for  the  restoration  of  peace!  .  .  . 

Everything  quiet  along  our  lines.  It  is  reported  that  Ewell's 
force  sent  from  Lee's  army  to  repel  Hunter's  raid  is  moving 
down  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and  I  fear  much  excitement  will 
exist  throughout  the  country  for  the  safety  of  Washington  be 
fore  this  reaches  you.  We  suppose  Hunter  will  be  able  to  con 
centrate  his  forces  at  Harper's  Ferry  in  time  to  prevent  the 
invasion  of  Maryland.  Ewell's  command  cannot  much  exceed 
15,000,  though  it  may  reach  18,000.  Should  he  get  into  Mary 
land,  however,  there  will  be  nothing  left  undone  that  can  be  done 
to  prevent  his  ever  getting  back.  With  our  great  facilities  for 
the  transportation  of  troops  it  will  take  but  two  days  to  move 


242  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

from  here  an  army  corps  if  necessary.  Besides,  we  are  expecting 
here  the  arrival  of  the  I9th  Army  Corps  from  Banks's  Depart 
ment  within  a  short  time.  Vessels  to  transport  them  were  sent 
several  da'ys  since ;  of  this,  however,  you  will  please  not  speak  to 
any  one  where  there  would  be  the  least  likelihood  of  its  becom 
ing  public. 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  6,  1864.  ...  I  had  hoped  during  the 
present  lull  in  affairs  here  to  get  a  few  days  to  myself  for  the 
purpose  of  visiting  you  in  your  new  home,  but  all  prospects  of 
it  vanished  yesterday  evening,  when  it  became  necessary  for 
Colonel  Bowers  to  go  and  see  his  mother,  who  is  dangerously 
ill,  and  also  for  the  purpose  of  repairing  his  own  health,  which 
is  poor  indeed.  At  present  of  the  General's  staff  there  are 
absent  Colonels  Dent,  Duff,  Rowley  and  Bowers,  and  Colonel 
Babcock  is  quite  poorly  and  will,  I  fear,  have  to  go  also.  I  am 
too  well  to  think  of  getting  off  on  a  plea  of  sickness;  besides, 
my  presence  is  perhaps  more  indispensable  than  that  of  any  staff 
officer,  for  in  the  absence  of  the  assistant  adjutant  general  I 
know  and  can  perform  his  duties,  which  no  one  else  can  do  so 
well ;  and  then,  too,  I  look  after  and  care  for  the  personal  habits 
of  those  who  must  not  be  permitted  to  fall. 

All  quiet  to-day.  Richmond  papers  say  that  they  have  whipped 
Sherman  in  Atlanta  and  that  he  is  in  full  retreat.  This  we  do  not 
believe.  From  seven  to  nine  thousand  men  left  here  to-day  for 
Washington  to  aid  in  defeating  Early.  .  .  . 

No  letter  of  July  7  has  been  found. 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  8,  1864.  .  .  .  News  from  General  Sher 
man  is  very  favorable.  He  has  driven  the  enemy  to  the  south 
side  of  the  Chattahoochee.  Nothing  new  along  our  lines  save 
the  firing  of  artillery  by  both  the  enemy  and  ourselves.  But 
little  damage  is  being  done  to  us,  and  whether  we  do  any  more 
to  them  is  questionable.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  9,  1864.  .  .  .  The  remainder  of  the  6th 
Corps  goes  to  Washington  in  the  morning,  and  should  have  gone 
three  days  ago  but  for  a  despatch  from  General  Halleck  stating 
that  they  would  not  be  needed.  They  are  now  in  great  trepida 
tion,  but  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  get  forces  forward  soon  enough 
to  defend  the  place  and  at  the  same  time  inflict  such  damage 


IN  VIRGINIA  243 

upon  the  enemy  as  to  make  him  think  he  has  paid  dearly  for 
his  whistle.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  10,  1864.  .  .  .  All  quiet  along  our  lines. 

Stirring  and  exciting  news  from  Washington  reached  us  last 
night  and  this  morning. 

The  remaining  two  divisions  of  Wright's  corps  left  to-day  for 
Washington — one  division  had  gone  forward  several  days  ago. 
The  1 9th  Corps,  on  its  way  from  New  Orleans  to  this  place,  or, 
rather,  its  advance,  has  reached  Port  Monroe  and  has  gone  for 
ward  to  Washington.  All  will  be  well  and  the  rebel  movement 
into  Maryland  will  result,  if  properly  looked  to,  in  great  advan 
tage  to  us.  ... 

City  Point,  July  n,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  hot  day,  followed  by 
rain  after  night. 

No  news  here  at  all.  Everything  is  as  quiet  as  summer.  We 
have  a  rumor,  however,  that  Hill's  corps  moved  from  its  position 
in  our  front  yesterday,  Longstreet's  corps  taking  its  place,  but 
where  it  has  gone,  if  gone  it  has,  we  do  not  even  conjecture  yet. 
We  do  not  believe  it  has  gone  to  Maryland  for  the  distance  is  so 
great  it  could  not  hope  to  reach  Early  in  time  to  afford  him  any 
material  aid.  One  or  two  days  will  determine  its  whereabouts. 
If  it  has  gone  on  any  expedition  from  here  we  will  try  and  take 
advantage  of  its  absence  to  inflict  a  blow  upon  the  enemy. 

The  news  from  Sherman  is  very  encouraging.  He  has  forced 
Johnston  to  the  south  side  of  the  Chattahoochee,  and  has  crossed 
portions  of  his  own  army,  and  secured  the  crossings  of  the  river 
at  two  different  fords. 

From  Washington  we  have  had  no  news  to-day.  Last  night 
General  Grant  received  a  despatch  from  the  President  stating 
that  he  thought  it  best  for  the  General  to  come  there.  This  was 
a  despatch  in  answer  to  one  the  General  had  sent  saying  he  would 
go  to  Washington  if  it  was  thought  best.  I  differed  with  any 
and  all  such  propositions  and  told  the  General  that  his  place  was 
here — that  he  had  started  out  to  defeat  Lee  and  capture  Richmond 
— that  his  appearance  in  Washington  would  be  heralded  all  over 
the  country  as  an  abandonment  of  his  campaign,  a  faltering  at 
least  in  his  purpose ;  that  he  had  under  orders  to  Washington  full 
thirty  thousand  men,  with  able  and  efficient  officers,  besides  the 
troops  of  Hunter  and  those  already  at  Washington  and  Baltimore, 
and  if  they  could  not  defeat,  rout  and  capture  Early,  whose  force 


244  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

never  could  exceed  twenty-five  thousand,  I  did  not  think  his 
presence  would  help  the  thing  enough  to  justify  his  going  from 
here.  Falling  in  with  my  view,  he  telegraphed  the  President  in 
accordance"  therewith  .  .  . 

Colonel  Ritter  goes  to  Harrisburg  in  the  morning,  for  a  few 
days.  Colonel  Badeau  is  quite  sick  and  will  perhaps  have  to  go 
North.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  13,  1864.  .  .  .  News  from  Washington  con 
tinues  exciting  but  we  have  no  fears  for  the  safety  of  the  place. 
All  the  troops  necessary  for  its  defence  and  to  follow  up  and  give 
successful  battle  have  been  sent  from  here.  General  H.  G. 
Wright,  an  able  and  splendid  soldier,  has  the  supreme  command 
of  the  moving  forces  there,  and  from  the  facts  as  they  appear  to 
me,  I  can  see  no  reason  why  we  should  not  defeat  and  destroy 
Early's  whole  command  and  turn  into  positive  success  for  us  this 
movement  of  the  enemy.  What  will  be  done  a  few  days  will 
determine.  When  this  letter  will  reach  you  is  doubtful.  The 
railroad  from  Washington  north  is  broken,  but  I  never  fail  in 
keeping  my  word  to  you  in  the  matter  of  correspondence. 

It  would  appear  that  the  whole  of  Lee's  army  is  threatening 
Washington.  It  is  positively  asserted  that  Longstreet's  corps  is 
on  the  way  there,  but  we  have  the  best  of  evidence  that  it  remains 
here,  and  that  it  is  here  I  have  no  doubt.  We  have  deserters 
from  it  daily  and  also  make  captures  of  prisoners  from  it.  This 
latter  evidence  never  has  failed  us.  ... 

City  Point,  July  14,  1864.  .  .  .  News  from  Washington  is  that 
the  enemy  has  taken  up  his  return  line  of  march.  Whether  we 
will  be  able  to  inflict  damage  upon  him  is  not  yet  known.  Col 
onel  Comstock  goes  to  Washington  to-night  to  try  and  hasten 
the  return  to  this  place  of  the  troops  sent  from  here,  the  moment 
it  is  ascertained  that  they  are  no  longer  needed  there,  or  that  the 
enemy  is  beyond  their  reach.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  15,  1864.  .  .  .  All  quiet  along  our  lines  here. 
News  from  Washington  shows  the  enemy  has  left  Maryland  with 
large  amounts  of  plunder  gathered  from  the  Marylanders.  Hun 
ter  is  moving  from  Harper's  Ferry  to  intercept  their  retreat. 

Sherman  has  got  the  enemy  south  of  the  Chattahoochee  and 
will  himself  move  to  the  south  side  as  early  as  the  I7th.  He  has 
his  supplies  all  up  for  a  vigorous  push  on  Atlanta.  .  .  . 


IN  VIRGINIA  245 

On  July  1 6,  1864,  Rawlins  wrote  a  long  letter,  speaking  of 
his  "Democratic  notions  of  life  and  its  proprieties."  He 
added : 

.  .  .  That  I  have  not  gone  home  is  a  matter  over  which  thus 
far  I  have  had  no  control,  but  I  have  been  shaping  everything 
with  a  view  to  seeing  you  before  a  great  many  weeks  go  by.  I 
have  urged  and  encouraged  every  one  of  the  staff  who  had  the 
least  desire  to  go  home,  to  do  so,  and  all  except  Colonel  Babcock 
have  been  off.  When  they  return  I  shall  have  the  aid  of  all  of 
them,  and  their  interest  too,  in  getting  away  for  a  few  days 
myself.  Don't  you  think  I'm  something  of  a  diplomat?  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  17,  1864.  .  .  .  The  General  has  ordered  to  this 
place  the  6th  and  I9th  Corps,  sent  some  days  ago  to  Washington, 
with  a  view  to  an  attack  on  the  enemy  before  Early  can  get  back. 
Whether  the  Government  will  let  them  leave  Washington  is  some 
what  doubtful.  There  is  evidently  much  anxiety  still  there  for 
the  safety  of  the  city,  and  I  fear  an  uneasiness  as  to  the  effect  the 
recent  raid  may  have  upon  the  fall  election.  The  blame  will,  I 
have  no  doubt,  be  laid  at  the  General's  door.  For  my  own  part  I 
see  nothing  serious  that  can  come  of  it.  Certainly  the  General 
acted  as  promptly  as  he  could  in  the  premises  and  but  for  the 
despatches  saying  they  thought  they  had  troops  enough  to  defend 
the  city,  sent  by  one  authorized  to  speak  for  them,  and  who  ought 
to  be  regarded  as  capable  of  judging,  one  whole  army  corps  would 
have  been  there  three  days  earlier  than  it  was.  Say  nothing  of 
this.  We  shall  see  what  we  shall  see. 

It  turns  out  that  General  Wilson  was  not  confirmed  by  the 
Senate,  although  we  had,  in  answer  to  inquiries  long  ago,  been 
made  to  understand  that  he  was.  He  has,  however,  been  ap 
pointed  again  to  rank  from  his  former  date.  This  is  treating  very 
badly  an  enthusiastic,  able  young  officer,  but  time  will  make  all 
things  even,  it  is  said,  and  I  trust  it  is  true.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  18,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  delightful  day  has 
closed  with  nothing  worthy  of  mention,  except  that  General  Grant 
has  in  view  the  responsibility  that  may  be  laid  upon  him  for  the 
enemy's  recent  raid  into  Maryland,  asked  to  have  a  Military  Di 
vision  constructed  out  of  the  territory  now  comprising  the  De 
partments  of  Washington,  Middle  and  Western  Virginia,  with 
Major  General  Franklin  to  command  it.  If  this  is  done  the  Gen- 


246  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS- 

eral  can  be  answerable  for  the  safety  of  the  Maryland  border; 
otherwise  he  should  not  be  so  held. 

The  two-  corps  ordered  to  be  returned  here  are  en  route  for  this 
place. 

The  regiments  whose  term  of  service  expires  between  this  and 
the  twenty-fifth  of  August  next,  have  been  ordered  to  Washing 
ton.  They  will  tend  considerably  to  steady  the  nerves  of  the 
people  of  Maryland  and  not  materially  weaken  us  here;  for  the 
fact  is  those  regiments  whose  time  is  nearly  out,  do  not  evince 
the  alacrity  of  regiments  who  have  a  long  time  yet  to  serve. 
There  is  good  reason — or  at  least  it  is  not  unnatural — that  this 
should  be  so. 

General  Ord  and  staff  arrived  here  this  evening.  Honorable 
Mr.  Kellogg  of  Michigan  is  here.  He  talks  to  suit  me,  and  his 
visit,  I  have  no  doubt,  will  be  fraught  with  good  to  the  service. 
I  like  to  entertain  such  men  .  .  . 

Enclosed  I  send  you  photograph  with  autograph  of  Major 
General  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  one  of  the  best  and  most  gallant 
of  soldiers.  Put  it  along  side  of  the  lamented  Sedgwick  in  your 
album  of  heroes.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  19,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  had  one  steady 
and  continuous  rain  all  day.  The  dust  is  effectually  laid  and  it 
will  take  several  days  to  resurrect  it  into  the  clouds,  which  seemed 
so  long  to  delight  in  enveloping  us.  Never  were  people  more  glad 
to  have  rain  than  we. 

The  i gth  Corps  is  beginning  to  arrive.  The  news  from  Sher 
man  is  very  favorable.  He  has  crossed  the  Chattahoochee  with 
his  entire  army  and  is  moving  directly  on  Atlanta  and  Decatur. 
He  has  already  struck  and  broken  the  railroad  east  of  Atlanta. 
Since  crossing  the  river  he  has  encountered  only  the  enemy's 
cavalry.  It  may  be  possible  they  intend  giving  up  Atlanta  with 
out  a  battle.  The  tone  of  the  Atlanta  papers  favors  this  supposi 
tion.  If  they  do,  my  own  conviction  is  that  the  major  part  of 
Johnston's  army  will  be  brought  here.  Should  they  do  this,  there 
is  no  doubt  of  our  ability  to  hold  our  present  position,  even 
against  both  Lee  and  Johnston.  The  danger  will  be  of  a  move 
ment  against  Washington.  But  why  speculate  upon  the  uncer 
tainty  of  future  military  movements  ?  All  we  have  to  do  is  what 
we  can  do  in  the  living  present,  not  forgetting,  however,  to  pre 
pare  for  future  dangers,  as  time  may  develop  them. 


IN  VIRGINIA  247 

General  Grant  to-day  relieved  Major  General  William  F.  Smith 
from  command  and  duty  in  this  army,  because  of  his  spirit  of 
criticism  of  all  military  movements  and  men,  and  his  failure  to 
get  along  with  any  one  he  is  placed  under,  and  his  disposition  to 
scatter  the  seeds  of  discontent  throughout  the  army.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  20,  1864.  .  .  .  No  news  to-day  from  Sherman. 
General  A.  J.  Smith,  after  a  fight  with  Forrest  at  and  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Tupelo,  Miss.,  on  the  Mobile  &  Ohio  Railroad,  de 
feated  him,  with  a  loss  to  the  enemy  of  full  twenty-five  hundred. 
Our  loss  was  small  in  men  and  no  loss  in  anything  else  .  .  . 

The  President  has  finally  called  for  five  hundred  thousand 
more  men.  This  is  better  late  than  never.  Had  Congress  given 
him  the  power  to  conscript,  with  the  commuting  clause  left  out, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  last  session,  instead  of  at  its  close,  and  he 
had  exercised  it,  the  end  of  the  war,  so  much  hoped  for,  would 
have  been  reached  in  the  campaign  begun  last  May,  but  such  was 
not  the  action  of  the  Government  and  hence  the  unfinished  work 
yet  to  be  done.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  21,  1864.  ...  A  most  delightful  day  has 
closed  with  still  the  same  momentous  quiet  along  our  lines  here, 
that  has  prevailed  for  the  last  month. 

News  from  the  South  is  that  Johnston  has  been  relieved  and 
General  Hood,  who  is  said  to  be  a  fighting  General,  has  been  put 
in  command  of  his  army,  from  which  we  infer  that  the  enemy  will 
give  Sherman  battle  at  Atlanta,  and  that  if  we  can  only  whip 
them,  is  the  very  best  thing  they  can  do  for  us.  The  enemy  beaten 
in  battle  at  Atlanta,  would  give  us  the  whole  country,  whereas  if 
they  simply  fall  back  from  that  place,  keeping  their  army  intact, 
it  will  be  a  constant  menace  to  our  position  which  at  best  is  diffi 
cult  to  hold. 

We  shall  so  operate  here  as  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  sending 
troops  to  Hood  to  defeat  Sherman  as  Beauregard  did  from 
Corinth  in  1862  to  defeat  McClellan,  and  as  Lee  did  last  Sep 
tember  to  defeat  Rosecrans. 

Of  the  operations  of  our  Eastern  and  Western  armies  this 
spring  and  summer,  this  much  at  least  can  be  said — they  have  so 
moved  and  fought  as  to  prevent  the  enemy  reenforcing  in  either 
front,  to  our  destruction,  as  they  have  in  every  instance  here 
tofore. 

News  from  General  Wright  is  encouraging.     He  and  Crook 


248  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

had  crossed  the  Shenandoah  yesterday,  near  Berryville  and  were 
driving  the  enemy,  with  a  prospect  of  capturing  their  trains.  The 
day  before^they  had  driven  Crook  back  from  his  attempt  to  cross 
the  river  before  the  arrival  of  Wright.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  22,  1864.  ...  I  mail  to  you  an  article  which  I 
desire  preserved,  from  the  New  York  Herald,  vindicating  General 
Hunter  against  attacks,  which  have  been  made  upon  him  in 
the  Western  Press,  and  which  article  is  near  the  truth.  The  only 
question  being  whether  General  Hunter  should  not  have  gone  by 
the  way  of  Charlottesville  to  Lynchburg  instead  of  by  Lexington. 
His  orders  were  to  go  to  Staunton,  Charlottesville  and  Lynch 
burg,  if  possible,  destroying  thoroughly  the  railroads  from  those 
points  to  Richmond.  In  this  way  the  Valley  of  Virginia  would 
always  have  been  open  to  him. 

I  send  you  also  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  General  Scott,  touching 
what  he  understands  some  one  has  reported  he  should  have  said 
about  General  Grant.  He  is  mistaken,  however,  in  his  supposi 
tion,  for  the  General  had  never  heard  of  his  speaking  unfavorably 
of  him.  I  am  pleased  at  his  writing  the  letter. 

.  .  .  My  cough  is  still  annoying  me,  but  I  have  a  fresh  gallon 
of  very  old  Bourbon  and  a  bottle  of  cod  liver  oil,  but  how  I  wish 
the  necessity  for  its  use  no  longer  existed.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  23,  1864.  .  .  .  No  occurrences  of  interest 
to  the  historian.  No,  I  cannot  say  so  much,  for  every  day  some 
of  the  brave  defenders  of  our  country  are  taken  away  to  a  better 
land,  and  in  their  death  help  to  swell  the  roll  of  honor  .  .  . 

News  from  Sherman  to-day  brings  sad  intelligence  that  Major 
General  J.  B.  McPherson  was  killed  yesterday  by  a  bullet  through 
his  lungs,  fired  from  the  enemy's  works  while  he  was  making  a 
reconnoissance  of  them.  McPherson,  my  friend,  with  whom  I 
have  shared  the  same  blanket,  messed  at  the  same  board,  endured 
the  fatigue  of  the  march,  the  exposures  of  the  storm  and  faced 
dangers  of  battle.  Brave,  patriotic  and  gifted,  his  country  will 
weep  his  loss  as  irreparable,  and  every  friend  of  freedom  will 
find  for  him  a  tear.  My  mind  would  be  to  say  more  of  him  but  I 
have  not  the  command  of  language  to  do  justice  to  his  worth  and 
fame.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  July  24,  1864.  ...  I  send  you  in  this  mail  a 
Galena  Advertiser  in  which  you  will  read  an  article  advocating 


IN  VIRGINIA  249 

your  husband's  being  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  which  will 
surprise  and  amuse  you  as  much  as  it  does  him.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  28,  1864.  .  .  .  On  my  return  yesterday  from 
Washington  I  touched  at  Cherry  Stone  Point  and  there  received 
your  despatch,  for  which  accept  my  thanks.  .  .  . 

I  find  the  General  in  my  absence  digressed  from  his  true  path. 
The  God  of  Heaven  only  knows  how  long  I  am  to  serve  my  coun 
try  as  the  guardian  of  the  habits  of  him  whom  it  has  honored. 
It  shall  not  be  always  thus.  Owing  to  this  faltering  of  his,  I 
shall  not  be  able  to  leave  here  till  the  rebel  movement  in  Mary 
land  is  settled  and  also  the  fate  of  Atlanta.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  July  28,  1864  [later].  .  .  .  Matters  are  now  such 
that  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  leave  here  at  present.  Active  oper 
ations  have  commenced,  which  with  the  fact  of  the  General's 
forgetting  himself,  in  that  one  danger  of  which  I  wrote  you  this 
morning,  renders  my  being  here  of  an  importance  that  you  can 
appreciate  as  fully  as  any  person  living,  although  it  deprives  you 
of  an  immediate  visit  from  me,  a  visit  which  my  health  de 
mands  .  .  . 

Since  writing  the  foregoing  I  have  had  a  long  talk  with  the 
General  and  Colonel  Bowers,  and  they  conclude  I  had  better  go 
as  early  as  the  first  of  next  month,  and  I  have  thought,  all  things 
considered,  I  can  perhaps  as  well  be  spared  by  that  time  as  at 
any  time  thereafter.  So  you  may  begin  to  look  for  me  about  next 
Wednesday  if  I  have  no  delays.  .  .  . 

From  the  foregoing  correspondence  it  will  be  seen  that 
from  the  time  Grant  assumed  command  of  our  armies  as 
Lieutenant  General  till  he  crossed  the  James  River  and  be 
sieged  Petersburg,  Rawlins  had  been  his  inseparable  counsellor 
and  his  ever-vigilant  guardian.  He  had  from  the  first  thrown 
the  weight  of  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  Overland  Cam 
paign,  and  what  is  still  more  important,  in  favor  of  manceu- 
vering  the  enemy  out  of  his  entrenched  positions,  instead  of 
trying  to  drive  him  out  by  direct  attack.  He  had  constantly 
urged  that  the  army  should  be  reen forced  by  all  the  troops 
that  could  be  spared  from  elsewhere  and  that  Congress  should 
authorize  a  conscription  from  which  no  man  could  escape  by 


250  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

purchase.  He  points  out  that  had  this  measure  been  enacted 
at  the  beginning  of  the  current  session  of  Congress  instead 
of  at  its  .close,  the  army  would  have  been  strengthened  in 
the  right  way  and  the  war  would  have  been  ended  much 
sooner.  Withal,  it  is  evident  that  in  a  strictly  military  sense 
his  influence  had  begun  to  wane,  and  that  in  the  daily  opera 
tions  of  the  army  others  of  inferior  judgment  had  acquired 
greater  influence  than  himself.  In  the  more  important  fields 
of  personal  conduct  and  military  policy  he  still  remained  with 
out  a  rival.  When  the  President  invited  Grant  to  Washing 
ton,  it  was  Rawlins  whose  fears  and  arguments  prevented  his 
going,  till  it  was  certain  that  the  trip  was  absolutely 
necessary. 

It  is  also  evident  that  while  Rawlins  had  at  first  a  high 
regard  for  the  abilities  of  W.  F.  Smith,  and  concurred  in  his 
condemnation  of  the  assault  at  Cold  Harbor,  he  ultimately 
came  to  censure  his  criticism  of  those  in  authority  over  him 
for  their  responsibility  and  part  in  it,  and  fully  approved  his 
relief  from  duty  with  the  Army  of  the  James  as  the  shortest 
way  to  the  restoration  of  harmony  and  discipline.  In  com 
mon  with  Grant,  Rawlins  appears  to  have  been  disappointed  in 
regard  to  Butler's  merits  as  a  soldier  as  well  as  to  his  im 
portance  as  a  politician  and  statesman. 

On  the  other  hand,  Smith  was  an  open,  imprudent,  and 
even  an  acrimonious  critic  of  both  men  and  measures  that 
he  did  not  approve,  and  while  he  was  careful  to  limit  his  cen 
sure  to  those  whose  function  it  was  to  regulate  details,  the 
latter  were  doubtless  ingenious  enough  to  make  it  appear  that 
his  shafts  were  aimed  at  the  chief  commander  as  well  as  at 
the  plans  upon  which  the  army  was  then  operating.  The 
letters  quoted  above  show  that  Rawlins  not  only  came  to  this 
opinion  but  to  the  belief  that  Smith,  whom  he  knew  to  be 
an  honest  and  able  man  as  well  as  a  good  friend  of  Grant, 
had  been  actuated  rather  by  disappointment  and  selfish  ambi 
tion  than  by  a  spirit  of  helpfulness  in  advocating  the  plan 


IN  VIRGINIA  251 

of  operations  by  the  way  of  Albemarle  Sound,  which  Frank 
lin  was  first  to  bring  forward,  but  which  his  friend  elaborated 
and  supported,  as  Rawlins  thought,  with  obstinate  persistencyv 
When  it  is  recalled  that  both  Grant  and  Rawlins  at  first 
concurred  in  considering  Smith's  success  at  Petersburg  as 
having  been  all  that  could  have  been  expected,  and  that  Raw 
lins,  at  least,  joined  in  the  condemnation  of  the  futile  and 
costly  attacks  directed  against  the  enemy's  entrenched  posi 
tions  at  Cold  Harbor  and  Spottsylvania,  it  will  be  seen  that 
powerful  influences  must  have  been  brought  to  bear  to  weaken 
his  control  and  to  bring  about  Smith's  overthrow. 

It  is  not  known  what  Butler's  own  attitude  was  in  respect 
either  to  these  operations  or  to  what  finally  came  to  be  desig 
nated  by  the  critics  as  the  "Policy  of  Attrition,"  but  it  is 
fully  established  that  he  used  the  criticism  contained  in  Smith's 
letters,  as  well  as  what  Smith  said  in  person  to  Butler's 
officers  at  Fort  Monroe,  to  secure  his  own  reinstatement  and 
Smith's  dismissal  from  command  in  the  field.  This  is  one  of 
the  most  interesting  but  obscure  episodes  of  the  time,  and 
whatever  may  have  been  the  open  or  secret  influences  under 
lying  it,  it  may  well  be  regarded  as  an  instance  of  retributive 
justice  that,  notwithstanding  Butler's  immediate  triumph  and 
Smith's  downfall,  Grant  shortly  found  himself  compelled  to 
relieve  Butler  for  incompetency  and  to  place  his  army  under 
the  command  of  the  steady-going  Ord,  of  the  regular  army. 
Moreover,  it  is  certain  that,  whatever  may  have  been  the  part 
taken  by  Rawlins  in  these  transactions,  he  fully  approved  of 
Butler's  relief  by  a  professional  soldier  as  a  sound  and  judi 
cious  measure  which  called  for  no  public  defence. 

To  those  who  knew  Grant  and  his  Chief  of  Staff  in  the 
West  and  were  aware  of  their  peculiarities  and  personal  rela 
tions,  and  to  such  as  read  with  care  the  letters  which  I  have 
quoted,  it  will  be  apparent  that  the  friendship  or  hostility  of 
Rawlins  was  an  important  factor  in  the  fate  of  many  of  the 
leadings  generals,  and  that  he  gave  his  approval,  on  the  one 


252  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

hand,  or  his  disapproval,  on  the  other,  from  none  but  the 
highest  and  most  unselfish  motives.  While  it  is  to  be  re 
gretted  that  he  did  not  more  fully  describe  the  conduct  and 
characteristics  of  those  with  whom  he  had  to  do,  and  did  not 
more  fully  set  forth  the  genesis  and  course  of  the  various  plans 
and  movements  which  came  under  his  observation,  there  is 
much  in  his  correspondence  which  the  student  of  history  will 
thank  him  for.  His  revelation  of  self  is  complete.  It  shows 
him  to  have  been  a  fearless  friend,  an  unselfish  patriot,  and 
an  official  adviser,  of  ability  and  independence.  Lacking  tech 
nical  military  knowledge,  to  which  he  made  no  pretension,  but 
possessing  moral  qualities  and  character  of  the  highest  order, 
he  nevertheless  rendered  the  greatest  service  to  his  chief,  who 
had  had  military  training  and  experience  in  abundance,  but 
was  lacking  in  other  important  qualities  which  Rawlins  sup 
plied.  It  was  a  rare  and  fortunate  combination;  and  while 
it  was  far  from  including  all  the  attributes  of  a  perfect  gen 
eral,  it  may  well  be  contended  that  without  the  contributions 
of  both,  Grant  could  scarcely  have  hoped  to  achieve  the  splen 
did  success  which  finally  crowned  his  military  career. 

It  is  to  be  noted,  on  the  other  hand,  that  notwithstanding 
the  vein  of  hopefulness  which  pervades  these  unstudied  let 
ters  of  Rawlins  to  his  wife,  the  work  and  exposure  of  the 
campaign  were  proving  too  much  for  his  strength,  and  that 
in  spite  of  his  indomitable  will  and  his  pathetic  desire  for 
health,  the  disease  from  which  he  was  suffering  was  making 
slow  but  steady  progress  to  its  inevitable  end. 


XIV 

NEARING    THE   WAR'S    END 

Petersburg  Mine  Explosion — Rawlins  on  Sick  Leave — Letters  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Bowers — Grant  Visits  Washington — Tac 
tical  Mistake  of  Dividing  the  Cavalry — Failure  to  Complete 
Circumvallation  of  Petersburg — Rawlins  Rejoins  Army- 
Sheridan's  Campaign  Against  Early — Rawlins's  Letters  to  His 
Wife — Wilson  Ordered  West — Hood's  Invasion  of  Middle 
Tennessee — Rawlins  Opposes  Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea  Till 
Hood  Could  Be  Disposed  of — Sent  West  to  Forward  Ree'n- 
forcements — His  Views  Vindicated. 

IT  will  be  observed  that  the  confidence,  which  Rawlins  ex 
pressed  on  July  29,  in  a  successful  assault  of  the  enemy's 
lines  at  Petersburg,  like  that  of  the  month  previous  in  regard 
to  the  extension  of  the  national  lines  to  and  across  the  Weldon 
Railroad,  was  misplaced.  The  latter  should  have  succeeded 
because  of  Grant's  superiority  of  numbers,  if  not  by  good 
management,  but  the  former  was  based  upon  the  belief  that 
the  explosion  of  an  extensive  mine  in  Burnside's  front  would 
make  an  opening  in  the  enemy's  entrenchments  through  which 
a  vital  thrust  might  be  made.  The  mine  was  exploded,  an 
enormous  breach  was  made,  but  unfortunately  it  was  bot 
tomed  by  a  crater  of  great  depth,  with  sides  too  steep  to  be 
surmounted  by  a  rush.  The  enemy  was  stunned  and  scat 
tered  by  the  explosion,  and  quite  a  quarter  of  an  hour  passed 
before  his  shaken  battalions  could  be  rallied  and  put  into  po 
sition  to  resist  the  assault  which  should  have  followed  at 
once,  had  proper  dispositions  been  made  to  that  end. 

Grant,  in  accordance  with  his  general  rule,  had  left  the 
details  to  Meade,  who  unfortunately  left  them  in  turn  to 

253 


254  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Burnside,  the  immediate  commander.  It  was  clearly  their 
duty  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  following  the 
explosion,  with  an  assault  which  should  pass  around,  not 
through,  the  breach,  drive  the  enemy  back,  and  take  pos 
session  of  the  works  on  either  side.  But  it  appears  that 
neither  general  had  had  much  confidence  in  the  mine;  hence, 
neither  made  any  adequate  preparation  to  insure  the  success 
of  the  assault  following  the  explosion.  Instead  of  telling 
off  two  divisions  of  the  best  troops  under  the  guidance  of 
experienced  officers,  and  preparing  others  to  support  and  co 
operate  with  them,  Ledlie's  division  of  white  troops  was  as 
signed  to  the  task  of  assaulting  the  breach  made  by  the  crater. 
Ledlie,  although  a  civil  engineer  and  contractor,  was  an 
officer  of  but  little  aptitude  and  no  special  training  for  such 
serious  work,  and  while  he  was  supported  by  two  divisions 
of  colored  troops,  one  of  them  commanded  by  an  ex-dancing 
master  at  West  Point,  the  movement  after  the  explosion 
was  not  only  slow  but  badly  managed  throughout.  The 
advancing  men  piled  into  the  crater  without  method  or  ade 
quate  leadership,  became  hopelessly  confused,  and  were  killed 
by  hundreds,  mainly  through  the  use  of  hand  grenades,  which 
were  thrown  down  the  slopes  of  the  crater  in  great  numbers. 
The  operations  instead  of  being  conducted  successfully  by 
trained  officers  and  competent  commanders,  ended,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  in  a  bloody  and  discouraging  disaster, 
which  should  have  emphasized  the  failure  to  capture  Peters 
burg,  not  only  then  but  when  the  Union  Army  first  closed 
in  upon  its  defences.  In  both  cases  it  is  now  evident  that 
the  troops  available  for  the  undertaking  were  ample  and 
within  reasonable  supporting  distance,  and  that  the  failure 
was  primarily  due  to  defective  organization  of  the  army  as 
a  whole,  and  to  the  absence  of  all  proper  staff  arrangements. 
There  were  too  many  links  in  the  chain,  too  many  separate 
heads  through  which  orders  must  be  sent,  too  much  inde 
pendence,  too  little  cooperation  between  commanders,  and  a 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  255 

total  absence  of  that  promptitude,  coherence,  and  efficiency 
of  operations  which  are  impossible  without  a  competent  gen 
eral  staff. 

Grant  was  primarily  responsible  for  all  this.  He  had  com 
plete  authority  over  such  matters,  but  having  committed  him 
self  from  the  start  to  the  maintenance  of  the  separate  organi 
zations  in  that  theatre  of  operations,  as  well  as  to  the  policy 
of  leaving  the  different  generals  free  to  carry  their  orders 
into  effect  in  such  manner  as  might  seem  best  to  them,  he 
had  thereby  relieved  his  chief  of  staff  from  most  of  the  re 
sponsibility  that  should  otherwise  have  rested  on  him. 

Nobody  knew  better  than  Rawlins  that  well-laid  plans  were 
failing  far  too  often.  Nobody  knew  better  than  he  that  the 
team  was  not  only  "balky"  but  badly  driven,  and  finally  no 
body  had  been  more  severe  than  he  in  the  condemnation  of 
direct  assaults  upon  fortified  positions;  but  he  allowed  him 
self,  apparently  with  good  reason,  to  hope  that  the  explosion 
of  the  mine  would  afford  an  exceptional  opportunity,  which 
might  lead  to  a  great  success.  The  failure  which  followed 
was  a  sore  disappointment  to  him  as  well  as  to  his  chief.  His 
impaired  health  made  him  peculiarly  susceptible  to  the  influ 
ence  of  the  hot  weather,  which  was  now  becoming  intense. 
Realizing  that  this,  when  superadded  to  the  great  disappoint 
ment  which  had  overtaken  the  army,  would  necessarily  put 
an  end  to  active  operations  for  a  few  weeks,  Rawlins  con 
cluded  to  take  a  sick  leave,  with  the  understanding  that  he 
would  return  on  short  notice  should  any  emergency  arise.  He 
left  the  army  on  July  25,  with  despatches  for  the  President 
and  Secretary  of  War.  After  seeing  them  both,  he  went 
on  to  New  York  and  Danbury  the  next  day.  It  is  not  known 
what  passed  between  him  and  the  Washington  authorities, 
but  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  he  posted  them  fully,  not 
only  as  to  the  history  of  recent  operations  but  as  to  the 
requirements  of  the  army,  forgetting  neither  the  necessity 


256  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

for  the  draft  nor  for  such  other  reinforcements  as  could  safely 
be  drawn  from  other  departments. 

During  the  absence  of  Rawlins,  his  faithful  assistant,  Bow 
ers,  kept  him  informed  by  daily  letters,  written  the  last  thing 
at  night,  in  reference  to  all  matters  of  importance  which 
took  place  at  headquarters  after  August  i.  These  letters 
contain  many  interesting  comments  upon  current  events,  and 
especially  upon  the  operations  that  were  undertaken  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  Lee  from  detaching  further  reenforce- 
ments  to  Early  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia. 

On  August  2  Bowers  reported  the  losses  of  the  various 
corps  of  the  army  in  the  operations  following  the  mine  ex 
plosion  as  4,400  men,  of  whom  1,960  were  prisoners;  and 
that  the  failure  of  our  troops  to  break  through  the  gap  made 
by  the  explosion  had  produced  a  feeling  of  gloom  and  de 
spondency  which  threatened  to  paralyze  future  operations. 
The  next  day  he  reported  that  he  was  having  unusual  trouble 
on  account  of  whiskey  permits.  Nearly  all  the  sutlers  were 
asking  for  such  permits,  and  the  embarrassment  was  in 
creased  by  the  demand  of  the  Chief  Quartermaster  in  behalf 
of  his  own  sutler,  who  wanted  permission  to  introduce  a 
large  number  of  cases  of  liquor  and  bitters.  Permission  was 
refused  and  Colonel  Bowers  adds: 

.  .  .  The  Quartermaster  General  thought  my  course  unreason 
able  and  my  objections  mawkish,  youthful  sentiment.  He  said  if 
you  were  here  no  objection  would  be  interposed.  I  told  him  that 
he  was  much  mistaken  unless  you  had  radically  changed  your 
views,  that  I  had  derived  my  education  on  the  subject  from  you, 
that  he  could  appeal  to  Grant  and  I  would  do  his  bidding,  but 
that  so  help  me  God,  I  never  would  voluntarily  stock  this  army 
with  liquor.  Grant  was  not  accessible  and  so  the  matter  ended 
for  the  time.  .  .  . 

Early  in  the  month  of  August,  Grant  went  to  Washing 
ton  for  the  purpose  of  looking  after  its  defence  against 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  257 

Early's  army  operating  in  that  direction.     Referring  to  this 
trip,  Bowers  wrote  Rawlins,  August  10: 

...  I  have  tried  to  induce  the  General  to  remove  Halleck. 
While  he  confesses  to  having  been  deceived  in  him  and  having 
now  his  eyes  open  as  to  Halleck's  position  and  conduct,  he  will 
not  bring  himself  at  present  to  take  the  step  we  urge.  He  has, 
however,  settled  Halleck  down  into  a  mere  staff  officer  for  Stan- 
ton.  Halleck  has  no  control  over  troops  except  as  Grant  delegates 
it.  He  can  give  no  orders  and  exercise  no  discretion.  Grant  now 
runs  the  whole  machine  independently  of  the  Washington  direc 
tory.  I  am  glad  to  say  he  is  fully  himself,  works  vigorously  and 
will  soon  devise  another  plan  for  discomfiting  the  enemies  of  the 
country.  .  .  . 

Referring  to  a  movement  similar  to  that  contemplated  when 
Hancock  and  Sheridan  were  sent  to  Deep  Bottom,  he  wrote, 
August  12: 

The  troops  are  already  in  motion  and  everything  is  being  con 
ducted  with  great  vigor  and  secrecy  ...  If  the  movement  suc 
ceeds  it  will  give  us  Richmond.  The  prospects  are  fair.  Indeed 
my  expectations  are  up  to  the  highest  pitch.  After  debating  the 
subject  seriously  I  this  morning  telegraphed  you  to  come  up  by 
the  first  train.  I  was  not  only  agonizing  to  have  you  here  but  I 
feared  you  would  think  me  unfaithful  if  I  neglected  to  recall  you 
on  the  eve  of  important  action.  I  know  the  General  would  be 
rejoiced  to  have  you  present  but  his  solicitude  for  your  restora 
tion  to  health  would  prevent  his  sending  for  you  as  long  as  he 
could.  I  think  when  I  see  you  you  will  approve  my  action  in 
telegraphing  you  to  return.1 

On  August  20  he  wrote : 

.  .  .  The  impression  is  becoming  almost  universal  that  for  po 
litical  considerations  the  President  will  suspend  the  draft.  If  he 
does,  good-bye  United  States. 

The  General  is  fully  himself,  although  in  impaired  health.   .   .   . 

1  Not  found.  Correspondence  with  Bowers's  brother  brought  out  the 
fact  that  his  letters  had  not  been  kept. 


258  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

The  next  day  he  wrote : 

...  I  jiever  before  saw  Grant  so  intensely  anxious  to  do  some 
thing.  He  appears  determined  to  try  every  possible  expedient. 
His  plans  are  good  but  the  great  difficulty  is  that  our  troops  can 
not  be  relied  upon.  The  failure  to  take  advantage  of  opportuni 
ties  pains  and  chafes  him  beyond  anything  I  have  ever  before 
known  him  to  manifest. 

Each  and  every  member  of  the  staff  daily  requests  me  to  pre 
sent  you  his  kindest  remembrances.  .  .  . 

On  the  25th  he  wrote: 

.  .  .  Anxious  as  we  all  are  to  have  you  return  we  trust  you  will; 
remain  until  your  health  has  permanently  improved,  unless  the 
necessities  of  the  service  here  make  your  presence  indispensable. 
In  the  latter  case  we  shall  promptly  telegraph  you  to  come.  I  will 
show  portions  of  your  letter  to  the  General  in  the  morning  and 
to-morrow  will  give  you  his  views  on  the  subject.  I  regret  to  say 
that  Grant  has  been  quite  unwell  for  the  past  ten  days.  He  feels 
languid  and  feeble  and  is  hardly  able  to  keep  about,  yet  he  tends 
to  business  promptly  and  his  daily  walk  and  conduct  are  unexcep 
tionable.  .  .  . 

This  is  the  last  of  Bowers's  letters,  as  he  was  about  this 
time  called  home  on  account  of  his  widowed  mother's  severe 
illness.  But  the  daily  reports  from  headquarters  were  con 
tinued  by  Captain  Leet,  who  thenceforth  kept  Rawlins  offi 
cially  informed  of  what  was  taking  place  not  only  there 
but  throughout  the  entire  theatre  of  war. 

The  situation  from  the  time  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
crossed  the  James  and  sat  down  before  Petersburg  was  a 
discouraging  one.  Grant  had  early  in  the  campaign  com 
mitted  the  serious  mistake  of  dividing  his  cavalry,  thus  mak 
ing  it  easy  for  the  Confederate  leader  to  use  his  entire 
mounted  force  supported  by  a  moving  column  of  infantry, 
from  a  central  position  on  shorter  or  interior  lines  against 
our  detachments,  as  well  as  for  the  reestablishment  and  main 
tenance  of  his  communications  with  the  Confederacy.  Raw- 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  259 

lins's  letters,  as  well  as  the  Records,  show  that  Sheridan, 
instead  of  going  on  to  Hunter,  which  he  might  have  done,  or 
rejoining  the  army  immediately  after  the  fight  at  Trevillian's 
Station,  pursued  a  circuitous  route  to  the  White  House  and 
then  lost  eleven  days  in  getting  from  the  White  House  to  the 
left  of  Grant's  infantry  front,  when  the  distance  of  about 
fifty  miles,  including  the  passage  of  the  James,  might  have 
been  covered  easily  in  two,  or  at  most  three,  marches,  My 
discomfiture  at  the  close  of  the  movement  against  the  Dan 
ville  and  Southside  Railroads  was  the  direct  result  of  this 
division  of  force  and  of  Sheridan's  unnecessarily  long  absence 
north  of  the  James.  Both  should  have  been  entirely  suc 
cessful  had  we  been  directed  to  operate  together,  first  north 
and  then  south  of  Richmond. 

Immediately  after  I  began  the  operations  confided  to  me, 
the  army  made  another  failure,  which  was  a  great  disap 
pointment  not  only  to  Rawlins  but  to  every  general  in  it.  I 
refer  now  to  the  effort  to  complete  the  circumvallation  of 
Petersburg  on  the  south  side  of  the  Appomattox,  which  was 
an  essential  part  of  Grant's  general  plan.  While  it  was  not 
absolutely  necessary  to  my  safe  return,  both  Grant  and  Meade 
confidently  said  that  it  would  be  accomplished  on  the 
twenty-second  and  twenty-third  of  June  and  that  in  any  event 
the  door  would  be  kept  open  for  me.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  all  of  Grant's  efforts  to  rest  the  left  of  his  army  on  the 
Appomattox  were  frustrated  till  April  2,  1865,  or  for  a  total 
period  of  nine  months.  The  energy  and  skill  with  which  Lee 
during  that  period  held  and  extended  his  line  of  defence  from 
the  Appomattox  below  Petersburg  to  Five  Forks,  nearly  forty 
miles  straight  out  into  the  country,  and  thus  covered  both 
the  city  and  its  railroad  connections,  while  he  kept  up  his 
connection  with  the  Confederacy,  are  among  the  marvels 
of  modern  warfare.  They  are  worthy  of  the  most  careful 
study  and  consideration  by  military  men.  Grant  did  his  best 
from  time  to  time  to  break  through  or  turn  this  line  of 


2<5o  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

defence,  but  after  making  due  allowance  for  the  mistakes  and 
mismanagement  which  are  always  liable  in  military  opera 
tions,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  efficiency  of  the  army  had 
been  so  lowered  that  it  seemed  unequal  to  the  task  before  it. 
Grant  had  a  considerable  preponderance  of  force  over  Lee 
throughout  the  campaign,  but  withal  he  did  not  have  sufficient 
to  hold  his  own  works,  cover  his  base,  maintain  his  line  of 
communication,  and  detach  at  the  same  time  a  force  strong 
enough  to  turn  Lee's  right  flank  completely  and  drive  it  from 
the  field,  till  after  the  other  Confederate  forces  operating  else 
where  in  Virginia  had  been  overthrown.  Had  Rawlins's  pol 
icy  in  favor  of  the  prompt  and  rigid  enforcement  of  the  draft 
and  of  fetching  reinforcements  from  other  departments  been 
earlier  and  more  vigorously  carried  into  effect,  it  is  now  con 
ceded  that  the  end  might  have  been  reached  just  so  much 
sooner. 

During  the  excessively  hot  weather  of  August  and  Sep 
tember  the  army  in  front  of  Petersburg  remained  on  the  de 
fensive,  or  its  operations  were  desultory  and  inconclusive. 
Consequently  many  of  the  officers  took  leave  of  absence. 
Rawlins,  who  was  among  the  first  to  go,  was  again  encour 
aged  and  anxious  to  return  to  duty,  but  with  that  thoughtful 
kindness  which  never  failed  him,  Grant  insisted  upon  Raw 
lins  remaining  away  till  rest  and  care  should  completely 
restore  him.  His  brother-officers,  with  most  of  whom  he  was 
a  strong  favorite,  in  spite  of  the  favorable  reports  he  sent 
back,  had  begun  to  feel  anxious  on  account  of  his  prolonged 
absence,  though  .as  yet  it  is  far  from  certain  that  any  of 
them  realized  that  he  was  in  the  clutches  of  a  fatal  disease. 
On  September  25,  Babcock  strongly  advised  Rawlins  by  let 
ter  to  give  up  the  idea  of  further  service  in  the  field  and  to 
establish  headquarters  at  Washington.  He  reenforced  this 
advice  by  saying  that  all  his  friends  concurred  in  the  opinion 
that  this  would  be  the  best  course  for  him.  While  Grant's 
name  was  not  mentioned,  it  may  be  regarded  as  certain  that 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  261 

the  letter  would  not  have  been  written  without  his  permission. 

But  in  spite  of  this  solicitude  for  his  health  and  welfare, 
Rawlins  remained  firm,  and  after  nearly  three  months  spent 
with  his  family,  mostly  in  the  bracing  air  of  the  Connecticut 
highlands,  returned  to  his  post  of  duty  at  City  Point,  some 
what  improved  in  strength  and  looks,  but  still  far  from  as 
fit  as  he  ought  to  have  been  for  military  work.  While  absent 
he  had  consulted  a  specialist  in  New  York,  who  pronounced 
his  lungs  sound,  but  said  he  was  suffering  from  chronic  bron 
chitis,  which  would  yield  to  proper  treatment.  Dana,  who 
held  him  in  the  highest  esteem,  saw  him  while  passing  through 
Washington,  and  wrote  me  that  he  was  sorry  to  notice  in  him 
"the  signs  of  increasing  disease."  He  added  ominously:  "I 
fear  there  is  no  escape  for  him."  Both  Porter  and  Bowers 
held  similar  views  and  wrote  in  the  same  strain,  but  I  am 
persuaded  that  none  of  them  yet  realized  that  the  indomitable 
Chief  of  Staff  was  hopelessly  ill.  After  his  return  he  took 
encouragement  from  every  flash  of  sunlight  and  every  pass 
ing  breeze,  and  thenceforth  remained  steadfastly  at  his  post 
to  the  end.  But  whether  from  impaired  strength  and  the 
wish  of  his  Chief  to  spare  him  from  the  drudgery  of  his  po 
sition,  or  from  other  causes,  it  is  certain  that  he  took  less  and 
less  part  thereafter  in  the  detailed  work  of  the  staff. 

When  he  arrived  at  headquarters  the  heat  of  summer  had 
given  way  to  cool  and  comfortable  nights.  But  it  was  still 
a  period  of  great  anxiety.  While  his  faithful  assistants  had 
kept  him  fully  informed  of  what  was  going  on  during  his 
absence,  and  the  newspapers  with  what  had  taken  place 
throughout  the  entire  theatre  of  military  operations,  there  was 
still  much  pertaining  to  present  and  future  plans  which  he 
could  learn  only  at  Grant's  headquarters.  It  was  painfully 
apparent  to  him,  as  well  as  to  the  country  at  large,  that  the 
failure  of  all  efforts  to  turn,  or  dislodge,  the  Confederates 
from  their  strongly  fortified  positions  covering  Petersburg 
and  Richmond  had  not  only  greatly  discouraged  the  Admin- 


262  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

istration,  the  army,  and  its  leaders,  but  had  correspondingly 
encouraged  the  Confederates,  and  begotten  a  feeling  on  the 
part  of  Lee  that  the  time  had  now  come  for  a  counter- 
movement  against  Washington  and  the  country  to  the  north 
ward. 

The  tacit  truce  and  the  feeling  of  uncertainty  were  rudely 
broken  by  the  detachment  of  Early  with  a  mixed  but  con 
siderable  force  of  infantry,  cavalry  and  artillery  to  move  first 
into  the  Valley  of  Virginia  and  thence  across  the  Potomac 
against  the  National  Capital.  The  Confederate  advance  was 
soon  discovered,  and  the  country  was  at  once  alive  with  ap 
prehension.  Gold,  which  was  already  high  in  terms  of  green 
backs  and  National  bank  currency,  rose  rapidly.  The  disas 
trous  failure  of  the  campaign  against  Lynchburg  had  shaken 
the  confidence  of  the  Administration  in  Hunter's  capacity  as  a 
leader.  Halleck,  the  Chief  of  Staff,  was  in  Grant's  absence 
its  main  dependence,  but  the  public  had  no  confidence  in  him, 
While  there  were  plenty  of  troops  within  reach,  there  was 
no  one  at  hand  to  command  or  lead  them  efficiently,  conse 
quently  Early's  advance  met  with  but  little  serious  opposi 
tion  until  it  encountered  and  defeated  the  unfortunate  Lew 
Wallace  at  the  crossing  of  the  Monocacy. 

As  the  danger  became  more  and  more  apparent,  the  Sixth 
Corps  and  one  division  of  cavalry  were  detached  from  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  and  hurried  by  transport  to  Wash 
ington.  Sheridan  was  shortly  afterwards  assigned  to  the 
command  and  at  once  called  for  another  division  of  cavalry. 
All  the  troops  within  reach,  or  that  could  be  spared  from 
other  departments,  were  ordered  to  the  point  of  danger. 
Meanwhile  Early,  who  was  a  cautious  as  well  as  a  resolute 
commander,  after  reaching  the  outer  fortifications  of  Wash 
ington,  where  he  first  got  wind  of  the  real  storm  gathering 
against  him,  began  his  retreat,  without  tarrying  to  strike 
home  for  victory.  After  a  few  days  he  was  safe  behind 
the  Blue  Ridge. 


WEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  263 

But  Sheridan  was  now  in  the  field,  though  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  that  vigorous  officer  took  hold  but  cautiously 
at  first.  The  stakes  were  great,  but  as  this  was  his  first 
independent  command,  he  naturally  felt  the  importance  of 
making  no  mistake.  Gathering  his  forces  as  rapidly  as  pos 
sible,  but  manoeuvering  them  cautiously,  two  months  and  more 
passed  away  without  a  serious  engagement.  The  country  be 
gan  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  giving  so  young  a  man  as 
Sheridan  so  important  a  command.  Gold,  which  was  the 
country's  military  barometer,  rose  to  a  point  never  reached 
before.  The  mine  explosion  and  the  assault  at  Petersburg 
were  everywhere  regarded  as  a  disastrous  and  expensive  fail 
ure,  all  aggressive  operations  had  come  to  an  ominous  stand 
still,  and  the  feeling  of  gloom  and  despondency  which  had 
settled  on  the  country  were  accentuated  by  Sheridan's  cau 
tion,  till  Grant  finally  went  in  person  to  the  Valley  and  told 
him  to  "go  in!" 

The  battle  of  Winchester,  resulting,  as  it  did,  in  a  com 
plete  victory  over  Early,  which  was  followed  by  the  battle 
of  Cedar  Creek  and  the  ultimate  destruction  of  Early 's  army, 
restored  public  confidence  and,  what  was  still  better,  enabled 
Grant  later  to  gather  up  and  concentrate  in  front  of  Peters 
burg  an  overwhelming  force  with  which  to  move  against  Lee 
and  his  dwindling  army. 

Rawlins,  being  absent  for  much  of  the  time,  had  but  little 
to  do  with  the  preliminary  dispositions  that  led  to  these  im 
portant  results.  He  returned  to  headquarters  at  City  Point 
on  October  3,  and  the  next  day  wrote  to  his  wife  in  Connec 
ticut  as  follows: 

...  I  arrived  here  last  evening  at  7  P.  M. 

.  .  .  The  General  goes  to  Washington  to-day  to  see  if  he  can 
not  hurry  up  the  reinforcements  for  this  army.  The  situation 
here  is  more  than  flattering.  All  we  want  is  a  few  thousand  more 
men  to  enable  us  to  strike  a  blow  that  will  tell  and  tell  to  the  death 
of  the  Rebellion.  I  find  here  every  convenience  for  my  comfort, 


264  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

a  room  with  a  grate  in  it,  neatly  fixed  up  for  my  occupation.  The 
fact  is  I  could  have  no  more  convenience  in  the  city  of  Washing 
ton  than  I  have  here. 

My  cold  is  a  little  improved  but  I  fear  a  little  the  dampness  of 
the  weather.  A  few  days  will  test  my  ability  to  remain  here.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  7,  1864.  .  .  .  General  Wilson  has  been  rec 
ommended  for  a  brevet  major  general  and  ordered  to  Sherman 
to  command  his  cavalry.  It  was  or  is  necessary  that  he  have 
such  rank  to  enable  him  to  command,  for  most  of  the  brigadiers 
out  with  Sherman  are  his  superiors  in  rank.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  8,  1864.  .  .  .  Yesterday  in  company  with 
Colonel  Parker  and  my  friend,  Mr.  Felt  of  Galena,  I  went  to 
General  Butler's  front,  arriving  there  just  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  fight,  but  before  the  excitement  and  confusion  consequent 
after  an  attack,  had  subsided.  .  .  . 

General  Grant  has  not  yet  returned.  We  look  for  him  to-day 
and  unless  the  weather  was  too  heavy  last  night  for  his  boat  to 
run  on  the  bay,  he  will  most  certainly  be  here. 

Troops  are  arriving  very  slowly.  How  long  it  will  be  before 
we  are  ready  to  make  a  determined  move  against  Richmond  I  am 
unable  to  say.  A  heavy  and  organized  force  will  perhaps  reach 
here  during  the  ensuing  week.  If  it  arrives  we  shall  not  remain 
long  idle,  and  stirring  news  may  be  expected  from  this  quarter. 
I  am  getting  along  quite  comfortably.  The  weather  is  dry  and 
fine  but  my  cough  has  not  left  me  although  my  appetite  and  di 
gestion  are  good.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  10,  1864.  .  .  .  Hood  has  adopted  a  bold 
plan  of  campaign.  He  has  abandoned  every  point  south  and 
struck  out  with  his  whole  army  northward.  On  the  9th  he  was 
crossing  the  Coosa  River  twelve  miles  south  of  Rome,  which  is 
far  north  of  Atlanta.  He  was  moving  westward  evidently  with 
the  view  of  getting  onto  the  Mobile  &  Ohio  Railroad,  in  the  State 
of  Mississippi,  now  in  operation  to  Corinth,  or  to  move  towards 
the  Ohio  River  via  Nashville.  I  cannot  myself  see  other  than 
great  disaster  to  him,  if  Sherman  pursues  him  as  is  his  character 
to  pursue.  Of  course  this  movement  was  unexpected  and  makes 
even  Grant  scratch  his  head.  But  with  the  rebels  it  is  despera 
tion,  and  even  despairing  as  they  are,  nothing  but  an  underesti 
mate  of  Sherman's  forces  could  have  induced  them  to  undertake 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  265 

it.  Sherman  is  strong  enough  to  hold  Atlanta  and  move  a  suffi 
cient  force  to  defeat  Hood,  for  as  he  nears  the  Tennessee  River 
he  gathers  up  many  men  on  the  line  of  the  railroad  and  also  comes 
closer  to  his  supplies. 

Here  all  is  quiet  and  will  be  until  reinforcements  arrive  which 
we  are  daily  expecting.  In  the  last  ten  days  a  little  upwards  of 
seven  thousand  reinforcements  have  joined  us.  So  you  see  less 
than  a  thousand  a  day  come  forward.  But  we  will  have  here 
before  Monday  some  of  the  old  organized  and  reliable  heroes  of 
the  war.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  12,  1864.  .  .  .  General  Dodge  of  the  West 
ern  Army  is  here.  It  does  one's  heart  good  to  meet  one  from  the 
army  that  has  made  such  a  bright  record  for  its  country's  honor 
and  its  own  fame.  I  can  shake  the  hands  of  these  veterans  and 
heroes  with  something  of  the  thrill  of  joy  and  pride  that  pervades 
my  being  when  I  take  hold  of  the  hand  of  my  own  dear  wife  after 
months  of  absence  .  .  . 

General  Quimby,  formerly  of  the  old  army,  is  also  here.  He 
is,  however,  not  in  the  service  at  present,  having  long  since  re 
signed.  Major  General  Doyle  of  the  English  service  is  here.  He 
is  the  least  English  and  most  American  of  any  Englishman  I  have 
ever  met.  He  sympathizes  with  us  in  our  struggle  to  maintain 
our  governmental  authority,  and  furthermore  he  believes  we  will 
succeed.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  13,  1864.  ...  No  news. of  any  importance 
from  any  quarter  .  .  .  On  the  loth  General  Grant  upon  my  put 
ting  the  unreliableness  and  insubordination  of  Rosecrans  clearly 
before  his  mind,  and  showing  him  that  should  Hood  get  well  up  in 
Tennessee,  he  would  have  great  difficulty  in  getting  troops  from 
Rosecrans  to  help  resist  Hood,  he  telegraphed  to  Washington 
and  asked  to  have  Rosecrans  removed  and  some  one  sent  out 
there  who  would  take  at  once  the  offensive  and  defeat  or  at  least 
drive  Price  clean  out  of  the  State,  and  on  the  nth  he  sent  up  the 
name  of  General  Crook  as  the  one  to  relieve  Rosecrans.  Whether 
this  order  will  be  made  I  cannot  say,  but  I  deem  it  most  important 
to  the  public  service  that  it  should  be  made. 

What  course  Sherman  will  pursue  now  that  Hood  has  thrown 
himself  north  of  him,  so  as  to  threaten  his  communications,  is 
not  fully  determined,  but  if  he  carries  out  the  plan  he  proposed 
to  General  Grant,  and  which  was  approved  by  General  Grant, 


266  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

conditioned  that  Thomas  had  force  enough  to  hold  the  line  of  the 
Tennessee,  why  you  may  look  for  Sherman  within  a  few  weeks 
to  come  out  at  some  one  of  the  great  Atlantic  or  Gulf  cities.  This 
of  course  you  will  keep  to  yourself  .  .  . 

I  learn  from  a  letter  of  Rowley  to  Colonel  Parker,  that  Lemon 
has  enlisted,  so  has  Obediah  Taylor.  This  is  the  spirit  that  ani 
mates  the  Western  country  and  makes  Western  troops  invincible 
— the  spirit  which  sends  young  men  of  first  standing  and  respecta 
bility  to  the  field  to  fill  up  the  thinned  ranks  of  our  veteran  regi 
ments.  Jarradd  writes  me  from  California  that  he  is  coming 
on  here  in  February  and  will  enter  the  service  as  a  private.  So 
you  see  our  children  will  not  be  ashamed  to  hear  the  mention  of 
their  family  name  in  connection  with  this  bloody  strife.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  15,  1864.  .  .  .  We  are  expecting  Secretary 
Stanton  here  to-morrow  to  confer  with  the  General  upon  the  field 
of  operations  for  all  the  armies.  No  news  has  been  had  for  sev 
eral  days  from  Sherman.  I  suppose,  however,  that  he  is  follow 
ing  up  Hood,  who  at  last  accounts  was  at  Dalton  on  the  railroad 
north  of  Atlanta  about  one  hundred  miles,  and  south  of  Chatta 
nooga  thirty-eight.  It  may  be  that  Sherman  has  cut  loose  and 
gone  down  through  Georgia,  but  I  think  not.  Too  fine  an  oppor 
tunity  presents  itself  for  the  entire  destruction  of  Hood's  army 
for  Sherman  not  to  avail  himself  of  it.  ... 

City  Point,  October  16,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  here  to-day  Secre 
tary  Stanton,  the  Quartermaster  General,  the  Commissary  Gen 
eral  and  the  Surgeon  General,  also  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  many  of  the  public  men  of  the  country.  I  suppose  they  will 
leave  to-morrow. 

Mr.  Antrobus,  the  artist  whom  you  met  at  Chicago  and  who 
painted  the  General's  portrait,  is  also  with  us.  He  is  glad  that 
he  did  not  then  get  a  sitting  of  me  for  the  reason  that  I  now  look 
so  much  fleshier  than  then.  I  was  weighed  to-day  and  find  that  I 
am  ten  pounds  heavier  than  my  usual  weight  which  is  155  pounds. 
I  now  weigh  165,  and  am  daily  getting  heavier.  My  cough  is 
also  better.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  18,  1864.  .  .  .  Never  since  I  used  to  work 
on  the  farm  have  I  had  such  an  appetite  as  now.  My  digestion  is 
good  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  my  recovery.  News  from  Sherman 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  267 

about  the  same  as  yesterday.    Everything  here  very  quiet  and  will 
remain  so  for  some  days. 

Mr.  Antrobus  is  painting  a  portrait  of  me  for  Russell  Jones. 
I  have  already  gone  through  one  sitting.2  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  19,  1864.  .  .  .  Despatches  from  Harpers 
Ferry  say  that  from  five  o'clock  this  morning  and  up  to  late  this 
afternoon  heavy  and  continuous  cannonading  was  heard  near 
Strasburg,  which  we  suppose  was  a  battle  going  on  between 
Sheridan  and  Longstreet  who  succeeded  Early.  We  feel  great 
confidence  if  such  is  the  case  that  Sheridan  will  defeat  him.  A 
few  hours  will  fix  the  fact  whatever  it  may  be  ... 

Hood  has  lost  more  men  than  Sherman  in  this  recent  move  and 
his  men  must  feel  more  despondent  than  ever,  now  that  all  the 
promises  made  them  by  Hood  and  Jefferson  Davis  have  proven 
so  fruitless  to  them.  I  wish  we  had  this  army  of  Lee's  in  as  bad 
condition  as  the  army  of  Hood  necessarily  must  be. 

Everything  here  is  very  quiet.  Men  arrive  very  slowly.  We 
have  received  the  sad  intelligence  to-day  of  the  death  of  Major 
General  Birney  of  this  army.  He  was  a  noble,  true  man.  The 
country  will  lament  his  loss,  and  the  army  feel  it  as  almost  irrep 
arable.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  20,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  very  fine 
and  brings  us  news  of  Sheridan's  glorious  victory  of  yesterday, 
snatched  as  it  were  from  the  jaws  of  disastrous  defeat.  Early 
attacked  our  forces  early  yesterday  morning,  near  Strasburg,  Va., 
and  succeeded  in  turning  our  position  and  driving  our  whole  line 
in  confusion  a  distance  of  four  miles,  capturing  from  us  twenty 
pieces  of  artillery,  when  Sheridan  arrived  on  the  field  (he  having 
been  to  Washington)  took  command  of  our  retreating  forces  and 
by  his  masterly  generalship  brought  order  out  of  the  confusion, 
repelled  a  fierce  attack  of  Early  and  attacking  him  in  turn  routed 
and  defeated  him,  capturing  forty-three  pieces  of  artillery,  many 
prisoners  and  a  large  number  of  wagons  and  ambulances.  The 
losses  on  both  sides  were  heavy,  but  our  victory  was  complete. 

Everything  here  is  quiet,  no  news  from  Sherman  to-day,  nor 
have  we  any  from  Missouri.  I  have  been  urging  the  removal 
of  General  Rosecrans  ever  since  my  return,  and  General  Grant 

2  This  portrait,  from  which  the  half-tone  frontispiece  was  taken,  is  now 
in  the  State  Library  at  Springfield,  Illinois. 


268  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

has  asked  to  have  it  done,  but  the  thing  hangs  fire  for  want  of 
some  one  to  take  his  place.  Rosecrans  seems  to  desire  that  Price 
should  remain  in  Missouri.  I  judge  so  from  his  inactivity,  for 
since  Price  entered  the  State  there  has  been  no  hour  but  Rose 
crans  had  sufficient  men  to  defeat  and  drive  him  from  it.  ... 

City  Point,  October  21,  1864.  .  .  .  More  detailed  report  from 
Sheridan  of  his  victory  on  the  iQth  instant  increases  the  number 
of  pieces  captured  to  over  fifty,  and  also  informs  us  of  driving  the 
enemy's  rear  guard  from  Fisher's  Hill. 

News  from  Sherman  is  to  the  effect  that  Hood  is  rapidly  re 
treating  to  the  South  and  he  is  following.  Missouri  news  is  very 
unsatisfactory,  as  to  all  save  one  thing,  and  that  is  the  unfitness 
and  incompetency  of  Rosecrans  for  his  present  command. 
Whether  any  order  will  soon  be  made  to  relieve  him  I  cannot  tell. 
General  Grant  has  certainly  done  his  duty  in  the  premises  and 
cannot  be  held  responsible  for  any  failures  in  that  quarter,  even 
if  it  should  be  the  blockading  of  the  Mississippi  River  again. 
This  latter,  however,  cannot  well  happen  for  General  G.  H. 
Thomas  is  looking  to  its  safety  with  the  troops  he  has  in  Ten 
nessee.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  23,  1864.  .  .  .  Another  beautiful  day  has 
closed.  No  news  of  interest  save  in  regard  to  General  Sherman's 
intended  campaign,  the  details  of  which  I  fear  to  write  lest  my 
letter  might  fail  to  reach  its  destination.  All  quiet  here.  Sheri 
dan  followed  the  enemy  to  Mt.  Jackson  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  25,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  clear  and 
cold.  No  news  of  note,  except  that  the  Mexican  Minister  Romero 
from  President  Juarez,  is  on  a  visit  here.  He  is  accompanied  by 
a  major  general  and  a  colonel  of  the  Mexican  service,  and  was 
received  in  the  manner  prescribed  for  the  reception  of  foreign 
ministers.  How  it  will  be  with  the  Minister  Maximilian  sends, 
I  cannot  say. 

News  from  Sherman  is  satisfactory.  All  progressing  well  with 
him.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  26,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  had  no  news  from 
Missouri  nor  from  Sheridan.  A  despatch  from  Sherman  shows 
all  well,  with  abundant  supplies  in  the  country  for  his  army.  In 
dications  are  that  Hood  has  not  yet  abandoned  his  intention  of 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  269 

invading  Tennessee.  Proposed  movements  of  Sherman  will,  how 
ever,  without  doubt,  compel  Hood  to  look  to  affairs  south. 
Otherwise  the  heaviest  blow  yet  dealt  will  fall  in  that  direction. 
Here  all  is  quiet  save  the  preparations  that  have  been  going  on 
for  a  movement  to-morrow  morning  against  the  Southside  Rail 
road,  which  I  have  but  little  doubt  will  bring  on  a  great  battle,  one 
perhaps  decisive  of  the  fate  of  Petersburg.  Should  the  railroad, 
however,  be  found  too  strongly  fortified,  we  shall  not  risk  an 
attack.  The  General  and  staff  go  to  the  front  to-morrow  morn 
ing.  I  shall  of  course  go  with  the  party.  In  God  who  has  thus 
far  protected  us  from  danger,  I  place  my  trust.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  28,  1864.  •  •  •  We  got  back  last  night  but 
I  was  so  tired,  I  put  off  writing  till  this  morning.  We  were  along 
the  line  of  our  march,  to  the  very  front  of  our  advance  and  up 
to  half-past  three  P.  M.  of  yesterday  had  found  no  place  favorable 
to  us,  for  an  attack.  Being  so  far  separated  from  our  base  of 
supplies,  and  not  having  what  we  conceived  to  be  a  sufficient  force 
to  warrant  cutting  loose  from  it  altogether,  we  determined  to 
return  to  our  entrenchments.  The  General  and  staff  started  for 
City  Point.  Up  to  the  time  named,  there  were  no  indications  of  a 
battle,  except  some  artillery  firing  to  which  we  were  perhaps  as 
much  exposed  as  any  others.  Although  the  shot  and  shell  came 
exceedingly  near,  no  one  was  hurt.  About  an  hour  after  we  left, 
however,  the  enemy  made  an  attack  on  Hancock  and  a  very  heavy 
battle  followed  in  which  neither  party  gained  anything  of  perma 
nent  advantage.  The  losses  on  both  sides  were  heavy.  We, 
however,  repulsed  the  enemy  and  held  possession  of  the  field  at 
dark,  but  during  the  night  commenced  to  retire. 

News  from  Missouri  is  cheering.  General  Price  has  been  se 
verely  defeated  and  General  Marmaduke  and  another  general 
captured.  Price  lost  ten  pieces  of  artillery  and  over  a  thousand 
prisoners.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Full  reports  of  the  battle  fought  yesterday  afternoon  show 
the  result  to  be  a  splendid  victory  for  us.  Hancock  retained  his 
position,  repulsed  the  enemy  and  held  possession  of  the  battle 
field  until  midnight  when  he  commenced  his  withdrawal  in  pur 
suance  of  orders  issued  to  him  before  the  battle.  The  loss  in 
killed  and  wounded  on  either  side  is  not  yet  stated  but  we  cap 
tured  910  prisoners  and  lost  but  60.  Among  the  rebels  killed  was 
Brigadier  General  Bearing.  On  the  north  side  of  the  river,  how- 


270  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ever,  we  did  not  fare  so  well.  General  Butler,  although  acting 
under  positive  orders  not  to  attack  the  enemy  in  fortified  position, 
did  so  attack  and  lost  for  us  full  one  thousand  men,  killed, 
wounded*  and  prisoners,  without  any  corresponding  damage,  if 
damage  at  all  to  the  enemy.  I  am  free  to  say  I  fear  the  continu 
ance  of  General  Butler  in  command  will  some  day  work  disaster 
of  a  serious  character  to  our  arms.  But  General  Grant  has  had  to 
deal  with  such  men  from  the  beginning  and  has  succeeded.  I 
therefore  have  hopes  he  may  succeed  with  this  one. 

General  Halleck  is  expected  here  to-morrow  on  official  busi 
ness  the  nature  of  which  has  not  yet  been  communicated  to  the 
General. 

I  have  been  urging  General  Grant  to  bring  here  at  once  fifteen 
thousand  of  the  veteran  troops  of  the  West,  to  help  end  this  cam 
paign  against  Richmond.  I  have  said  to  the  General  that  if  half 
the  pains  and  energy  had  been  shown  in  getting  troops  here  that 
have  been  taken  in  sending  them  unnecessarily  to  Missouri,  to 
drive  off  Price,  we  could  have  broken  the  enemy's  lines  yesterday 
and  held  in  our  hands  to-day  the  long  coveted  prize  of  Richmond. 
He  listens  favorably  and  I  have  hopes  he  will  adopt  my  views.  I 
am  still  quite  well.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  October  30,  1864.  .  .  .  No  news  here  of  any  kind. 
That  from  Sherman  is  that  Hood  is  heading  towards  Middle 
Tennessee  via  Decatur,  but  trusts  that  Thomas,  with  the  force  he 
has  sent  him,  will  be  able  to  prevent  Hood's  advance  north  of  the 
Tennessee  River. 

All  orders  to  General  Rosecrans  for  troops  of  Sherman's  com 
mand  to  be  returned  to  Tennessee,  where  they  are  likely  to  be 
greatly  needed,  having  failed  to  get  them,  I  have  received  orders 
and  instructions  from  General  Grant  to  proceed  at  once  to  St. 
Louis,  with  full  authority  in  the  premises  to  enforce  obedience  to 
these  orders.  I  leave  here  this  morning.  The  trip  I  do  not  much 
like,  and  were  it  not  for  the  confidence  the  General  has  in  my 
ability  to  discharge  the  duties  imposed,  over  any  other  member 
of  his  staff,  I  would  get  myself  excused.  But  the  importance  to 
the  public  service,  of  the  faithful  execution  of  my  orders,  will 
tend  to  the  interest  of  my  going,  and  will  lighten  in  a  great  degree 
the  wearisomeness  of  it. 

I  shall  perhaps  be  absent  two  weeks,  and  unless  I  find  a  letter 
from  you  at  Washington  as  I  go  west,  will  not  hear  from  you 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  271 

until  my  return.     Major  General  Halleck  is  here  and  I  go  with 
him  on  a  special  boat  to  Washington.  .  .  . 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  November  3,  1864.  .  .  .  Until  to-day,  I  have 
not  had  a  moment  for  writing  since  I  left  Washington,  which 
place  I  left  on  the  3ist  ultimo.  Without  missing  a  connection  I 
arrived  here  this  morning  at  one  o'clock  in  as  good  health  and 
spirits  as  when  I  started,  save  a  slight  cold  which  does  not  trouble 
me  much.  I  have  not  yet  seen  General  Rosecrans.  He  is  absent 
from  the  city  but  a  despatch  from  him  states  he  will  return  this 
evening.  Until  he  does,  or  at  least,  until  I  see  him,  I  shall  be 
unable  to  state  when  I  shall  leave  for  City  Point. 

I  have  met  two  or  three  of  my  old  friends  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  among  them  General  Grierson  of  cavalry  celebrity. 
They  were  delighted  to  see  me.  My  mission  will  I  trust  greatly 
aid  the  success  of  General  Grierson's  trip  here,  he  having  come 
for  the  express  purpose  of  trying  to  get  General  Rosecrans  to 
return  to  Memphis  the  cavalry  of  West  Tennessee,  which  are  a 
part  of  the  troops,  I  am  also  here  with  orders  to  send  back.  .  .  . 

St.  Louis,  Nov.  4,  1864.  ...  I  met  General  Rosecrans  this 
morning  and  transacted  with  him  the  business  on  which  I  was 
sent.  I  was  delighted  to  find  that  in  pursuance  of  orders  pre 
viously  telegraphed  to  him,  he  was  moving  the  troops  for  which 
I  came  here,  to  the  river  for  embarkment.  It  saved  me  a  long 
and  perhaps  perilous  journey  to  the  interior  of  the  State,  which 
is  infested  with  bands  of  guerillas.  General  Rosecrans  received 
me  with  great  cordiality  and  assures  me  that  the  orders  I  brought 
to  him  from  General  Grant  shall  be  promptly  complied  with.  I 
also  saw  this  afternoon  General  A.  J.  Smith,  who  confirms  all 
that  General  Rosecrans  said  to  me  of  his  (Rosecrans)  disposi 
tion  to  obey  the  orders  of  General  Grant.  My  orders  were  to 
remain  here  until  the  troops  for  which  I  came  were  embarked 
and  off  but  as  matters  were  promising  so  well  when  I  came  here, 
and  as  I  am  assured  they  will  continue  so,  I  deem  it  unnecessary 
to  remain  longer,  and  I  have  so  telegraphed  the  General.  Unless 
he  thinks  differently  I  shall  leave  here  for  City  Point  on  Sunday 
evening.  .  .  . 

St.  Louis,  Nov.  5,  1864.  ...  I  have  been  very  busy  this  even 
ing  getting  off  orders  to  troops  and  despatches  to  General  Grant, 
and  was  in  hopes  I  would  be  able  to  leave  here  to-morrow,  but  I 


272  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

have  learned  some  things  that  may  detain  me  two  or  three  days 
longer.    I  still  hope  to  get  away  but  I  fear  I  shall  not. 

I  was  out  to  see  Mrs.  Grant,  at  her  father's.  She  is  in  excellent 
health  and  inquired  most  affectionately  after  you  and  your  wel 
fare.  She  is  very  anxious  to  have  you  visit  her  at  Philadelphia 
and  go  with  her  to  City  Point  on  a  visit  to  the  General  and  my 
self.  We  will  discuss  this  when  we  meet  which  I  hope  will  be  in 
New  York  Thursday  or  Friday.  .  .  . 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  detachment  of  rny  division  from 
the  Army  in  front  of  Petersburg  to  join  Sheridan  in  the 
Valley,  and  my  subsequent  detail  to  command  the  cavalry  of 
Sherman's  Military  Division  in  the  Southwest,  separated  me 
entirely  from  Rawlins,  with  or  near  whom  I  had  been  serv 
ing  for  over  two  years.  As  before  related,  I  first  met  him 
in  Northern  Mississippi  and  during  the  Vicksburg  and  Chat 
tanooga  campaigns  was  his  constant  companion  and  intimate 
friend.  As  Engineer  and  Inspector  on  the  same  staff,  till  pro 
moted  and  ordered  to  Washington,  I  knew  both  his  daily  life 
and  his  inmost  thoughts.  After  taking  the  field  in  Virginia, 
with  the  cavalry,  I  saw  him  often  and  enjoyed  his  confidence 
without  break  or  intermission;  but  from  the  time  I  left  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  on  August  5,  1864,  I  did  not  meet  him 
again  till  after  the  war  had  ended.  Although  he  was  never 
a  ready  correspondent,  it  was  our  custom  to  write  to  each 
other  on  subjects  of  common  interest  from  that  time  till  the 
date  of  his  death.  During  my  service  in  Tennessee,  Alabama, 
and  Georgia,  and  especially  after  Sherman  had  begun  his 
"March  to  the  Sea"  and  Hood  had  begun  his  invasion  of 
Middle  Tennessee,  I  kept  him  fully  informed  of  all  impor 
tant  matters  in  regard  to  which  I  felt  that  he  and  the  Lieu 
tenant  General  should  have  accurate  and  disinterested  infor 
mation.  But  my  correspondence  with  the  headquarters  of  the 
army  was  not  confined  to  Rawlins.  Porter,  Babcock,  and 
Bowers,  at  first,  and  Badeau  afterwards,  participated  in  it, 
and  the  information  which  I  sent  was,  when  deemed  neces- 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  273 

sary,  communicated  also  to  Grant.  In  this  way  he  had  an 
independent  source  of  information,  especially  in  reference  to 
the  disposition  and  the  preparation  of  the  troops,  the  condi 
tion  of  the  country  and  the  roads,  and  the  character  and  effi 
ciency  of  the  leadings  officers,  their  relative  deserts,  as  well 
as  their  claims  for  recognition  and  promotion. 

As  occasion  offered  I  pointed  out  to  Rawlins  that  Sherman 
had  taken  the  flower  and  pick  of  the  army  on  the  "March  to 
the  Sea,"  and  had  left  Thomas  with  the  dismounted  cavalry 
and  the  poorer  infantry,  which  was  widely  scattered,  to  make 
head  against  Hood  and  his  veterans,  whom  Sherman  had  left 
behind,  still  aggressive  and  unbeaten.  I  also  pointed  out  the 
danger  of  defeat,  and  the  urgent  necessity  for  the  concen 
tration  of  all  the  forces  available  in  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
and  Missouri,  and  especially  for  the  remqunt  of  the  cavalry. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  confidence  of  others  in  imme 
diate  success,  Rawlins  indulged  in  no  illusions.  He  appeared 
to  see  from  the  first  that  Thomas  might  be  overthrown  be 
fore  he  could  gather  his  widely  scattered  forces  together  and 
weld  them  into  an  efficient  army,  and  it  was  doubtless  for  this 
reason  that  Grant  sent  his  Chief  of  Staff  to  Missouri  with 
full  authority  to  hurry  the  idle  troops  from  that  department 
to  Nashville  for  the  purpose  of  reenforcing  the  army  in  front 
of  that  place.  In  spite  of  all  Rawlins  could  do,  however,  in 
spite  of  all  the  promises  made  by  Rosecrans,  and  in  spite  of 
the  anxiety  of  A.  J.  Smith,  the  hardy  and  aggressive  com 
mander  of  the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps,  that  corps  was  nearly 
a  month,  or  four  times  longer  than  necessary,  in  moving  from 
St.  Louis  to  the  scene  of  action.  Rawlins  never  performed  a 
more  useful  service  than  when  he  hastened  the  concentration 
of  the  forces  with  which  Thomas  finally  won  his  splendid 
victory  at  Nashville.  Rawlins,  like  the  rest,  was  impatient 
at  the  delay  in  overwhelming  Hood,  but  having  far  more 
faith,  as  we  have  seen,  "in  the  infallibility  of  numbers  than 


274  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

in  the  infallibility  of  generals,"  he  took  no  rest  till  he  had  sent 
to  Thomas  every  available  man  within  reach. 

The  careful  reader  will  not  fail  to  note  the  many  impor 
tant  suggestions  contained  in  the  extracts  from  Rawlins's 
correspondence;  yet  their  bearing  upon  controverted  histor 
ical  points  is  not  always  clear.  It  has  long  been  known 
that  he  was  not  in  favor  of  Sherman's  starting  on  his  "March 
to  the  Sea,"  while  Hood  was  marching  northward,  and  this 
is  now  placed  beyond  controversy  by  what  Rawlins  wrote 
while  the  matter  was  under  discussion.  He  thought  that 
Sherman,  having  with  him  the  bulk  of  the  good  troops  of  his 
Military  Division,  should  follow  Hood  and  bring  him  to 
battle,  rather  than  permit  him  to  march  unmolested  against 
the  widely  scattered  forces  left  to  defend  the  territory  previ 
ously  taken  from  the  enemy.  He  rightly  thought  that 
Hood's  march  first  to  the  west  and  then  to  the  north  offered 
a  fine  opportunity  for  Sherman  to  throw  himself  upon  his 
rear,  cut  off  his  retreat,  and  destroy  his  army.  That  this 
would  have  been  the  policy  of  a  Napoleon  there  can  be  but 
little  question.  It  is  also  evident  that  when  the  intentions  of 
Hood  to  move  through  Middle  Tennessee  against  Nashville 
became  apparent,  Rawlins  at  once  became  the  strenuous  ad 
vocate  of  strengthening  Thomas  and  making  him  invincible 
by  sending  to  his  assistance  all  the  good  troops  that  could 
be  spared  from  other  departments.  This  was  clearly  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  simplest  maxims  of  war,  and  Grant  could 
not  have  paid  Rawlins  a  greater  compliment  than  to  send 
him  on  this  mission.  That  it  was  necessary  is  abundantly 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  its  urgency  and  the  orders 
given  to  Rosecrans  on  November  3  and  prior  thereto,  the  Six 
teenth  Corps  did  not  reach  Nashville  in  time  to  participate 
in  the  battle  of  Franklin,  which  was  fought  November  30, 
while  Grierson's  cavalry,  although  the  wounded  Upton  had 
been  sent  to  Memphis  to  hurry  it  to  its  destination,  did  not 
join  the  corps  in  Northern  Alabama  till  after  Hood's  army 


NEARING  THE  WAR'S  END  275 

had  been  defeated  and  driven  south  of  the  Tennessee  River. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  the  national  troops  attached 
to  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi  amounted  to  some 
thing  like  300,000  men  "present  and  absent,"  and  that  count 
ing  those  with  Sherman  and  those  gathered  up  by  Thomas  to 
make  head  against  Hood,  with  his  unbeaten  army  between 
them,  there  was  scarcely  120,000  effective  men  with  the  colors 
in  the  entire  Military  Division,  it  will  be  seen  that  Rawlins, 
who  knew  the  dangers  of  the  situation  perfectly,  had  abun 
dant  grounds  for  apprehension.  It  is  now  evident  that  the 
country  was  justly  alarmed,  and  that  Hood's  well-directed 
campaign  failed  solely  because  he  had  neither  men  nor  re 
sources  sufficient  to  make  it  a  success.  Strategically  his  plans 
were  not  only  brilliant  but  in  accordance  with  correct  prin 
ciples.  They  failed  because  his  battalions,  brigades,  and  divi 
sions  lacked  weight,  while  a  scarcity  of  supplies  caused  him  to 
lose  thirty  days  on  the  banks  of  the  Tennessee  before  begin 
ning  his  Northern  march.  It  was  during  this  period  that 
Schofield  succeeded  with  the  heterogeneous  forces  under  his 
command  in  delaying  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Confederate 
advance,  and  at  last,  through  the  reinforcements  sent  by  Raw 
lins  and  the  work  done  in  concentrating  and  remounting  the 
cavalry,  that  Thomas  finally  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
an  organized  army  strong  enough  to  defeat  Hood  in  the 
great  battle  at  Nashville,  on  December  15-16,  and  to  destroy 
his  exhausted  and  decimated  army  as  it  retreated,  broken  and 
despondent,  during  midwinter  towards  Central  Alabama. 

When  these  facts  are  considered,  it  may  well  be  admitted 
that  Rawlins,  who  was  the  first  to  propose  the  transfer  of 
fifteen  thousand  veteran  troops  from  the  West  to  assist  in 
closing  the  campaign  against  Lee,  was,  as  usual,  giving  sound 
advice.  It  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  Sixteenth 
Corps  belonged  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  after 
participating  in  Banks's  ill-starred  campaign  on  the  Red  River, 
where  there  was  no  real  call  for  its  service,  was  sent  to 


276  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Missouri.  It  is  this  circumstance  that  gives  point  and  force 
to  Rawlins's  declaration  on  October  28  that  "if  half  the  pains 
and  energy  had  been  shown  in  getting  troops"  to  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  "that  have  been  taken  in  sending  them  un 
necessarily  to  Missouri  ...  we  could  have  broken  the  ene 
my's  lines  yesterday  and  held  in  our  hands  to-day  the  long- 
coveted  prize  of  Richmond." 

That  Rawlins's  counsel  was  conclusive  in  this  case  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  as  soon  as  Thomas  had  driven  the  Confederate 
army  out  of  Tennessee,  Grant  ordered  the  transfer  of  troops 
from  the  West  to  the  East  in  great  numbers.  And  it  was 
this  wise  measure,  made  feasible  and  safe  solely  by  the  great 
victory  at  Nashville,  that  enabled  him  to  bring  the  war  to  a 
close  by  concurrent  movements  the  next  spring.  It  is  to  be 
noted,  however,  that  Grant  was  to  the  last  impatient  of 
Thomas's  deliberation,  and  wanted  him  to  continue  active 
operations  through  the  winter,  while  he  permitted  Sheridan 
to  remain  idle  at  the  same  time  in  the  Valley  of  Virginia, 
with  no  enemy  whatever  confronting  him. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  argue  the  case  in  behalf  of  Thomas. 
It  was  his  fate  to  be  doubted  and  misunderstood  from  the 
first,  and  when  his  relations  with  Grant,  as  they  are  elsewhere 
pointed  out,  are  considered,  it  will  not  be  thought  strange 
that  he  was  left  practically  unemployed  while  younger  and 
perhaps  more  deferential  men  were  permitted  to  finish  the 
great  work  of  overthrowing  the  Confederacy  and  reestablish 
ing  the  Union.  That  Rawlins  in  some  degree  shared  the 
prejudice  of  his  chief  cannot  be  denied,  nor  can  it  be  denied 
that  he  was  partial  to  men  of  more  aggressive  temper  and  less 
formal  habits  than  the  stately  and  deliberate  Thomas.  There 
is  no  room  to  doubt  that  he  admired  the  erratic  Sherman  and 
the  impetuous  Sheridan  more  than  he  did  the  more  formal 
Meade,  the  more  brilliant  Warren,  or  the  more  imperturbable 
Thomas. 


XV 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN 

Rawlins  Returns  from  the  West — Extract  from  Grant's  Memoirs 
Considered — Rawlins's  Letters  to  His  Wife — Sherman's  Army 
Ordered  to  City  Point — Movement  Discussed — Rawlins  Op 
posed  to  Political  Generals. 

AFTER  finishing  the  business  that  took  him  to  the  West, 
Rawlins  went  East  and  rested  a  few  days  with  his  family  at 
Danbury,  with  apparent  benefit  to  his  health,  but  with  real 
disadvantage  to  his  influence  at  headquarters.  While  he  was 
far  from  being  a  loquacious  man,  he  never  sought  to  disguise 
from  his  brother  officers  his  opinions  on  questions  of  either 
personal  or  public  policy.  His  views  in  regard  to  Sherman's 
proposed  campaign,  which  in  its  earlier  stages  was  far  from 
being  settled  in  favor  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  but  for  a  while 
confessedly  looked  towards  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  were  well 
known  to  the  rest  of  the  staff.  They  may  have  been  approved 
for  a  time  by  some  of  the  officers,  but  his  absence  from  head 
quarters  and  the  necessity  he  was  under  of  passing  through 
Washington  both  going  to  and  returning  from  the  West, 
gave  an  opportunity,  after  it  was  known  that  Sherman  as 
well  as  Thomas  had  succeeded,  to  circulate  'the  report  that 
Rawlins  had  been  bitterly  opposed  to  the  "March  to  the  Sea." 
It  is  personally  known,  however,  that  Rawlins  was  cognizant 
of  the  first  suggestion  leading  to  that  march,  and  gave  it  his 
unqualified  approval,  but  there  was  nothing  in  the  condition 
of  affairs  when  it  was  first  made,  that  contemplated  the  ne 
cessity  of  meeting  such  a  counter-campaign  as  Hood  after 
wards  conducted.  It  will  be  apparent  that  the  defeat  of  that 

277 


278  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

general  and  the  destruction  of  his  army  settled  many  military 
problems,  and  greatly  simplified  those  that  yet  remained  to  be 
settled.  . 

Before  leaving  this  subject,  it  may  be  well  to  call  attention 
to  the  following  quotation  from  Grant's  "Memoirs,"  pub 
lished  years  afterwards: 

...  I  was  in  favor  of  Sherman's  plan  (for  the  March  to  the 
Sea)  from  the  time  it  was  first  submitted  to  me.  My  Chief  of 
Staff  (Rawlins),  however,  was  very  bitterly  opposed  to  it,  and  as 
I  learned  subsequently,  finding  that  he  could  not  move  me,  he 
appealed  to  the  authorities  at  Washington  to  stop  it.1 

I  have  purposely  delayed  the  discussion  of  this  statement 
till  all  Rawlins's  letters  concerning  this  period  were  within 
reach.  They  show  conclusively  both  the  ground  of  his  oppo 
sition  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was  carried.  They  make  it 
evident  that  his  anxiety  related  solely  to  the  timeliness  of  the 
proposed  movement  and  the  advisability  of  delaying  it  till  the 
defeat  of  Hood  could  be  counted  upon  with  absolute  certainty. 
When  all  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  double  cam 
paign  of  Sherman  and  Hood  in  opposite  directions,  and  the 
consequent  anxieties  which  the  Government  and  the  country 
passed  through  during  the  months  of  October,  November,  and 
December  of  that  year,  are  reviewed,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
Rawlins's  apprehensions  were  well  founded,  and  that  his 
views  were  supported  by  the  soundest  principles  of  the  mili 
tary  art.  It  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  statements 
of  the  "Memoirs"  were  not  formulated  till  twenty  years  after 
the  end  of  the  war,  and  that  they  are  not  supported  by  any 
corroborative  evidence  whatever.  If  Grant  personally  wrote 
the  lines  of  the  "Memoirs"  bearing  on  this  subject,  it  is  alto 
gether  probable  that  he  did  so  on  the  report  of  others,  who 
must  have  had  it  themselves  upon  hearsay.  The  only  other 
supposition  consistent  with  the  established  facts  of  the  case 

1  Grant's  Memoirs,  Volume  II,  p.  376. 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  279 

is  that  Grant's  memory,  like  that  of  his  informant,  dulled,  as 
might  well  have  been  the  case,  by  the  lapse  of  time,  may  have 
confounded  the  well-known  opposition  of  the  Chief  of  Staff 
to  the  time  for  commencing  the  "March  to  the  Sea,"  till  the 
necessary  measures  had  been  taken  to  resist  Hood's  advance, 
with  the  statement  that  "he  was  very  bitterly  opposed"  to  the 
march  itself.2 

It  is  also  due  to  Rawlins  to  say  that  I  have  found  no  evi 
dence  whatever,  beyond  the  simple  statement  of  the  "Me 
moirs,"  to  support  the  declaration  that  he  "appealed  to  the  au 
thorities  at  Washington  to  stop  it."  No  letter  to  that  effect 
has  ever  been  published,  and  hence,  if  any  appeal  was  ever 
made  to  the  authorities,  it  must  have  been  as  he  was  passing 
through  Washington,  October  31,  1864,  on  his  way  to  the 
West,  or  as  he  was  returning  therefrom  to  headquarters. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  he  saw  any  of  the  authorities  on 
either  of  these  occasions,  but  if  he  did  see  them,  it  was  doubt 
less  at  their  instance,  in  which  case  it  would  have  been  clearly 
his  duty  when  questioned  to  give  his  views  frankly  and  hon 
estly  both  as  to  the  facts  and  as  to  the  military  policy  which 
should  have  been  based  upon  them.  There  was  nothing  to  be 
concealed  in  all  this.  The  entire  country  knew  the  general 
situation  and  was  greatly  alarmed  by  Sherman's  abandonment 
of  the  pursuit  of  Hood,  by  the  aggressive  attitude  of  the  lat 
ter,  and  by  the  divided  and  scattered  condition  of  the  forces 
left  at  the  disposal  of  Thomas  for  the  defence  of  Middle  Ten 
nessee.  It  was  one  of  the  great  crises  of  the  war,  and  now  that 
it  is  long  since  over,  and  we  know  how  well-founded  his  ap 
prehensions  were,  we  may  well  pardon  the  Chief  of  Staff  for 
whatever  grain  of  truth  there  may  have  been  in  the  statement 
of  the  "Memoirs."  That  nothing  more  serious  than  this  was 
ever  brought  against  him  shows  conclusively  that  he  was  a 
man  of  good  judgment  and  sterling  worth. 

2  This  view  of  the  case  is  fully  sustained  by  Schofield's  "Forty-six  Years 
in  the  Army,"  p.  322  et  seq. 


280  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Rawlins  arrived  at  City  Point  November  15,  and  the  next 
day  wrote  to  his  wife  as  follows : 

...  I  arrived  here  last  evening  having  left  New  York  on 
Sunday  evening. 

.  .  .  The  General  is  satisfied  with  my  execution  of  his  orders 
in  Missouri.  How  delightful  was  my  little  stay  in  Danbury.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  16,  1864.  .  .  .  Brigadier  General  T.  Kilby 
Smith  is  here — so  is  Dr.  Kittoe.  General  Grant  goes  to-morrow 
to  Burlington,  N.  J.,  to  see  Mrs.  Grant.  Colonel  Badeau  accom 
panies  him.  Colonels  Porter  and  Duff  are  both  absent  on  duty, 
one  at  Indianapolis  and  the  other  at  Louisville.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  November  17,  1864.  .  .  .  General  Grant  accom 
panied  by  Colonels  Comstock  and  Badeau  and  Captain  Robinett, 
started  to-day  for  Washington  and  Burlington.  I  hope  he  will 
keep  all  straight  during  his  absence,  which  will  last  till  about  the 
22nd  instant.  General  Sherman  was  to  leave  Atlanta  yesterday 
on  his  Southern  campaign.  I  have  every  hope  he  may  succeed  to 
his  fullest  expectations,  but  have  many  fears  that  he  may  fail. 
That  he  will  damage  the  enemy  terribly  I  have  no  question,  but 
whether  he  will  cause  such  commotion  in  the  Confederacy  as  to 
loosen  their  hold  on  Richmond,  is  not  so  certain.  And  regarding 
Richmond's  fall  as  of  the  first  importance  to  our  arms,  I  can  but 
feel  solicitous  at  every  movement  of  troops  that  looks  not  di 
rectly  in  that  direction. 

The  country  need  feel  no  uneasiness  as  to  the  movements  of 
Beauregard  3  for  Thomas  has  a  much  larger  army  than  Beaure- 
gard,  and  should  if  the  latter  persists  in  pushing  North,  defeat 
him.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  18,  1864.  ...  It  began  raining  at  dark  and  I 
fear  it  will  continue  some  time.  Last  night  the  enemy  captured 
some  pickets  of  General  Butler's  command  in  front  of  Bermuda 
Hundred;  the  number  has  not  yet  been  reported,  but  they  will 
probably  not  exceed  one  hundred.  No  news  whatever  from  other 
quarters,  nor  have  I  heard  from  the  General  since  he  left. 

At  this  moment  heavy  musketry  firing  is  heard  in  front  of 
Bermuda  Hundred.  It  is  very  dark  and  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely 
that  the  enemy  under  cover  of  it  have  attempted  to  break  through 

3  Beauregard  was  at  that  time  senior  Confederate  General  in  the  central 
South,  but  Hood  was  in  personal  command  of  the  main  army. 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  281 

our  lines.     Such  an  attempt  has  been  looked  for  and  I  suppose 
General  Butler's  troops  are  in  readiness  to  repel  it.  ... 

City  Point,  Nov.  19,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  excessively 
stormy.  It  has  rained  with  little  intermission  since  it  set  in  last 
night.  General  Butler,  Senator  Wilson,  ex-Governor  Gardner 
and  other  gentlemen  of  distinction  were  here  to-day.  The  firing 
in  front  of  Bermuda  Hundred  last  night  was  our  pickets  attempt 
ing  to  recover  the  line  the  enemy  drove  them  from  last  night, 
but  they  did  not  succeed. 

No  news  from  the  enemy's  lines  in  this  vicinity.  We  have  had 
no  newspapers  from  Richmond  since  one  dated  the  i6th.  It  is 
with  much  anxiety  we  now  look  for  them,  for  in  them  we  hope  to 
see  something  of  Sherman's  whereabouts.  He  was  to  have 
started  from  Atlanta  on  Wednesday  morning  last  and  this  is  the 
fourth  day  of  his  march.  Moving  as  he  does  many  miles  must 
now  intervene  between  him  and  his  starting  point.  May  provi 
dence  prosper  and  preserve  him  is  my  earnest  prayer,  and  may 
the  road,  though  marked  with  ruin  as  it  will  be,  along  which  he 
passes,  prove  in  the  end  the  pathway  to  Peace. 

General  Wilson  is  at  Nashville  organizing  the  cavalry  of  the 
Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi.  I  was  in  hopes  he  would 
accompany  General  Sherman,  for  in  so  doing  he  would  have 
secured  his  confirmation  as  a  brigadier  general,  and  perhaps  as 
brevet  major  general  too.  As  it  is  he  may  have  difficulty.  I 
hope,  however,  he  will  receive  his  confirmation  for  he  is  a  brave 
and  deserving  officer.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  20,  1864.  .  .  .  The  rain  continues  with  no 
indications  of  ceasing  soon.  Richmond  papers  of  yesterday  show 
that  Sherman  has  commenced  his  campaign  from  Atlanta  south 
ward  and  that  he  has  reached  Jonesboro.  They  also  show  that 
an  attack  from  the  armies  liere  is  daily  expected.  From  other 
sources  we  have  certain  information  of  the  return  to  Richmond 
of  Kershaw's  division,  which  was  with  Early  in  the  Valley.  This 
would  indicate  the  intention  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  to  with 
draw  from  further  offensive  operations  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley. 

The  General  being  absent  leaves  us  here  without  news  from 
the  West,  other  than  that  which  reaches  us  through  the  news 
papers  all  of  which  you  see  before  we  do.  All  quiet  along  our 
lines,  and  will  perhaps  remain  so  for  some  time  to  come. 


282  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

I  see  by  the  papers  gold  has  gone  down.  I  shall  write  to  Col 
onel  Hilyer  to  purchase  $200  more  and  send  it  to  you  by  express. 

Headquarters,  in  the  absence  of  the  General,  is  quite  a  lonesome 
place.  The  only  excitement  we  have  is  the  news  we  get  from 
Richmond  "papers  and  scouts,  and  digesting  and  sending  it  to  the 
General  and  to  Washington.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  21,  1864.  .  .  .  The  rain  still  continues.  Rich 
mond  papers  of  this  date  state  that  Sherman  was  on  the  iQth, 
within  thirty  miles  of  Macon,  that  great  consternation  existed  on 
the  first  news  of  his  approach,  but  they  were  now  becoming  quiet 
and  preparing  to  meet  him.  The  papers  editorially  urge  the 
people  in  the  line  of  Sherman's  advance  to  destroy  everything  in 
the  way  of  supplies.  Marching  with  the  rapidity  that  Sherman 
marches  they  will  in  this,  be  able  to  do  but  little  to  delay  him. 
Should  he  hesitate,  or  delay,  they  might  greatly  jeopard  his  ad 
vance  by  the  destruction  of  everything  in  his  front.  This  much, 
however,  in  that  event  he  could  and  would  do,  namely,  turn 
either  to  the  right  or  left  and  get  supplies  or  compel  a  general 
destruction  of  everything  in  the  country. 

There  is  no  news  here  of  any  interest.  All  is  quiet  and  the 
rain  is  pattering  as  it  has  pattered  for  several  days  and  nights  on 
the  tent  flies. 

No  news  reaches  us  from  the  west.  The  fact  is  the  weather  is 
so  unfavorable  for  army  operations  that  I  do  not  anticipate  any 
thing  of  importance  from  any  quarter  for  some  days,  save  what 
we  gather  from  the  Richmond  papers  in  regard  to  Sherman's 
movements. 

I  have  just  received  a  despatch  from  General  Grant  dated 
to-day  at  New  York  City.  This  somewhat  surprises  me  for  when 
he  left  here  it  was  his  intention  to  be  back  to-morrow.  Now  I 
do  not  know  when  he  will  return.  It  makes,  however,  little  dif 
ference,  so  far  as  there  is  anything  to  do  here,  because  of  the 
prevailing  storm,  but  I  would  like  to  have  him  here  for  it  is  not 
with  these  armies  as  it  was  with  the  armies  of  the  West.  There 
any  orders  that  went  from  his  headquarters  over  my  signature 
were  the  same  as  if  the  General  were  present. 

Everything  is  going  smoothly  and  quietly.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  22,  1864.  .  .  .  We  must  be  patient,  and  con 
tent  our  minds  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  demanded  by 
the  times  in  which  we  live.  The  privations  consequent  upon  our 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  283 

being  so  much  separated,  and  at  times  of  sickness  too,  when  we 
could  be  of  so  much  comfort  to  each  other  were  we  together,  we 
will  bear  and  submit  to  without  complaint,  knowing  that  in  doing 
so  we  are  but  fulfilling  the  requirements  made  upon  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  our  countrymen  and  countrywomen,  and  feeling  too 
in  so  doing  we  are  but  filling  the  measure  of  service  we  owe  our 
country. 

Richmond  papers  of  this  date  have  but  little  news.  They  state 
that  Sherman  was  yesterday  eighteen  miles  from  Macon.  No 
news  from  the  West.  All  quiet  here.  A  despatch  just  received 
from  the  General  dated  at  Washington  says  he  will  be  back  to 
this  place  Thursday. 

I  am  I  suppose  what  might  be  called  a  man  in  perfect  health. 
In  all  the  stormy  weather  we  have  had  I  have  not  felt  or  had  the 
slightest  cold,  and  my  appetite  and  digestion  are  perfect.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  November  23,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  clear  and 
cold — a  most  delightful  change  from  the  cloudy  and  rainy  days 
that  have  preceded  it. 

The  only  additional  news  from  Sherman  through  Richmond 
papers  is  that  he  was  near  Macon  on  the  2ist  instant  and  a  battle 
at  that  place  was  imminent,  and  also  that  he  had  cut  the  railroad 
between  Atlanta  and  Macon,  twenty-five  miles  from  the  latter 
place.  This  looks  very  favorable  to  his  success.  The  Richmond 
papers  of  to-day  have  not  yet  come  in.  Deserters  report  that  a 
South  Carolina  brigade  and  two  North  Carolina  regiments  have 
been  sent  from  Petersburg  probably  to  Georgia  to  meet  Sherman. 
With  this  exception  there  is  no  news  here.  From  the  West  we 
have  no  report. 

I  see  by  the  New  York  Herald  that  a  member  of  General 
Grant's  staff  at  the  complimentary  serenade  to  the  Governor  elect 
of  New  York,  appeared  and  very  neatly  and  delicately  advertised 
the  General's  great  modesty,  by  stating  and  requesting  that  no 
notice  of  the  General's  presence  in  the  city  be  taken  by  the  papers, 
till  the  next  Tuesday  thereafter.  Now  I  have  high  respect  and 
regard  for  modesty  but  this  thing  of  making  too  much  of  it  I 
deprecate  exceedingly.  I  know  the  General  is  a  modest  man  but 
if  he  allows  it  to  be  proclaimed  too  loudly  in  immediate  advance 
of  his  presenting  himself,  the  credit  he  has  for  it  will  fast  depre 
ciate.  What  object  he  could  have  in  desiring  the  papers  not  to 
mention  his  presence  in  New  York,  I  cannot  conceive.  It  cer- 


284  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

tainly  was  not  that  he  would  prevent  people  from  calling  upon 
him,  for  the  fact  that  he  was  at  the  Astor  House  being  known  at 
all  would  spread  sufficiently  among  those  of  that  city,  who  since 
his  congratulation  of  the  President  upon  the  double  victory 
achieved  in  the  peacefulness  of  the  recent  election,  would  consider 
it  an  honor  to  call  on  him,  to  occupy  his  entire  attention  in  re 
ceiving  them  during  his  short  stay.  If  it  was  that  the  rebel  lead 
ers  might  suppose  him  at  City  Point,  it  was  entirely  unnecessary, 
for  they  had  already  the  news  of  his  absence  and  drew  the  de 
duction  therefrom  that  the  expected  attack  on  their  lines  would 
not  soon  be  made.  The  General  from  his  long  labors  was  entitled 
to  respite  and  rest,  and  if  he  desired  to  visit  New  York,  he  should 
have  gone  there  and  not  permitted  his  military  secretary,  Colonel 
Badeau,  to  ostentatiously  announce  his  desire  that  his  presence 
should  not  be  noticed.  This  whole  thing  is  not  General  Grant, 
but  solely  Colonel  Badeau. 

Colonel  Bowers  started  for  Washington  this  morning.  He  will 
be  absent  for  perhaps  a  week. 

I  look  for  General  Grant  to-morrow,  which  is  Thanksgiving 
Day.  We  have  received  several  Turkeys  for  our  dinner,  and  the 
good  people  of  New  York  and  vicinity  have  sent  here  about  eighty 
thousand  pounds  of  turkey  for  distribution,  and  they  are  now 
being  divided  among  our  men.  This  remembrance  of  them  by 
their  friends  at  home  is  truly  encouraging.  Some  of  them  may 
not  get  any  but  the  greater  majority  will.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  November  24,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  most 
delightfully  beautiful  and  everyone  seemed  to  enjoy  Thanksgiv 
ing  most  heartily.  I  am  sorry  to  say,  however,  that  one  boat  con 
taining  a  portion  of  the  turkeys  for  the  soldiers'  dinner  got 
aground  and  was  detained  till  late  to-day,  but  those  who  were 
by  this  cause  deprived  of  their  turkey  for  dinner  will  have  it  to 
morrow,  and  except  the  little  annoyance,  the  disappointment  and 
the  causes,  it  will  be  just  as  well.  Turkey  in  camp  is  a  luxury 
all  can  appreciate  .  .  . 

The  following  is  as  nearly  as  I  can  repeat  it  a  proclamation 
from  General  Beauregard  and  shows  the  trepidation  he  is  in : 

"Corinth,  Miss.,  Nov.  18,  1864.  ...  To  the  people  of  Georgia : 
Arise  to  the  defence  of  your  native  soil.  Rally  around  your  patri 
otic  Governor  and  gallant  soldiers ;  destroy  all  bridges  and  block 
up  all  roads  in  Sherman's  front,  flanks  and  rear,  and  he  will  starve 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  285 

in  your  midst.  Be  confident,  and  trust  in  an  over-ruling  provi 
dence,  who  will  crown  your  efforts  with  success.  I  hasten  to  join 
you  in  the  defence  of  your  homes  and  firesides.  P.  G.  T.  Beaure- 
gard,  General  Commanding." 

I  have  written  the  above  as  I  remember  it  from  reading  it  once. 
It  may  not  be  exactly  correct  but  is  substantially  so.  This  looks 
as  though  he  would  move  Hood's  army  after  Sherman,  but  as 
information  from  Thomas  places  three  corps  of  Hood's  army 
North  of  the  Tennessee,  it  would  seem  to  be  beyond  hope  of  suc 
cessful  pursuit  of  Sherman. 

Richmond  papers  of  to-day  have  not  yet  come  to  hand.  Gen 
eral  Grant,  and  Colonels  Porter,  Comstock  and  Badeau  and  Cap 
tain  Robinett  of  his  staff,  returned  this  morning  all  in  excellent 
health  except  the  General  who  sat  up  too  late  last  night.  Mrs. 
Grant  went  with  the  General  to  New  York.  They  breakfasted 
with  Colonel  Hillyer.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Nov.  25,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  is  clear  and  fine,  all 
quiet  here.  News  from  Thomas  is  meagre.  Hood  appears  to  be 
advancing  towards  Nashville,  with  three  army  corps,  but  he 
moves  slowly.  Thomas  is  sufficiently  strong  for  defensive  pur 
poses  and  will  soon  have  his  forces  so  concentrated  as  to  take  the 
offensive  should  Hood  not  attack  him. 

Nothing  new  from  Sherman  save  confirmation  of  the  report 
that  the  capital  of  Georgia  is  in  his  possession,  and  that  he  has  cut 
the  railroads  between  Augusta  and  Macon. 

The  General  and  all  the  members  of  the  staff  except  Colonels 
Bowers  and  Duff  are  at  headquarters.  The  General  has  written 
Mrs.  Grant  to  come  down  here  week  after  next  and  asked  me 
your  address  for  Mrs.  Grant,  as  she  intended  or  had  spoken  of 
inviting  you  to  come  with  her. 

Now  I  would  like  very  much  to  have  you  come,  were  it  not  that 
I  disapprove  of  having  officers'  wives  in  camp.  It  does  not  look 
like  war  to  me,  to  see  it  heralded  throughout  the  country  by  the 
press  that  the  wife  of  the  General  and  also  the  wife  of  his  Chief 
of  Staff  are  at  City  Point,  and  would  be  what  I  would  avoid  un 
less  some  good  end  could  be  subserved  by  it,  besides  the  item  of 
expense  and  the  disposition  of  the  children  during  your  absence, 
is  something  to  be  considered.  However,  I  leave  the  matter  to 
your  decision,  after  having  stated  my  views,  and  whatever  it  is 
will  meet  with  my  concurrence  and  approval.  .  .  . 


286  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

City  Point,  Nov.  26,  1864.  .  .  .  Richmond  papers  of  yesterday 
seem  studiously  to  avoid  any  reference  to  Sherman,  except  a 
despatch  which  mentions  the  fact  that  his  cavalry  had  been  re 
pulsed  in  .its  attempt  to  cross  the  Oconee  River.  Their  failure  to 
give  details  of  Sherman's  movements  is  construed  here  to  be 
significant  of  his  success. 

News  from  Thomas  is  to  the  effect  that  Hood  is  advancing  on 
Columbia,  Tennessee,  where  our  forces  are  being  concentrated. 
General  A.  J.  Smith  with  his  command  from  St.  Louis  passed 
through  Nashville  on  the  way  to  Columbia.4  There  seems  to  be 
little  doubt  now  that  Hood  will  give  Thomas  battle,  and  if 
Thomas  can  get  his  forces  concentrated  in  time  we  are  confident 
of  victory. 

All  quiet  here,  General  Hancock  to-day  took  leave  of  his  old 
comrades  and  soldiers  of  the  Second  Corps.  He  goes  to  Wash 
ington  to  organize  a  veteran  corps  to  be  composed  of  soldiers  who 
have  served  out  their  time  and  have  reenlisted.  General  Hum 
phreys  succeeds  him  in  the  command  of  the  Second  Corps.  He 
is  a  brave  and  fit  successor  to  the  heroic  Hancock. 

Generals  Grant,  Meade,  Warren,  Crawford,  Ingalls  and  others 
went  up  this  morning  to  General  Butler's  front  and  are  still  there 
witnessing  experiments  being  made  with  Greek  fire.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  November  27,  1864.  .  .  .  Around  our  lines  the 
greatest  quiet  prevails.  Since  I  wrote  last  night  we  have  had  no 
news  from  Sherman  or  Thomas,  and  that  from  Sheridan  is  to  the 
effect  that  all  is  as  quiet  with  him  as  with  us  here.  Colonel  Bow 
ers  has  returned,  and  now  all  of  the  staff  except  Colonel  Duff  are 
at  headquarters. 

The  steamer  Grey  Hound  with  General  Butler  and  Admiral 
Porter  on  board  caught  fire  to-day  and  was  burned  below  Fort 
Powhattan.  No  lives  were  lost.  Butler  and  the  Admiral  con 
tinued  their  trip  to  Fort  Monroe  in  a  tug  boat.  .  .  . 

Steamer  M.  Martin  off  Norfolk,  Va.,  November  29,  1864.  •  •  • 
General  Grant  having  business  with  Admiral  Porter  left  City 
Point  this  morning  accompanied  by  myself  and  other  staff  offi 
cers,  for  Fort  Monroe,  off  which  place  the  Admiral  lay  in  his  fine 
flag  ship  the  Malvern.  We  reached  there  about  three  o'clock  p. 
M.,  met  the  Admiral  and  General  Butler  on  his  ship,  transacted 

4  This  statement  was  not  correct. 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  287 

the  official  business,  and  then  as  we  could  just  as  well  get  back  to 
City  Point  by  breakfast,  by  starting  for  that  place  at  twelve 
o'clock  to-night,  the  General  decided  to  come  down  here  and  at 
tend  the  theatre,  to  which  place  he  with  all  his  staff  save  myself 
have  gone.  To  have  gone  there  would  have  afforded  me  no  pleas 
ure.  Besides  in  times  like  these  I  do  not  approve  of  those  to 
whom  the  country  looks  for  leadership  and  guidance  through  the 
terrible  storm  still  swelling  with  unspent  fury,  going  to  such 
places,  and  shall  not  myself  by  going  give  countenance  to  it  al 
though  I  might  go  without  any  injury  to  the  cause  of  my  country. 
Still  the  brave  men  in  front  can't  have  this  privilege,  if  they 
desired  it,  and  I  will  not  take  the  benefit  of  it  though  the  priv 
ilege  is  mine.  The  look  of  a  thing  is  sometimes  a  great  deal. 

News  this  morning  from  Richmond  is  to  the  effect  that  the 
enemy  has  sent  off  either  Kershaw's  or  Field's  division  to  meet 
Sherman,  and  indications  in  front  of  General  Sheridan  are  that 
the  enemy  has  withdrawn  Gordon's  division  from  Early. 
Whether  he  has  gone  to  Richmond  or  to  resist  Sherman  has  not 
yet  been  ascertained,  probably  however  the  latter  is  his  destina 
tion.  General  Grant  has  ordered  movement  of  troops  to  take 
advantage  of  this  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  Breckenridge's 
troops  in  West  Virginia  and  East  Tennessee,  from  all  the  in 
formation  we  can  gather  from  Richmond,  will  be  sent,  and  are 
now  perhaps  on  the  way  to  reenforce  the  force  opposing  Sherman. 

Hood  in  Tennessee  is  slowly  advancing  on  Thomas  but  both 
Sherman  and  Thomas  are  supposed  to  have  men  enough  for  the 
purpose  each  had  in  view.  Great  battles  will  no  doubt  soon  be 
fought.  May  God  grant  us  victory. 

The  Confederate  war  steamer  Florida  captured  in  a  Brazilian 
port  sank  near  Fort  Monroe  the  other  day  in  fifty  feet  of  water. 
Nothing  can  be  seen  of  her  but  her  masts.  What  will  be  the 
result  of  this  I  do  not  know.  I  am  decidedly  in  favor  of  doing 
exact  justice  to  the  sovereignty  of  Brazil.  This,  however,  is  left 
to  our  Secretary  of  State  who  has  thus  far  prevented  our  becom 
ing  entangled  with  foreign  powers,  and  I  have  full  confidence,  he 
will  get  us  through  this  difficulty  and  I  trust  honestly,  too. 

Richmond  papers  state  that  thirteen  thousand  of  our  prisoners 
at  Salisbury,  N.  C,  attempted  to  make  their  escape  on  the  24th 
instant  but  that  artillery  was  brought  to  bear  upon  them  and  some 
forty  were  killed  and  a  large  number  wounded,  when  they  sub 
mitted.  I  have  hopes  that  many  of  them  got  away ;  poor  fellows, 


288  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

my  heart  bleeds  for  them  when  I  think  of  their  sufferings.     A 
just  God  will  not  always  permit  this  state  of  things.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  Nov.  30,  1864.  .  .  .  We  reached  this  point 
from  Norfolk  this  morning  at  sunrise.  No  news  from  the  West 
to-day  and  information  from  Sherman  very  meagre.  All  quiet 
here. 

General  John  Pope  was  here  to-day  and  will  perhaps  have 
added  to  his  Department  of  the  Northwest  the  Departments  of 
Kansas  and  Missouri.  General  Grant  has  recommended  this. 
Generals  Hardee  and  Beauregard  are  at  Augusta,  Georgia,  and 
General  Bragg  with  Western  troops  has  left  Wilmington  for 
Augusta.  So  the  Confederates  have  Generals  enough  if  they 
can  find  troops  enough  to  give  Sherman  trouble,  but  that  they 
have  troops  enough,  we  do  not  believe,  and  without  troops  these 
generals  are  no  match  for  Sherman.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  i,  1864.  ...  I  fear  my  answer  to  your 
despatch  of  this  date  in  regard  to  your  reply  to  Mrs.  Grant  about 
coming  to  City  Point,  was  not  such  as  you  had  hoped  for,  but  I 
could  not  decide  that  you  should  answer  affirmatively  for  the 
reason  that  I  could  not  approve  of  your  coming,  unless  you  should 
yourself  decide  to  come  after  reading  my  letter  on  this  subject, 
written  to  you  last  week.  You  know  that  when  headquarters  are 
established  in  a  city  whether  in  Washington  or  some  Southern 
one,  I  will  send  for  you,  but  not  while  they  are  in  the  field  in 
front  of  an  enemy,  and  when  everything  at  headquarters  should 
be  indicative  of  readiness  for  immediate  movements  should  they 
be  required.  Besides  the  orders  are  against  officers  wives  being 
with  them  in  camp  and  I  am  opposed  to  their  being  disregarded 
at  headquarters,  while  enforcement  of  them  is  exacted  of  officers 
in  the  field.  If  you  came  you  probably  would  not  be  able  to  stay 
more  than  one  or  two  days  and  the  fatigue  of  the  journey  to  you 
in  your  weakened  condition  would  not  be  recovered  from  in  that 
time. 

You  will  not  think  less  of  me  for  entertaining  the  view  I  ex 
press  in  this  letter  and  the  one  written  last  week.  They  are  based 
upon  firm  principles  which  I  trust  will  find  in  you  a  hearty  sup 
port.  This  is  written  with  no  view  of  influencing  your  decision, 
for  that  you  have  already  made,  but  only  to  show  you  why  the 
answer  your  sweet  despatch  invited,  was  not  sent  you  instead  of 
the  one  which  was  sent.  Until  I  receive  a  letter  from  you  I  shall 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  289 

write  my  letters  in  fear  that  you  will  not  get  them  for  some  time, 
as  may  be  the  case  if  you  start  for  this  place  with  Mrs.  Grant. 

News  from  the  West  is  that  Hood  has  attacked  Thomas's  army 
at  Franklin,  Tenn.,  a  place  about  twenty-seven  miles  South  of 
Nashville,  at  four  o'clock  yesterday  and  was  repulsed  with  a  loss 
of  from  five  to  six  thousand  men  including  one  thousand  pris 
oners,  and  among  them  one  brigadier  general.  Our  loss  was  from 
five  to  six  hundred.  This  will  prove  a  heavy  blow  to  Hood  and 
will,  it  seems  to  me,  compel  him  to  withdraw  to  the  South  bank 
of  the  Tennessee.  Thomas's  army  by  to-morrow,  according  to 
his  despatches,  will  be  ready  to  take  the  offensive.  No  news  what 
ever  has  been  received  from  Sheridan.  All  quiet  along  our  lines 
here. 

I  stated  in  a  letter  to  you  some  time  ago,  speaking  of  General 
Grant  in  New  York,  that  Colonel  Badeau  probably  requested  that 
the  press  should  not  speak  of  the  General's  presence  in  the  city. 
It  was  not  Colonel  Badeau  who  did  this  but  Mr.  Beckwith  our 
cipher  operator. 

I  see  gold  is  going  up  again.  I  wrote  some  time  ago  to  Colonel 
Hillyer  asking  him  to  purchase  for  me  and  send  to  you  two  hun 
dred  dollars  in  gold,  but  fear  he  did  not  do  so. 

In  my  trip  to  Fort  Monroe  I  caught  cold,  which  causes  me  to 
cough  somewhat,  but  does  not  affect  my  general  health.  I  went 
with  Colonel  Parker  to-day  to  get  weighed.  My  weight  is  now 
173  pounds,  or  seven  and  a  half  pounds  more  than  when  I  was 
last  weighed. 

The  Richmond  Examiner  of  to-day,  just  received,  gives  it  up 
that  Sherman  will  get  through  to  the  coast,  and  is  now  across  the 
Oconee  River.  This  looks  most  favorable  for  our  military  situa 
tion.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  2,  1864.  .  .  .  The  news  from  General 
Thomas  to-day  is  not  so  favorable  as  it  looked  yesterday,  for 
notwithstanding  our  repulse  of  the  enemy  at  Franklin  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  3<Dth  ultimo,  at  3  A.  M.  of  the  1st  instant,  we  fell 
back  to  within  the  fortifications  at  Nashville  and  Hood's  ad 
vanced  infantry  was  near  there.  General  Grant  has  ordered  Gen 
eral  Thomas  to  attack  Hood  at  once  and  before  he  has  time  to 
fortify.  So  you  may  expect  news  of  a  battle  from  that  quarter 
at  any  time,  yes,  before  you  read  this  .  .  . 

General  Gregg  commanding  the  cavalry  of  the  Army  of  the 


29o  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Potomac  attacked  Stoney  Ford  Station  on  the  Weldon  Railroad 
and  succeeded  in  capturing  it  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  one 
hundred  and  seventy  prisoners,  among  them  Major  Fitzhugh  of 
General  Hampton's  staff  and  a  brother-in-law  of  Colonel  Dent. 
He  destroyed  by  burning  the  depot  containing  five  hundred  bales 
of  hay,  three  thousand  sacks  of  corn,  large  quantities  of  bacon 
and  ammunition ;  also  one  train  loaded  with  supplies.  This  was  a 
very  brilliant  affair  and  reflects  much  credit  upon  the  cavalry  and 
its  commander. 

General  Dodge  will  be  assigned  to  command  the  Department 
of  the  Missouri.  General  McClerriand  has  resigned  his  com 
mission  in  the  army. 

General  Grant  expects  Mrs.  Grant  here  within  the  next  four  or 
five  days  and  says  she  has  invited  you  to  come  with  her.  I 
merely  mention  this  to  show  how  much  she  has  put  her  heart 
upon  having  your  company.  You  of  course  have  decided  this  and 
as  you  have  not  telegraphed  me  I  take  it  for  granted  that  you 
have  decided  not  to  come.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  4,  1864.  .  .  .  News  from  the  West  is 
that  Thomas  will  in  two  or  three  days  from  this  be  in  condition  to 
give  Hood  battle. 

News  from  Sherman  through  Richmond  papers  is  that  he  is 
still  progressing  towards  the  coast  without  serious  opposition. 
Colonel  Markland  with  Sherman's  mail  and  Lieutenant  Dunn 
with  despatches  for  him,  start  for  the  blockading  fleet  off  Sa 
vannah  this  morning,  to  remain  there  till  General  Sherman  gets 
through.  All  quiet  here.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  4,  1864.  .  .  .  No  news  of  army  move 
ments  from  any  quarter  away  from  here.  The  First  Division  of 
the  Sixth  Corps,  which  has  been  in  the  Valley  with  Sheridan, 
arrived  here  to-day.  The  Third  Division  will  commence  arriving 
to-morrow  and  the  Second  and  last  division  will  be  here  in  a  few 
days,  unless  movements  of  the  enemy  in  the  Valley  should  re 
quire  it  to  stay  in  that  section. 

I  see  in  Harper's  Weekly  of  the  loth  instant  a  wood  cut  of 
myself,  with  a  short  (but  as  to  my  being  wounded  in  battle  in 
correct)  notice  of  my  career.  If  you  have  not  already  seen  it, 
you  can,  by  procuring  that  copy  of  the  paper,  have  the  pleasure  of 
doing  so.  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  amuse  if  not  interest  you.  .  .  . 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  291 

City  Point,  December  6,  1864.  ...  I  was  kept  in  my  room  all 
day  yesterday  by  a  severe  cold.  Otherwise  I  was  quite  well  and 
this  morning  I  am  out  but  not  entirely  well  of  my  cold.  The  day 
is  beautiful  and  I  shall  take  a  ride  on  horseback  which  I  hope 
will  much  improve  me. 

News  from  Sherman  through  Richmond  papers  is  still  favor 
able  to  him.  From  Nashville  matters  do  not  look  as  it  seems  to 
me  they  should.  The  enemy  day  before  yesterday  captured  two 
transport  steamers  going  down  the  river,  but  Captain  Fitch  in 
command  of  our  gun  boats  recaptured  them  and  drove  back  the 
rebel  battery  from  the  river  bank.  Everything  quiet  here.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  7,  1864.  ...  I  am  delighted  to  know  all 
is  satisfactory  to  you.  I  felt  it  would  be.  Mrs.  Grant  tele 
graphed  yesterday  she  will  start  for  City  Point  on  the  8th. 
Colonel  Dent  has  gone  with  the  steamer  Washington  to  meet  her. 
News  from  Nashville  is  unchanged  save  that  General  Thomas 
intends  to  attack  the  enemy  to-day. 

Nothing  from  Sherman.  Warren  with  a  force  from  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  started  this  morning  to  break  up  the  Weldon 
railroad  so  as  to  deprive  the  enemy  of  any  benefit  of  it  for  some 
weeks.  His  command  is  large  and  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 
I  am  getting  better  of  my  cold.  It  is  raining  here  quite  hard  this 
morning. 

Colonel  Babcock  goes  to  Sherman  this  morning  with  orders  of 
the  right  ring  I  assure  you.  Richmond  ere  long  will  tremble  at 
the  Union  soldiers'  march,  if  the  orders  which  Babcock  has  for 
General  Sherman  are  carried  out.  Mail  time  is  up.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  9,  1864.  .  .  .  This  morning  is  clear  and 
cold.  No  news  from  Warren,  Sherman  or  Thomas. 

The  expedition  for  the  capture  of  Wilmington,  under  General 
Butler  and  Admiral  Porter  got  off  last  evening.  They  should 
reach  there  day  after  to-morrow.  Colonel  Comstock  accompanied 
General  Butler.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  10,  1864.  ...  It  commenced  to  snow, 
sleet  and  rain  here  last  night,  and  this  morning  everything  was 
white  as  age.  To-day  has  been  really  disagreeable. 

Colonel  Clark  of  the  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee  is  here;  he 
will  leave  for  Washington  to-morrow.  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne 
and  General  Logan  arrived  this  afternoon.  They  are  both  in 


292  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

excellent  health  and  spirits.  News  from  Thomas  is  that  all  there 
is  quiet  and  a  freezing  storm  prevailing.  Nothing  of  any  kind 
whatever  from  Sherman.  General  Warren  has  not  yet  been 
heard  from.  He  should  be  back  to-morrow.  The  expedition 
against  Wilmington  is  off.  In  a  day  or  two  we  shall  hear  from 
it,  and  I  trust  the  news  will  be  such  as  to  cheer  the  country 
throughout  its  borders.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  n,  1864.  .  .  .  To-night  is  very,  very 
cold  but  clear  as  a  bell.  One  consolation  I  have  is  that  I  have 
blankets  enough  to  keep  me  warm  and  shall  suffer  no  inconven 
ience  from  the  change  of  weather.  Would  to  heaven  I  could  say 
the  same  for  all  of  our  brave  men. 

General  Warren  has  been  heard  from.  He  is  on  his  way  back 
and  will  be  in  to-morrow.  His  raid  has  been  most  successful 
having  destroyed  the  Weldon  railroad  from  Jarrotts  Station  to 
Hicksburg  including  several  bridges  of  considerable  importance. 
No  news  to-day  from  Thomas.  Richmond  papers  place  Sherman 
East  of  the  Ogeechee  River  and  moving  towards  Savannah.  The 
expedition  against  Wilmington  has  been  delayed  at  Fort  Monroe 
by  the  recent  storm.  Mrs.  Grant  arrived  yesterday  morning. 
She  had  your  letter,  also  your  despatch,  and  is  considerably 
disappointed  that  you  did  not  come.  She  says  she  thinks  you 
must  be  a  very  considerate  and  obedient  wife  to  ask  your  husband 
if  you  should  come  to  see  him,  that  she  intended  having  your 
visit  here  as  a  surprise  to  me  and  the  next  time  she  sees  you  she 
intends  to  give  you  some  instructions  as  to  how  to  manage  me.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  12,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  clear  and 
cold.  This  evening,  however,  the  wind  has  laid  and  we  hope  the 
expedition  against  Wilmington  got  off  from  Fort  Monroe  to-day. 
News  from  Sherman  through  Richmond  papers  of  this  date,  is 
that  yesterday  afternoon  he  was  within  twenty  miles  of  Savannah 
and  they  think  it  more  than  probable  that  the  battle  for  the  pos 
session  of  that  city  is  progressing  to-day.  If  they  meet  Sherman 
outside  of  the  city  in  battle  he  will  most  certainly  beat  them.  We 
are  anxiously  expecting  direct  news  from  Sherman  daily.  From 
Thomas  we  have  not  a  word  to-day.  General  Warren  is  coming 
in  from  his  raid  to  Hicksburg.  It  is  a  great  success.  The  last 
division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  has  arrived.  All  quiet  in  our  front 
to-day.  .  .  . 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  293 

City  Point,  December  13,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  no  news  from 
General  Thomas  to-day.  The  last  was  on  Saturday.  He  then 
could  not  attack  Hood  because  of  the  sleet  that  covered  in  one  icy 
glare  the  whole  country  about  Nashville.  Still  Hood  had  been 
able  to  move  against  Murfreesboro  and  at  the  same  time  to  cross 
some  three  thousand  men  into  Kentucky.  General  Grant  has 
ordered  and  repeated  over  and  over  again  his  orders  to  General 
Thomas  to  attack  Hood,  but  it  seems,  first  from  one  cause  and 
then  another,  he  will  not  or  at  least  has  not  attacked.  General 
Logan  who  was  here  has  been  ordered  to  Nashville  and  when  he 
gets  there,  if  Thomas  has  not  attacked  Hood,  will  relieve  Thomas 
and  whip  Hood  if  it  can  be  done.  We  can  depend  on  these  old 
soldiers  of  the  Tennessee. 

News  from  Sherman  is  quite  satisfactory.  Richmond  papers 
say  he  is  within  five  miles  of  Savannah,  and  drawn  up  in  line  of 
battle,  and  that  they  have  a  large  force  confronting  him.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  14,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  warm 
and  cloudy.  The  General  with  Mrs.  Grant  and  lady  friends, 
accompanied  by  Colonels  Bowers,  Dent  and  Morgan,  and  General 
Barnard,  left  here  to-night  for  Washington,  and  unless  he  re 
ceives  other  information  than  he  had  when  he  started  from  here, 
the  General  with  Colonel  Bowers  and  General  Barnard  will  go 
on  to  Nashville.  Notwithstanding  the  positive  orders  sent  Gen 
eral  Thomas  to  fight  Hood,  he  had  up  to  the  I3th  made  no  move 
whatever  in  that  direction. 

We  have  just  received  a  despatch  from  Sherman's  army,  dated 
the  9th.  He  was  then  within  ten  miles  of  Savannah.  The  de 
spatch  came  through  from  General  Howard,  commanding  the 
right  wing  of  Sherman's  army,  to  Admiral  Dahlgren,  and  on  the 
1 2th  instant  was  forwarded  by  the  latter  to  Washington.  Ad 
miral  Dahlgren  was  going  at  once  to  open  up  communications 
between  Sherman  and  the  fleet  off  Savannah. 

Through  rebel  papers  we  learn  that  Sherman  has  already  in 
vested  the  place.  General  Foster  holds  a  point  near  the  railroad 
between  Savannah  and  Charleston,  with  batteries  in  twelve  hun 
dred  yards  of  the  road  and  prevents  cars  from  passing  between 
these  places.  All  quiet  here  and  nothing  yet  from  the  Wilming 
ton  expedition.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  15,  1864.  .  .  .  No  additional  news  from 
Sherman  and  none  whatever  from  Thomas.  All  quiet  here. 


294  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Through  Richmond  papers  we  learn  that  a  part  of  Burbridge's 
forces  reached  Bristol  on  the  I3th  and  captured  the  place  and 
destroyed  three  trains  of  cars.  Bristol  is  a  point  on  the  railroad 
near  the  boundary  line  between  Tennessee  and  Virginia.  This  is 
a  decided  success  to  us,  as  it  must  relieve  East  Tennessee  from 
further  pressure  from  Breckenridge.  Richmond  papers  also  show 
that  the  forces  that  we  sent  out  from  New  Berne  a  few  days  ago 
failed  to  reach  the  Weldon  railroad.  Whether  it  accomplished 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  sent — mainly  the  capture  of  some 
guns  and  a  force  the  enemy  had  at  work  fortifying  a  place  called 
Rainbow — the  papers  do  not  state. 

I  have  received  no  word  as  yet  as  to  whether  or  not  the  Gen 
eral  has  reached  Washington.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  16,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  quite 
warm,  too  warm  in  fact  for  good  health,  still  I  am  getting  along 
finely. 

Despatches  this  morning  from  Nashville  inform  us  that  at  9 
o'clock  A.  M.  yesterday  General  Thomas  attacked  Hood  and  drove 
his  left  and  centre  out  of  their  entrenchments  and  back  from 
three  to  five  miles,  capturing  fifteen  hundred  prisoners  and  seven 
teen  pieces  of  artillery.  This,  if  no  reverse  has  since  followed  it, 
is  glory  indeed  for  our  arms. 

Through  Richmond  papers  we  learn  that  the  force  which  cap 
tured  Bristol  is  pushing  towards  Salem,  Virginia,  having  already 
captured  Abingdon  and  reached  a  point  only  two  miles  distant 
from  Marion.  They  fear  the  salt  works  at  Saltville  would  fall 
into  our  hands.  This  force  is  in  the  rear  of  Breckenridge  and 
will  I  have  no  doubt  compel  him  to  withdraw  from  East  Ten 
nessee.  The  same  papers  also  state  that  Sherman  has  carried 
Fort  McAllister  on  the  Ogeechee  River  by  assault,  capturing  the 
garrison  and  entire  armament  thus  opening  up  full  and  complete 
communication  with  our  fleet,  which  can  run  up  to  that  point  with 
the  heaviest  class  of  ships.  All  this  is  very  cheering  news  I 
assure  you.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  December  17,  1864.  .  .  .  Accompanying  this 
is  a  badge  or  medal  of  honor  of  the  I7th  Army  Corps,  General 
McPherson's  old  corps.  It  was  presented  to  me  by  the  officers 
of  that  corps  as  evidence  of  their  friendly  regards.  I  desire  it 
preserved  for  Jimmie.  In  the  meantime  I  think  it  is  beautiful 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  295 

enough  for  you  to  wear.     It  might  answer  as  a  brooch  for  your 
splendid  new  cloak.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  17,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  like  sev 
eral  preceding  it,  too  warm  for  winter  and  good  health. 

Colonel  Porter  went  home  several  days  ago  on  account  of 
sickness  and  Colonel  Badeau  starts  in  the  morning  for  the  same 
reason.  He  is  very  sick  with  fever.  General  Grant  will  be  back 
Monday  next. 

The  news  from  General  Thomas  is  glorious,  a  victory  complete 
as  any  yet  obtained  in  open  field,  with  little  loss  of  life  to  us. 

A  despatch  dated  I4th  from  General  Foster  states  that  he  met 
General  Sherman  that  day,  that  he  was  then  investing  Savannah, 
the  right  of  his  army  resting  on  the  Ogeechee  River  and  the  left 
on  the  Savannah,  three  and  a  half  miles  from  the  city — that  he 
was  sending  a  division  to  the  East  bank  of  the  Savannah  River, 
to  prevent  Hardee's  escaping  with  the  garrison  in  that  direction, 
and  also  to  connect  with  Foster's  forces :  that  Sherman  intended 
summoning  the  city  to  surrender  on  the  i6th  instant  and  in  the 
event  of  refusal  would  open  on  it  with  artillery  at  once.  His 
army  is  in  fine  spirits. 

Here  all  is  quiet.  In  the  morning  a  salute  of  one  hundred  guns 
will  be  fired  in  honor  of  our  victory  at  Nashville.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  18,  1864.  .  .  .  The  salute  of  one  hundred 
guns  in  honor  of  Thomas's  victory  was  fired  this  morning. 

City  Point,  December  20,  1864.  .  .  .  Yesterday  was  a  damp 
day  with  no  news  from  any  quarter.  General  Grant  got  back 
from  Burlington  where  he  had  gone  with  Mrs.  Grant  from 
Washington. 

Colonel  Babcock  arrived  from  Sherman  this  morning,  bringing 
very  satisfactory  report.  All  there  is  well  and  Savannah  must 
soon  fall.  It  is  in  much  the  same  situation  Vicksburg  was  after 
we  invested  it. 

News  from  General  Thomas  is  still  favorable.  We  have  hopes 
he  may  get  a  force  in  Hood's  rear  to  destroy  his  means  of  re- 
crossing  the  Tennessee  River.  One  has  already  been  started  for 
that  purpose  and  if  it  succeeds  Hood  will  be  entirely  ruined.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  21,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  one  of 
storm  and  wind  without,  and  it  admonishes  one  that  within  doors 
is  the  best  place  to  find  comfort  to-night. 


296  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

The  news  from  General  Thomas  is  cheering  and  his  prospects 
of  preventing  Hood  from  recrossing  the  Tennessee  River  are 
hopeful. 

Nothing,  new  from  Sherman.  The  fleet  of  the  expedition 
against  Wilmington  had  appeared  off  that  place  yesterday  and  a 
brigade  of  troops  were  sent  from  Richmond  to  reenforce  Wil 
mington.  It  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  be  too  late.  This  information 
we  have  from  Richmond  papers  and  deserters.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  22,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  is  clear  and  cold. 
All  quiet  here,  no  news  from  Thomas  or  Sherman.  Richmond 
papers  state  that  Butler  and  Porter's  expedition  against  Wilming 
ton  has  done  nothing  as  yet,  that  two  divisions  of  Sheridan's 
cavalry  were  approaching,  one  on  the  Virginia  Central  and  the 
other  on  the  Virginia  &  Tennessee  Railroad.  This  latter  is  no 
doubt  true  as  Sheridan  had  ordered  the  movement  some  time 
ago.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  24,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  no  news  from 
General  Thomas  nor  from  Sherman,  save  that  a  telegraph  op 
erator  from  Richmond  yesterday  says  that  Beauregard  tele 
graphed  on  the  night  of  the  2Oth  to  Davis  that  Savannah  had 
surrendered  to  Sherman  unconditionally  on  the  morning  of  the 
2Oth,  and  that  papers  of  this  date  say  that  there  is  a  report  that 
Hardee  had  evacuated  Savannah  and  Sherman  had  taken  pos 
session. 

The  Wilmington  expedition  has  done  nothing  yet.  All  quiet 
here.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  25,  1864.  .  .  .  This  has  been  a  most 
beautiful  Christmas  and  news  from  Sherman  in  Savannah  made 
it  merry  indeed.  He  telegraphs  through  General  Foster  his  occu 
pation  of  the  place  on  the  2ist;  evacuation  of  it  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  2Oth.  His  captures  consist  of  800  prisoners  of  war,  150 
heavy  guns,  much  ammunition,  three  steamers,  32,000  bales  of 
cotton.  The  enemy  burned  their  navy  yard  and  blew  up  their 
three  ironclads. 

The  news  from  General  Thomas  is  quite  cheering  and  he  is 
still  pursuing  Hood  with  hopes  of  inflicting  greater  damage  upon 
him.  No  news  whatever  from  the  Wilmington  expedition.  Gen 
eral  Butler  is  with  it.  You  remember  what  I  wrote  about  him 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  297 

some  time  since.    I  fear  I  was  right.    Whenever  he  does  anything 
to  change  my  judgment  I  shall  commit  that  change  to  paper.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  26,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  quite 
misty  and  very  foggy.  Everything  here  is  quiet.  News  from 
Thomas  is  still  good.  General  Wilson's  cavalry  appears  to  be 
doing  excellent  service  for  which  I  am  truly  glad,  not  only  on 
the  country's  account  but  on  his  own.  The  General  has  written 
out  his  orders  for  Sherman.  They  are  not  in  accordance  with 
my  first  views,  but  they  are  all  right,  and  when  the  result  of  them 
is  seen,  the  country  will  fully  approve  their  wisdom  .  .  . 

The  Wilmington  expedition  has  failed — failed  too,  I  am  sorry 
to  say  from  what  I  can  learn,  from  the  tardiness  of  the  navy, 
which  delayed  two  clear  days  of  good  weather,  during  which  time 
the  enemy  had  only  one  thousand  men  in  all  the  defences  of  the 
place,  including  Fort  Fisher.  At  the  expiration  of  these  two  days 
a  storm  set  in  which  drove  our  fleet  to  sea  and  gave  the  enemy 
time  to  get  into  the  place  some  eight  or  ten  thousand  men  and 
thereby  destroyed  every  vestige  of  a  chance  for  our  success. 

The  powder  boat  of  which  I  wrote  several  days  ago  was  ex 
ploded  near  Fort  Fisher  and  so  little  damage  did  it  do  that  the 
enemy  thought  it  only  one  of  our  gunboats  that  had  been  run 
aground  and  blown  up  by  us  to  keep  it  out  of  their  hands.  The 
terrible  danger  they  escaped  they  little  dreamed  of.  Our  entire 
casualties  in  the  land  forces  do  not  exceed  sixteen.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  December  30,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  here  to-day 
Frank  P.  Blair,  Sr.,  and  Montgomery  Blair.  Their  mission  is 
one  with  which  I  have  not  been  made  acquainted.  It  does  not, 
however,  relate  to  military  affairs.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  December  31,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  very 
stormy  and  to-night  a  heavy  gale  is  blowing  but  within  my  cozy, 
comfortable  quarters  I  could  wish  you  with  me,  laugh  at  the 
storm,  so  far  as  it  might  affect  me  personally,  and  even  though 
you  are  absent,  I  am  delightfully  enjoying  myself,  in  the  anticipa 
tion  of  your  soon  being  with  me.  Those  of  our  brave  men  with 
out  shelter,  wherever  they  may  be,  I  do  most  sincerely  pity,  and 
wish  within  my  heart  of  hearts,  this  war  were  ended  and  they  in 
the  bosom  of  their  beloved  families. 

We  have  no  news  from  any  quarter.  To-morrow  the  rebel 
army  of  General  Lee  has  a  New  Year's  dinner  gotten  up  by  their 


298  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

friends  in  the  same  manner  as  was  our  Thanksgiving  dinner,  and 
as  they  claim  not  to  have  fired  on  our  lines  to  annoy  us  when 
we  were  enjoying  our  Thanksgiving  dinner,  General  Grant  has 
issued  such  orders  to  our  troops  as  to  prevent  any  firing  to-mor 
row  unless  it  be  in  answer  to  shots  from  the  enemy.  We  are 
never  to  be  outdone,  either  in  fighting  or  magnanimity.  .  .  . 

City  Point,  Va.,  January  i,  1865.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  very 
fine.  No  news  from  any  quarter.  The  mine  intended  to  open  out 
the  canal  was  exploded  but  the  result  was  not  as  favorable  as 
was  anticipated.  It  will  require  several  weeks  more  work  to 
complete  it.  ... 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  his  letter  of  December  7,  Raw- 
lins  speaks  of  the  orders  sent  to  Sherman  from  City  Point 
the  day  previous  by  the  hands  of  Colonel  Babcock,  as  having 
"the  right  ring."  They  were  conveyed  by  an  autograph  letter 
from  General  Grant,  containing  this  phrase  : 

My  idea  now  is  that  you  establish  a  base  on  the  sea  coast, 
fortify  and  leave  in  it  all  your  artillery  and  cavalry  and  enough 
infantry  to  protect  them,  and  at  the  same  time  so  threaten  the 
interior  that  the  militia  of  the  South  will  have  to  be  kept  at  home. 
With  the  balance  of  your  command  come  here  by  water  with  de 
spatch.  Select  yourself  the  officer  to  leave  in  command,  but  I 
want  you  in  person.  Unless  you  see  objections  to  this  plan,  which 
I  cannot  see,  use  every  vessel  going  to  you  for  purposes  of  trans 
portation. 

On  its  face,  this  was  the  natural  and  proper  order  to  secure 
the  concentration  of  the  overwhelming  force  against  Lee, 
which  had  been  the  object  of  Rawlins's,  as  well  as  of  Grant's, 
constant  solicitude.  It  was  approved  by  Halleck,  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  and  the  President,  but  when  water  transporta 
tion  came  to  be  considered,  it  was  found  that  ships  enough 
could  not  be  got  to  transfer  60,000  infantry  from  Savannah  to 
City  Point  in  less  than  sixty  days,  or  say,  before  the  middle  of 
February.  Such  a  movement,  preceded  as  it  must  have  been 
by  a  separation  of  the  cavalry,  artillery  and  trains  from  the 
army,  would  necessarily  result  in  a  certain  amount  of  disin- 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  299 

tegration  and  a  consequent  impairment  of  its  efficiency. 
These  considerations  were  not  lost  sight  of  for  an  instant,  but 
besides  this,  and  the  lost  time  it  would  entail,  there  was  an 
other  which  soon  found  a  lodgment  in  Grant's  mind.  I  refer 
now  to  the  suggestion  that,  if  possible,  it  would  be  better  for 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  overthrow  Lee,  alone  and  un 
aided,  rather  than  by  the  help  of  Sherman's  army,  which  had 
never  suffered  a  defeat,  and  by  "marching  through  Georgia," 
although  unopposed,  had  added  so  greatly  to  its  fame.  It  was 
thought  that  if  it  were  permitted  to  be  in  at  the  death  it 
would  claim,  and  the  country  would  accord  it,  a  share  of  praise 
beyond  its  due,  and  this  might  promote  a  feeling  of  sectional 
ism,  rather  than  one  favorable  to  national  unity  and  harmony. 

It  must  be  recalled  that  Sherman's  entire  army  was  in  the 
highest  condition  of  mobility,  could  doubtless  with  all  its  im 
pedimenta  make  the  overland  march  in  a  considerably  shorter 
time  than  it  would  take  to  land  its  infantry  alone  at  City 
Point,  that  in  making  the  march  it  would  necessarily  destroy 
the  entire  railway  system  upon  which  Lee  depended  for  his 
connection  with  the  Southern  Atlantic  States,  and  would  be 
sides,  constantly  interpose  itself  between  the  Confederate 
forces  it  was  leaving  behind  and  those  under  the  immediate 
command  of  Lee  in  Virginia. 

It  has  been  frequently  shown  that,  strategically  considered, 
Sherman  made  a  serious  mistake  in  going  to  Fort  McAllister 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Ogeechee,  and  then  to  Savannah,  in 
stead  of  marching  directly  through  Augusta  and  the  Carolinas, 
by  the  shortest  and  most  practicable  route  to  Southern  Vir 
ginia.  It  will  be  observed  that  it  was  through  his  loss  of  time 
and  distance,  by  going  to  Savannah,  that  Johnston  was  en 
abled  to  gather  up  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  Confederate 
forces,  and  interpose  himself  between  Sherman  and  Grant. 
Had  Sherman  gone  by  water  to  City  Point,  as  had  been  at 
first  proposed,  Johnston  would  doubtless  have  been  enabled 
to  form  a  junction  with  Lee  early  in  February,  or  before  the 


300  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

troops  which  came  by  rail  from  the  West  under  Schofield 
could  have  intercepted  him  in  North  Carolina. 

Fortunately  Thomas's  victory  at  Nashville,  December  15 
and  1 6,  shook  Grant's  confidence  in  the  soundness  of  his  first 
view  as  to  the  proper  movement  of  Sherman's  army,5  and 
gave  the  foregoing  considerations  their  proper  weight  in  de 
ciding  that  he  should  have  both  the  duty  and  the  privilege  of 
marching  northward  overland  and  giving  South  Carolina  a 
real  taste  of  the  war  she  had  done  so  much  to  provoke. 

It  has  been  charged  that  Rawlins  opposed  this  view  of  the 
case,  and  adhered  to  the  orders  sent  Sherman  on  the  sixth  of 
December ;  but  his  correspondence  shows  beyond  question  that 
he  at  first  opposed  those  orders,  and  fully  approved  the  change 
as  soon  as  it  was  made.  The  military  arguments  which  justify 
the  change,  were  as  easily  understood  by  him  as  by  any  pro 
fessional  soldier  in  the  army,  while  such  of  them  as  were 
based  upon  political  considerations,  if  not  actually  brought 
forward  by  him,  were  more  in  consonance  with  his  known 
views  than  with  those  of  any  other  man  on  the  staff.  Watch 
ful  as  he  was  of  his  Chief's  real  fame,  he  would  naturally 
have  been  the  first  to  see  the  desirability  of  beating  Lee  with 
out  the  actual  presence  of  Sherman  and  his  army.  And  when 
not  only  the  possibility  of  this  was  shown,  but  the  probability 
of  still  greater  injury  to  the  Confederacy  from  the  overland 
march  was  pointed  out,  it  might  well  be  assumed  as  certain, 
in  the  absence  of  positive  testimony  to  the  contrary,  that  Raw 
lins  was  in  full  accord  with  the  change  of  orders  that  left 
Sherman  free  to  carry  out  his  own  preferences.  Had  it  been 
otherwise,  Rawlins  was  not  the  man  to  have  stated  as  he  did 
in  his  letter  of  December  26 : 

.  .  .  The  General  has  written  out  his  orders  for  Sherman. 
They  are  not  in  accordance  with  my  first  views,  but  they  are  all 
right,  and  when  the  result  of  them  is  seen  the  country  will  fully 
approve  their  wisdom. 

5  O.  R.  Serial  No.  92,  Pp.  74O,  797,  79& 


VIEWS  ON  SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  301 

Evidently  he  had  as  much  right  to  change  his  views  as  had 
Grant,  Halleck,  and  Stanton,  and  in  doing  so  gave  additional 
evidence  of  his  real  ability  as  well  as  of  his  independent  judg 
ment.  This  was  indeed  one  of  his  strongest  characteristics. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  he  had  approved  the  action  of 
Grant  in  retiring  W.  F.  Smith  and  restoring  Butler  to  the 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  James.  But  his  correspondence 
shows  that  he  soon  came  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of  trusting 
Butler  with  such  grave  responsibilities.  This  is  made  manifest 
by  a  pointed  remark  in  his  Christmas  letter,  referring  to  the 
Wilmington  expedition : 

.  .  .  General  Butler  is  with  it.  You  remember  what  I  wrote 
about  him  some  time  since.  I  fear  I  was  right.  Whenever  he 
does  anything  to  change  my  judgment  I  shall  commit  that  change 
to  paper. 

While  Rawlins's  correspondence  shows  that  he  was  firmly 
attached  to  such  men  as  Logan,  Dodge,  Gresham,  Ransom, 
Crocker,  and  Legget,  who  had  entered  the  service  from  civil 
life  and  had  become  great  soldiers  from  long  experience  in 
actual  campaign  and  battle,  it  also  shows  that  he  had  no  abid 
ing  faith  in  mere  political  generals,  like  Butler  and  Banks, 
who  failed  to  prove  themselves  equal  to  the  great  opportunities 
which  had  come  to  them  rather  by  their  prominence  in  civil 
affairs  than  by  their  just  deserts  as  military  men. 

Rawlins's  attitude  in  respect  to  this  important  matter  re 
ceives  increased  importance  from  the  action  of  the  appointing 
power  in  respect  to  certain  promotions  in  the  regular  army 
after  the  Spanish  War.  In  the  days  of  the  great  rebellion, 
highly  educated  officers  who  had  served  creditably  both  as 
regulars  and  volunteers  from  the  first,  either  in  confidential 
staff  positions  or  in  actual  command  of  troops,  were  not  in 
frequently  passed  over  in  silence,  or  actually  rejected  by  the 
Senate,  because  they  had  neglected  to  advertise  themselves  in 
the  newspapers,  had  not  otherwise  sufficiently  demonstrated 


302  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

their  fitness  for  high  rank,  or  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to 
invoke  the  aid  of  political  friends  to  secure  their  confirmation. 
Intrigue  was  as  common  then  as  now,  but  fortunately  the 
Senate's  approval  was  hard  to  secure,  and  grew  harder  to 
wards  the  end  of  the  war  for  men  who  had  not  honestly  won 
their  advancement  to  the  higher  grades  by  creditable  deeds. 
It  is  due  to  Rawlins  to  say  that,  although  from  civil  life,  no 
officer  was  a  greater  stickler  than  he  for  the  promotion  of  only 
such  men  as  had  shown  themselves  by  actual  service  to  be 
worthy  of  it.  He  kept  himself  well  informed  as  to  the  char 
acter  and  services  of  the  leading  officers  in  all  the  armies,  and 
when  I  notified  him  by  letter  that  there  was  a  feeling  prevalent 
in  the  Western  Army  that  Generals  Thomas,  Schofield,  Wood, 
Cox,  and  Stanley  had  not  been  properly  recognized,  he  at  once 
earnestly  advocated  their  advancement  and  exerted  all  his 
influence  not  only  with  his  Chief  but  through  Washburne  in 
Congress  to  secure  favorable  recommendations  to  the  War 
Department  and  favorable  action  from  the  Senate.  He  was 
the  ardent  friend  of  every  good  man  in  the  service,  and  the 
implacable  opponent  of  every  man  who  sought  promotion  by 
meretricious  methods,  and  this  came  to  be  generally  recog 
nized  throughout  the  Eastern  as  well  as  the  Western  army. 
His  merit  has  received  no  better  attestation  than  that  derived 
from  the  character  of  the  men  who  gained  his  friendship 
during  the  troublous  days  of  the  war,  and  held  it  to  the  end. 


XVI 

,* 

WINTER    OF    1864-65 

Preparations  for  Final  Campaign — Sheridan  Rejoins  Army  of 
the  Potomac — Conference  with  Rawlins — Sheridan's  Memoirs 
— General  Forsyth's  Letter — General  M.  V.  Sheridan's  Letter 
— Campaign  Begins — Rawlins's  Letters  to  His  Wife — Proposed 
Withdrawal  of  Cavalry — Doubts  and  Discouragements — Raw 
lins's  Letters — Successes  of  Sheridan  and  Humphreys — Grant's 
Correspondence  with  Lee — Part  Taken  by  Rawlins — Lee's 
Surrender. 

FOR  the  first  three  months  of  1865  there  are  but  few  letters 
from  Rawlins  in  existence.  The  winter  was  a  severe  one, 
characterized  by  heavy  rains,  swollen  streams,  and  almost  im 
passable  roads,  and  although  Grant  was  justly  anxious  that 
the  Union  armies  should  not  go  into  permament  encampments 
but  keep  constantly  in  motion,  he  could  neither  move  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  himself,  nor  prevail  upon  his  subordi 
nates  in  that  region  to  carry  on  effective  operations  till  spring. 
In  fact,  the  weather  as  mentioned  in  Rawlins's  letters,  made 
this  impracticable,  and  hence  both  the  Union  and  Conferedate 
armies  in  Virginia  continued  to  confront  each  other  sullenly 
and  defiantly,  but  without  serious  intentions,  while  their  com 
manders  made  themselves  as  comfortable  as  possible  in  winter 
quarters. 

Rawlins,  like  his  Chief,  finally  brought  his  wife  to  City 
Point,  where  she  remained  till  after  the  final  campaign  began. 
During  that  period,  he  of  course  wrote  her  no  letters,  and  be 
ing  but  a  poor  general  correspondent  and  keeping  no  diary,  I 
am  forced  in  the  remainder  of  my  narrative  to  confine  myself 
to  the  Official  Records  and  to  the  memoirs  of  the  times,  for 

303 


304  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  particulars  of  his  career.  As  a  staff-officer,  without  initial 
or  independent  authority,  his  part  was  then  and  always  a 
subordinate  one.  Sherman  found  no  occasion  to  mention  him 
in  his  account  of  the  visit  to  City  Point  in  March,  but  enough 
has  been  said  by  both  Grant  and  Sherman  in  their  "Memoirs" 
to  indicate  that  Rawlins  was  neither  a  silent  nor  an  insignifi 
cant  factor  in  the  determination  of  policies  and  plans.  The 
fact  is  that  he  took  an  important  part  in  both,  and,  as  usual, 
displayed  sound  judgment  and  marked  independence  of  char 
acter. 

It  is  well  known  that  after  authorizing  Sherman  to  make 
his  overland  march  northward  from  Savannah,  issuing  his 
orders  for  the  transfer  of  Schofield,  with  an  army  corps  of 
21,000  veterans,  by  rail  from  Middle  Tennessee  to  the  coast 
of  North  Carolina,  and  directing  Thomas  to  resume  active 
operations  in  various  directions  from  his  Department,  Grant 
made  his  dispositions  to  gather  all  the  forces  within  reach  for 
a  movement  against  Lee.  To  this  end  he  directed  Sheridan 
to  send  back  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  the  Sixth  Corps  and 
such  other  infantry  as  could  be  spared,  but  instead  of  recalling 
the  cavalry,  which  had  grown  steadily  for  the  past  year  in 
aggressive  temper  and  efficiency  and  now  believed  itself  to 
be  invincible,  while  the  infantry  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
with  its  nine  months  of  killing  but  inconclusive  work  had 
gained  but  little  in  steadiness  and  nothing  in  confidence,  he 
ordered  the  great  cavalryman  to  move  up  the  valley  with  his 
horsemen,  clean  up  the  remnant  of  Early 's  force  about  Staun- 
ton,  break  up  the  railroads  and  canal,  cross  the  James  River, 
destroy  the  Southside  Railroad,  and,  after  thus  isolating  the 
Confederate  Capital  and  cutting  off  its  supplies,  to  continue 
his  march  through  Southern  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  to  a 
junction  with  Sherman's  victorious  army,  wherever  it  might 
be  found.  This  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  though  fallacious 
idea  with  Grant,  for  he  had  included  it  as  an  alternative  in  the 
instructions  sent  Wilson  the  year  before. 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  305 

Sheridan  had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  overrunning  all  that 
part  of  Virginia  north  of  Richmond,  but  the  Confederates, 
perceiving  his  purposes,  beat  him  to  the  bridges  above  Rich 
mond,  and  effectively  destroyed  them.  His  own  bridge  train 
was  inadequate  for  the  passage  of  so  wide  a  river  as  the 
James,  and  as  he  believed  in  concentration  rather  than  in  a 
further  dispersion  of  forces,  he  doubled  on  his  track  and  after 
a  wide  and  destructive  march,  through  Central  Virginia  to  the 
eastward  reestablished  connection  with  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  at  Harrison's  Landing,  March  25. 

After  a  full  description  of  the  operations  which  brought  him 
to  this  place,  Sheridan  says  in  his  "Memoirs"  : 

.  .  .  Very  early  next  morning,  in  conformity  with  a  request 
from  General  Grant,  I  left  by  boat  for  City  Point,  Merritt  mean 
while  conducting  the  column  across  the  James  River,  to  the  point 
of  rendezvous.  The  trip  to  City  Point  did  not  take  long,  and  on 
my  arrival  at  Headquarters  the  first  person  I  met  was  General 
John  A.  Rawlins,  General  Grant's  chief  of  staff.  Rawlins  was 
a  man  of  strong  likes  and  dislikes,  and  positive  always  both  in 
speech  and  action,  exhibiting  marked  feelings  when  greeting 
any  one,  and  on  this  occasion  met  me  with  much  warmth.  His 
demonstrations  of  welcome  over,  we  held  a  few  minutes'  con 
versation  about  the  coming  campaign,  he  taking  strong  ground 
against  a  part  of  the  plan  of  operations  adopted,  namely,  that 
which  contemplated  my  joining  General  Sherman's  army.  His 
language  was  unequivocal  and  vehement,  and  when  he  was 
through  talking,  he  conducted  me  to  General  Grant's  quarters 
but  he  himself  did  not  enter. 

As  that  was  the  most  critical  juncture  of  the  war,  every 
thing  which  throws  light  on  the  plan  of  campaign  and  its 
evolution  is  most  important.  And  inasmuch  as  there  is  con 
siderable  divergence  in  the  various  narratives  as  to  the  parts 
played  then  and  afterwards  by  the  great  actors  in  the  drama, 
what  Sherman  says,  although  it  was  written  long  after  the 
events  but  while  still  in  the  full  possession  of  all  his  powers, 
should  be  considered  in  connection  with  what  Grant  himself 


306  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

says.  It  seems  to  be  certain  that  the  Lieutenant  General  was 
somewhat  reluctant  to  give  up  the  idea  of  detaching  Sheridan 
to  join  Sherman  in  the  Carolinas,  as  he  mentioned  it  in  his 
final  letters  to  Sherman  and  incorporated  it  in  his  final  orders 
and  instructions.  His  subsequent  declaration  that  it  was  a 
"blind"  has  the  appearance  of  an  after  thought  as  it  throws 
no  light  whatever  upon  who  was  to  be  deceived  by  the  "blind." 
Both  Sherman  and  Sheridan  were  certainly  entitled  to  his  full 
est  confidence.  It  is  also  certain  that  Sheridan  thought  the 
General's  purpose  was  a  serious  one  which  he  did  not  like  any 
better  after  rejoining  the  Army  and  talking  it  over  than  he 
did  when  it  was  mentioned  in  his  first  orders  and  repeated  in 
Grant's  formal  programme.  Referring  to  this  subject  again, 
Sheridan  makes  the  following  explicit  statement : 

.  .  .  When  I  had  gone  over  the  entire  letter  I  showed  plainly 
that  I  was  dissatisfied  with  it,  for,  coupled  with  what  the  General 
had  outlined  orally,  which  I  supposed  was  the  "other  instructions," 
I  believed  it  foreshadowed  my  junction  with  General  Sherman. 
Rawlins  thought  so  too,  as  his  vigorous  language  had  left  no  room 
to  doubt,  so  I  immediately  began  to  offer  my  objections  to  the 
programme.  These  were  that  it  would  be  bad  policy  to  send  me 
down  to  the  Carolinas  with  a  part  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
to  come  back  to  crush  Lee  after  the  destruction  of  General 
Johnston's  army ;  such  a  course  would  give  rise  to  the  charge  that 
his  own  forces  around  Petersburg  were  not  equal  to  the  task, 
and  would  seriously  affect  public  opinion  in  the  North;  that,  in 
fact,  my  cavalry  belonged  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  which 
army  was  able  unaided  to  destroy  Lee,  and  I  could  not  but  oppose 
any  dispersion  of  its  strength. 

All  this  was  said  in  a  somewhat  emphatic  manner,  and  when 
I  had  finished  he  quietly  told  me  that  the  portion  of  my  instruc 
tions  from  which  I  so  strongly  dissented  was  intended  as  a 
"blind"  to  cover  any  check  the  army  in  its  general  move  to  the 
left  might  meet  with  and  prevent  that  element  in  the  North, 
which  held  that  the  war  could  be  ended  only  through  negotia 
tions,  from  charging  defeat.  The  fact  that  my  cavalry  was  not 
to  ultimately  join  Sherman  was  a  great  relief  to  me,  and  after 
expressing  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  plans  unfolded  for  closing 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  307 

the  war  by  directing  every  effort  to  the  annihilation  of  Lee's 
army,  I  left  him  to  go  to  General  Ingalls's  quarters.  On  my  way 
I  again  met  Rawlins,  who,  when  I  told  him  that  General  Grant 
had  intimated  his  intention  to  modify  the  written  plan  of  opera 
tions  so  far  as  regarded  the  cavalry,  manifested  the  greatest  satis 
faction,  and  I  judged  from  this  that  the  new  view  of  the  matter 
had  not  previously  been  communicated  to  the  chief  of  staff, 
though  he  must  have  been  acquainted  of  course  with  the  pro 
gramme  made  out  on  the  24th  of  March.1 

But  the  substantial  accuracy  of  Sheridan's  statement  does 
not  rest  solely  on  his  own  recollection.  It  is  confirmed  by 
Major  General  James  W.  Forsyth,  who  was  chief  of  staff  to 
Sheridan  from  the  time  he  joined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to 
the  end  of  the  war,  in  a  letter  dated  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  May 
28,  1904,  which  runs  as  follows : 

...  I  shall  begin  this  communication  with  a  conversation  that 
I  had  with  General  Sheridan  when  he  received  his  instructions 
in  the  early  part  of  February,  1865,  in  regard  to  the  movements 
of  his  command. 

Upon  receipt  of  General  Grant's  communication  giving  him 
his  orders,  he  opened  it,  read  it,  and  then  handed  it  to  me  to 
read.  He  was  directed  to  move  up  the  valley  with  his  cavalry, 
clean  up  the  remnant  of  Early's  force  located  near  Staunton, 
then  move  over  into  Southern  Virginia,  destroy  all  railroads,  and, 
if  possible,  the  James  River  and  Kanawha  canal.  Having  accom 
plished  this,  to  cross  the  James  River,  break  up  the  Southside 
Railroad,  then  to  move  south  and  join  Sherman  in  the  Carolinas. 
After  reading  these  instructions  I  said :  "General,  are  you  going 
to  join  Sherman?"  He  said:  "No."  I  said:  "How  are  you 
going  to  get  out  of  it  ?  This  order  is  positive  and  explicit."  He 
said:  "I  am  not  going  to  join  Sherman."  I  said :  "Why?"  He 
said,  in  substance :  "I'll  tell  you  why ;  this  campaign  will  end  the 
war.  I  have  been  anxious  for  fear  Lee  would  commence  moving 
west  before  we  could  get  to  Grant's  army.  The  Army  of  the 
Potomac  will  never  move  from  its  present  position  unless  we 
join  them  and  pull  them  out.  The  cavalry  corps  and  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  have  got  to  whip  Lee.  If  I  obeyed  these  instruc 
tions  and  crossed  the  James  and  joined  Sherman,  the  Army  of 

J-  "Personal  Memoirs  of  P.  H.  Sheridan,"  Vol.  II,  pp.  124-127. 


308  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  Potomac  would  rest  where  they  are  and  Sherman,  with  our 
assistance,  would  close  the  war.  If  this  should  happen  it  would 
be  disastrous  to  the  country,  for  there  would  be  no  balance  of 
power  between  the  East  and  the  West.  This  cavalry  corps  and 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  of  which  it  is  a  part,  have  got  to  wipe 
Lee  out  before  Sherman  and  his  army  reach  Virginia." 

We  moved  out  from  Winchester,  finished  up  Early,  destroyed 
the  railroads  in  Northern  Virginia,  swung  over  on  to  the  James 
River  and  destroyed  the  James  River  and  Kanawha  canal.  Prior 
to  our  departure  from  Charlottesville,  where  we  rested  two  days, 
a  force  of  cavalry  was  sent  south  to  a  bridge  across  the  James 
River  near  a  place  called  Dugansville.  Fitzhugh  Lee's  cavalry 
division  and  Longstreet's  corps  had  been  detached  by  Lee  and 
sent  west  on  the  Southside  Railroad  to  watch  us.  When  our 
cavalry  made  a  dash  for  the  bridge  at  Dugansville,  the  rebels 
burned  it  up  before  our  forces  reached  there.  The  result  of  this 
was  that  there  was  no  bridge  across  the  James  River  from  Rich 
mond  to  Dugansville.  When  the  officer  in  command  of  this 
reconnoissance  reported  to  General  Sheridan  at  Charlottesville, 
he  turned  to  me  and  said :  "How  are  we  going  to  cross  the 
James  River?  Have  you  found  any  bridges  on  your  map  over 
the  James  River  between  Richmond  and  Dugansville?"  "No, 
there  are  none,"  I  said.  Then  he  said:  "How  many  pontoon 
boats  did  you  bring  ?"  I  said :  "We  have  eleven  canvas  pon 
toon  boats."  He  then  said:  "Do  you  think  we  can  bridge  the 
James  with  eleven  pontoon  boats  ?"  I  answered :  "No."  He 
said :  "Well,  as  we  can't  cross  the  James,  we  will  now  join 
Grant."  A  few  days  after  that  we  reached  a  place  on  the  James 
River  and  Kanawha  canal  called  Columbia.  In  the  destruction 
of  the  canal  we  had  captured  sixty  canal  boats  loaded  with  ord 
nance  and  medical  supplies  on  their  way  west  to  Lynchburg. 
This  disturbed  the  General  very  much,  as  it  indicated  that  Lee 
was  preparing  to  move  west  into  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  of 
Virginia. 

From  Columbia  we  sent  two  scouts  north  of  the  river  and 
around  Richmond,  and  two  scouts  down  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
each  of  whom  carried  a  copy  of  the  same  despatch  notifying 
General  Grant  of  our  success,  of  the  impossibility  of  crossing  the 
James  and,  therefore,  that  General  Sheridan  further  proposed 
to  move  around  north  of  Richmond  to  White  House  Landing 
on  the  Pamunkey  River,  and  thence  south  to  the  Army  of  the 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  309 

Potomac.  He  requested  General  Grant  to  have  the  supplies  for 
our  command  at  White  House  Landing  ready  for  us  upon  our 
arrival  there. 

We  joined  General  Grant  about  the  25th  of  March,  the  cavalry 
corps  was  ordered  out  on  the  left  of  the  line  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  orders  were  issued  to  move  out  on  the  27th  and 
swing  around  the  left  and  try  to  cut  up  the  railroads  in  that  part 
of  the  country.  This  project  was  not  carried  out. 

We  fought  the  Battle  of  Dinwiddie  C.  H.  on  the  3 1st  and  the 
battle  of  Five  Forks  on  the  ist  of  April.  All  the  while  we  were 
moving  and  getting  into  position  we  had  nothing  but  soaking 
rains.  Our  wagon  trains  were  all  stalled  on  the  road.  Prior  to 
the  battle  of  Dinwiddie  C.  H.  General  Sheridan  went  over  to 
General  Grant's  headquarters  every  day  for  the  purpose  of  seeing 
General  Rawlins  and  helping  him  to  brace  up  and  sustain  General 
Grant.  The  relationship  between  Sheridan  and  Rawlins,  Grant's 
chief  of  staff,  was  exceedingly  close,  and  there  was  no  man  in 
that  army  so  determined  and  positive  that  we  should  continue  to 
push  on  and  crush  Lee's  army  as  General  Rawlins.  Sheridan 
agreed  with  him.  1  believe  if  it  had  not  been  for  these  two  men 
that  Grant  would  have  dropped  back  into  his  original  works  at 
Petersburg.  In  fact,  an  order  was  drafted  and  printed,  accord 
ing  to  my  best  recollections,  looking  to  that  end.  The  location  of 
the  army  wagons,  the  supply  trains  and  the  cattle  herds  were 
changed.  The  pressure  brought  on  General  Grant  by  General 
Meade  and  other  officers  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  the 
desperate  and  continuous  rains  were  the  reason  assigned  for  with 
drawing.  The  men  who  prevented  that  withdrawal  were  General 
Sheridan  and  General  Rawlins.  When  Sheridan  arrived  at  City 
Point  he  clasped  the  hand  of  Rawlins  and  earnestly  discussed 
the  condition  of  affairs.  A  compact  was  made  and  they  stood  by 
each  other  all  the  way  through. 

This  statement  is  further  certified  by  a  letter  from  General 
M.  V.  Sheridan,  dated  June  20,  1904,  from  which  I  make 
the  following  quotation : 

.  .  .  Not  having  been  with  General  Sheridan  on  his  trip  to 
Dabney's  Mill,  I  have  only  my  recollections  that  came  from  talks 
I  have  had  with  General  Sheridan  then  and  afterwards.  These 
convinced  me  that  Rawlins  objected  to  the  retrograde  movement 


3io  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  I  have  always  understood  that  the 
retrograde  movement  was  suggested  by  General  Meade,  and  that 
it  was  assented  to  by  General  Grant  there  is  no  question.  The 
letter  of  General  Grant  (Page  142,  Sheridan's  Memoirs)  cor 
roborates  this. 

I  care  as  much  for  the  memory  of  General  Grant  as  any  man 
that  lives  to-day,  but  I  regret  to  say  that  in  writing  his  "Memoirs" 
he  dismissed  from  his  mind,  with  a  few  words,  an  incident  which 
had  a  most  important  bearing  upon  the  close  of  the  war. 

The  history  of  the  whole  matter  as  given  in  detail  by  General 
Sheridan  can  be  the  only  truthful  and  accepted  one.  When 
Grant  wrote  he  was  a  dying  man.  .  .  . 

The  renewal  of  the  forward  movement  of  the  forces  under 
Grant's  immediate  command  began  on  March  29,  1865,  and 
on  the  evening  of  that  day  Rawlins  wrote  from  the  first  camp 
of  Army  Headquarters  to  his  wife  whom  he  had  left  in  his 
cabin  at  City  Point,  as  follows : 

Crossing  of  Vaughn  Road,  Gravelly  Run,  March  29,  1865.  .  .  . 
To-day  has  been  very  favorable  for  our  movements;  everything 
thus  far  meets  our  expectations.  About  4:30  p.  M.  the  enemy 
with  two  divisions  attacked  Griffin's  division  of  Warren's  corps, 
but  were  handsomely  repulsed,  leaving  in  our  hands  one  hundred 
prisoners  and  losing  many  in  killed  and  wounded.  Our  loss  was 
between  two  and  three  hundred.  Warren  followed  the  enemy 
until  he  retired  inside  his  main  lines.  Sheridan  has  reached 
Dinwiddie  Court  House,  and  everything  is  ready  for  an  advance 
early  in  the  morning.  The  General  feels  like  making  a  heavy 
push  for  everything  we  have  hoped  for  so  long,  and  I  am  not 
slow  in  seconding  all  such  feelings.  It  does  seem  to  me  we  must 
succeed. 

I  trust,  darling,  you  are  giving  yourself  as  little  anxiety  as 
possible  about  me.  I  have  coughed  but  very  little  and  I  ate  one  of 
the  best  dinners  since  dark  I  have  eaten  in  a  great  while.  My 
tent  looks  very  tidy,  for,  you  see,  it  is  new ;  besides  I  have  Jenny's 
little  chair,  brought  by  mistake  of  course,  which  reminds  me  all 
the  time  of  you  and  her.  Tell  her  I  shall  bring  it  back.  Say  to 
Mrs.  Grant  the  General  is  in  fine  spirits  and  I  believe  she  will  ere 
long  be  happy  in  seeing  the  captor  of  Richmond  in  him.  .  .  . 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  311 

The  next  day  the  camp  was  moved  further  to  the  front, 
and  aggressive  operations  continued,  but  it  rained  heavily  that 
night  and  the  next  morning.  The  streams  became  flooded, 
and  the  country  roads  were  converted  into  quagmires  and 
quicksand.  It  looked  for  much  of  the  day  as  though  the  for 
ward  movement  would  have  to  be  abandoned.  Sheridan  had 
met  with  fierce  resistance  in  his  effort  to  advance  from  Din- 
widdie  Court  House.  Warren  had  been  greatly  delayed  by 
swollen  creeks  and  muddy  roads  in  his  night  march  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  cavalry,  and  consequently  a  feeling  of  discourage 
ment  and  gloom  began  to  spread  throughout  the  army.  It  is 
certain  that  operations  were  temporarily  suspended  at  the 
front,  because  of  the  rain,  and  that  this  was  with  Grant's  con 
currence  is  shown  by  his  letter  of  March  30  to  General  Sheri 
dan,  in  which  he  directs  him,  after  leaving  a  force  to  protect 
the  left,  to  "send  the  remainder  back  to  Humphreys's  station 
where  they  can  get  hay  and  grain."  2 

At  that  juncture  Rawlins  wrote  as  follows : 

Dabney's  Mill,  March  31,  1865.  .  .  .  Owing  to  the  rain  last 
night  and  this  morning,  making  the  roads  movable  quicksand,  the 
proposed  movement  of  General  Sheridan  had  to  be  postponed 
indefinitely.  So  one  of  my  bright  visions  of  hope  has  for  the 
present  passed  away.  To-day  we  have  had  considerable  fighting, 
and  the  losses  in  Warren's  corps  in  prisoners  are,  I  fear,  pretty 
heavy,  as  usual,  with  him.  He  sent  out  one  division  to  seize  a 
road,  and  instead  of  sending  his  other  divisions  to  support  it, 
suffered  it  to  be  beaten  and  driven  back  on  his  second  divison, 
which  in  turn  was  driven  back  on  his  third,  which  checked  the 
enemy's  further  advance.  Had  he  sent  up  his  second  and  third 
to  the  fight  when  it  began,  we  should  have  had  a  splendid  victory 
and  would  have  saved  Sheridan's  cavalry  from  imminent  peril. 
But  thanks  to  God  and  Sheridan,  the  cavalry  has  been  saved 
without  his  aid.  Warren  is  now  moving  with  his  whole  corps 
to  get  in  the  rear  of  Pickett's  division,  which  has  been  fighting 
Sheridan.  I  do  hope  he  will  succeed  in  getting  where  he  is 
ordered.  If  so,  all  will  yet  be  well  if  not  glorious.  .  .  . 

2  "Personal  Memoirs  of  P.  H.  Sheridan,"  Vol.  II,  p.  142. 


312  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Neither  of  these  letters  shows  any  hesitation  or  doubt  on 
'Rawlins's  part,  but  the  last  quoted  seems  to  make  it  clear, 
without  giving  details,  that  the  rain  was  the  principal  if  not 
the  only  cause  of  the  delay  which  had  apparently  been  decided 
upon.  This  view  of  the  matter  is  fully  confirmed  by  Sheri 
dan's  Memoirs,  and  Forsyth's  letter.  There  is  no  intimation 
from  any  source  that  Rawlins  had  lost  heart  in  the  slightest 
degree  or  that  his  course  at  any  time  during  the  campaign  was 
other  than  what  it  had  always  been,  in  favor  of  a  persistent 
aggressive  campaign  to  the  bitter  end.  And  yet,  many  years 
afterwards,  Grant  in  his  "Memoirs"  makes  the  following 
statement : 

.  .  .  Although  my  chief  of  staff  had  urged  very  strongly  that 
we  return  to  our  position  about  City  Point  and  in  the  lines  around 
Petersburg,  he  asked  Sheridan  to  come  in  to  see  me  and  say 
to  me  what  he  had  been  saying  to  them.  Sheridan  felt  a  little 
modest  about  giving  his  advice  where  it  had  not  been  asked;  so 
one  of  my  staff  came  in  and  told  me  that  Sheridan  had  what  they 
considered  important  news,  and  suggested  that  I  send  for  him. 
I  did  so,  and  was  glad  to  see  the  spirit  of  confidence  with  which 
he  was  imbued.  Knowing  as  I  did  from  experience  of  what  great 
value  that  feeling  of  confidence  by  a  commander  was,  I  deter 
mined  to  make  a  movement  at  once,  although  on  account  of  the 
rains  which  had  fallen  after  I  had  started  out  the  roads  were 
still  very  heavy.  Orders  were  given  accordingly."  3 

In  view  of  what  Rawlins  wrote  to  his  wife,  as  well  as  of 
what  has  been  quoted  from  Sheridan's  "Memoirs"  and  from 
Forsyth's  letter,  the  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  the  memory 
of  Grant — fully  twenty  years  afterwards,  and  suffering  from 
an  incurable  malady — was  at  fault  in  the  allegation  that  Raw 
lins  urged  the  return  of  the  army  to  its  former  position  "about 
City  Point  and  in  the  lines  around  Petersburg."  The  only 
reasonable  explanation  of  this  statement  is  that  Grant's  letter 
directing  the  withdrawal  of  the  cavalry  from  Dinwiddie  Court 
House,  as  well  as  the  retrograde  movement,  which  it  was  sup- 

3  "Personal  Memoirs  of  U.  S.  Grant,"  Vol.  II,  p.  436. 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  313 

posed  to  foreshadow,  was  suggested  by  General  Meade,  be 
cause  of  the  heavy  rains  or  the  stout  resistance  of  the  enemy, 
or  by  some  other  important  person,  and  not  by  the  Chief  of 
Staff,  who  had  always,  up  to  that  time,  stood  as  the  exponent 
of  an  unrelenting  and  aggressive  policy.  Undoubtedly  the 
bad  weather  and  the  almost  impassable  state  of  the  roads  and 
fields,  were  the  immediate  cause  of  the  suspension  of  all  ag 
gressive  operations  on  March  31,  as  well  as  of  the  authorized 
withdrawal  of  the  cavalry.  But  as  the  actual  conditions  were 
evidently  quite  as  unfavorable  to  the  Confederate  as  to  the 
Union  forces,  the  recall  of  the  order  for  the  retirement  of  the 
cavalry  was  not  only  timely  but  greatly  to  the  credit  of  those 
who  advised  it.  That  Sheridan  is  entitled  to  the  first  place  in 
this  is  made  clear  by  Grant's  own  statement,  and  that  Rawlins 
is  entitled  to  the  second,  is  made  equally  clear  by  the  state 
ments  of  both  Sheridan  and  Forsyth. 

In  connection  with  the  change  of  plan  by  which  Sheridan 
was  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  again  cutting  loose  from 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  making  his  way  to  a  junction 
with  Sherman  in  North  Carolina,  but  little  is  said  in  any  of 
the  histories  or  memoirs  of  that  period.  Still  less  is  said  in 
regard  to  the  origin  of  the  order  directing  Sheridan  on  March 
31  to  leave  a  portion  of  his  cavalry  to  protect  the  left  and 
withdraw  the  rest  to  Humphreys's  station  on  the  railroad. 
Sheridan's  ride  to  Grant's  headquarters  at  Dabney's  Mill,  on 
the  receipt  of  that  order  is  mentioned  in  Newhall's  "With 
General  Sheridan  in  Lee's  Last  Campaign,"  but  it  casts  no 
light  upon  the  occasion.  Indeed,  no  mention  is  made  of  the 
incident  except  in  the  "Memoirs"  of  Grant  and  in  those  of 
Sheridan.  Grant's  letter  to  Sheridan  has  been  frequently 
alluded  to  as  authorizing  a  retrograde  movement,  but  Hum 
phreys  and  other  writers  of  accurate  memory  refer  to  what 
actually  followed  as  at  most  a  suspension  of  hostilities  for  the 
day,  or  a  part  of  the  day,  due  entirely  to  the  heavy  rains.  It 
is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  rains  having  ceased  on  the 


314  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

morning  of  March  31  the  roads  dried  out  rapidly  and  were 
sufficiently  improved  to  permit  the  partial  renewal  of  opera 
tions  that  afternoon.  There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  Sheri 
dan  and*  his  confidential  staff  officers  for  several  hours  thought 
that  Grant's  letter  directing  the  withdrawal  of  the  cavalry, 
foreshadowed  an  abandonment  of  the  campaign  then  fully 
under  way.  It  appears  to  be  equally  certain  that  Sheridan 
and  Rawlins,  in  mutual  confidence  and  support,  stood  together 
in  the  determination  to  prevent  such  an  inglorious  result. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  precise  facts  of  the  case,  it  is 
to  be  observed  that  it  presents  the  second  occasion,  during  the 
entire  period  of  the  war,  on  which  Grant  ever  allowed  himself 
to  question  the  conduct  or  the  judgment  of  Rawlins,  or  to 
cast  the  slightest  reflection  upon  the  aggressive  policy  of  which 
he  had  come  to  be  generally  acknowledged  as  the  advocate. 
At  most  the  incident  as  recorded  indicates  a  temporary  dif 
ference  of  opinion  between  the  Lieutenant  General  and  his 
chief  of  staff,  from  which  no  evil  consequences  resulted. 
Fortunately  the  difference,  whatever  its  extent,  led  to  the  is 
suance  of  no  formal  orders  for  a  "retrograde  movement,"  of 
any  corps  except  the  cavalry,  and  if  such  movement  was  ever 
seriously  thought  of  for  the  infantry,  by  Meade,  or  by  any  one 
else,  whether  on  account  of  the  rain,  or  of  the  fierceness  of 
the  Confederate  resistance  in  the  vicinity  of  Dinwiddie  Court 
House,  it  is  a  creditable  circumstance  that  the  thought  never 
crystallized  into  definite  orders,  either  written  or  oral.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  any  such  orders  were  ever  given  or  that 
there  was  ever  anything  more  than  a  temporary  cessation  of 
the  pressure  which  Sheridan  and  Rawlins,  from  the  first, 
never  doubted  would  end  the  war. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  while  the  Lieutenant  General 
might  have  had  at  any  time  the  opinions  and  advice  of  his 
subordinates  for  the  asking,  the  responsibility  of  advance  or 
retreat  rested  in  that  as  in  every  other  case,  solely  upon  him, 
and  it  was  infinitely  to  his  credit  that  he  decided  after  but  a 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  315 

few  hours'  hesitation  in  favor  of  an  unrelenting  advance. 
It  is  evident  from  all  accounts  that  the  condition  of  the  weather 
and  the  roads  was,  for  at  least  two  days  of  the  campaign,  most 
discouraging;  but  clear  skies  and  sunshine  soon  brought  a 
revival  of  hope  which  culminated  in  a  determination  to  con 
tinue  the  movement  as  begun  until  victory  should  crown  it 
with  complete  success.  Fortunately,  heavy  rains  and  muddy 
roads  are  about  as  fatal  to  movements  in  retreat  as  in  advance. 
If  they  paralyze  one  belligerent  they  are  likely  to  have  the 
same  effect  upon  the  other.  Hence  it  is  always  well  in  stormy 
weather  to  wait  a  while  for  developments. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  doubts  and  discouragements 
of  the  initial  movements  of  the  campaign,  it  is  certain  that 
the  brighter  weather  of  April  i  found  Grant's  headquarters, 
as  well  as  the  left  of  the  army,  glowing  with  hope  and  confi 
dence.  By  the  battle  of  Five  Forks  Sheridan  literally  pulled 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  out  of  its  hesitation  and  delay,  and 
started  it  in  earnest  upon  its  last  and  most  victorious  cam 
paign.  Nothing  could  now  stop  it,  and  nothing  but  a  failure 
to  press  forward  with  the  utmost  speed  could  mar  the  com 
pleteness  of  its  success.  When  the  troops  were  in  motion  and 
the  enemy  on  the  retreat,  Rawlins  was  not  the  man  to  inter 
pose  with  suggestions.  His  letters  to  his  wife,  written 
in  the  evening  after  the  results  of  the  day's  operations  were 
known,  were  necessarily  brief  and  to  the  point.  So  far  as  I 
know,  they  are  the  only  ones  hot  from  the  very  center  of  in 
formation,  and  while  they  are  full  of  confidence,  they  bear 
unmistakable  testimony  to  the  fact  that  Sheridan  held  the  post 
of  honor  and  of  interest  in  the  drama  that  was  then  so  rapidly 
unrolling  itself  before  the  world.  As  his  turning  movement 
acquired  momentum,  it  brought  the  left  wing  and  center  of 
the  army  into  closer  relation,  and  made  it  unnecessary  for 
Grant  to  break  camp  till  April  2,  for  the  purpose  of  following 
the  marching  columns.  Consequently  he  held  on  for  the  day 


3i6  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

at  Dabney's  Mill,  from  which  place  Rawlins  wrote,  April  i, 
1865,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  The  hero  of  the  Shenandoah  stands  afront  of  all  on  the 
Appomattox.  His  personal  gallantry  and  great  genius  have  se 
cured  to  us  a  splendid  success  to-day,  4,000  prisoners,  8  pieces  of 
artillery  and  many  wagons,  with  the  morale  of  victory  to  us. 
General  Grant  is  making  every  exertion  to  prevent  anything 
occurring  to  dim  its  brightness.  Miles's  fine  division  with  all  the 
reserves  of  the  Second  Corps  move  at  twelve  to-night  to  join 
Sheridan,  to  enable  him  to  resist  any  attempt  the  enemy  may 
make  to  retrieve  their  losses  and  to  follow  up  his  successes,  as 
circumstances  may  determine  in  the  morning.  All  the  other  corps 
will  attack  between  this  and  morning.  Sheridan  relieved  Warren 
of  his  command  and  succeeded  him  with  Griffin.  This  should 
have  been  done  yesterday.  .  .  . 

Southside  Railroad,  April  2,  1865.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  one  of 
battle  and  glorious  victory.  Thank  God,  the  Lieutenant  General 
has  commanded  in  it  himself  and  not  permitted  the  spirit  or,  I 
might  say,  the  genius  of  his  orders,  to  be  dampened  by  his 
subordinate  commander. 

We  have  captured  as  strongly  entrenched  positions  as  I  have 
seen — many  thousand  prisoners  and  pieces  of  artillery.  We  hope 
to  get  Sheridan  with  the  Fifth  Corps  and  two  divisions  of  the 
Second  Corps  to  the  north  side  of  the  Appomattox  between  this 
and  morning,  which  will  enable  us  to  shut  up  the  enemy's  forces 
in  Petersburg  or  compel  them  to  evacuate  that  place.  .  .  . 

Sutherland  Station,  April  4,  1865.  ...  I  did  not  write  to  you 
last  night,  for  the  reason  that  I  had  no  opportunity  of  sending 
back.  I  now  do  so  hoping  for  such  an  opportunity  to-day. 

The  evacuation  of  Richmond  and  the  apparently  great  de 
moralization  of  Lee's  army  have  decided  the  General  to  follow 
it  up  to  its  final  destruction,  if  possible  to  do  so ;  hence  it  is  not 
probable  that  I  shall  reach  City  Point  for  some  time.  So,  please, 
after  visiting  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  make  your  preparations 
to  return  to  Danbury.  You  need  not  start,  however,  till  you 
hear  from  me  again.  Colonel  Bowers  will  let  Harry  go  with 
you,  I  am  sure.  Speak  to  him  about  it.  If  we  are  brought  to  a 
halt  by  the  enemy,  or  for  the  want  of  supplies,  I  may  get  to  see 
you  before  you  start  home,  which  I  desire  so  much  to  do.  My 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  317 

health  is  much  better  than  when  lying  still  at  City  Point.  The 
excitement  of  victory  and  of  army  life  agrees  with  me.  The 
letter  of  yesterday,  which  I  expected  from  you,  I  did  not  receive. 
Don't  fail  to  write  me  often. 

The  decision  of  the  General  not  to  let  Lee  rest  is  a  wise  one 
and  augurs  the  early  termination  of  the  war.  I  had  feared  he 
might  not  so  decide,  but  all  is  well  now  and  promising  early 
brightness  of  the  national  sky.  .  .  . 

With  the  campaign  at  last  in  full  swing,  the  enemy's  right 
wing  doubled  up  and  driven  back,  and  his  entrenchments  cov 
ering  Petersburg  in  possession  of  the  victors,  there  was  noth 
ing  left  for  Lee  except  to  retreat.  Richmond  was  no  longer 
tenable.  Davis  and  his  cabinet  had  fled,  and  ruin  was  staring 
the  Confederacy  in  the  face.  Sheridan  and  Humphreys's 
rapid  advance  resulted  in  a  sure  lodgment  of  the  Southside 
Railway,  fully  nine  months  after  it  was  first  broken  by  Wil 
son's  cavalry.  All  the  roads  south  of  the  Appomattox  were 
at  last  firmly  in  the  grasp  of  the  national  army,  and  there  was 
no  way  left  open  for  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  except  by  a  cir 
cuitous  route  leading  in  the  direction  of  Amelia  Court  House. 
It  was  now  a  race  for  life  between  Lee  and  his  pursuers,  with 
the  short  line  in  favor  of  the  pursuers. 

Rawlins  was  the  constant  companion  of  his  Chief,  sharing 
his  labor  and  joining  in  his  counsel,  but,  so  far  as  is  known, 
writing  only  orders  and  despatches.  The  hurry  and  rush  of 
the  campaign,  which  culminated  in  the  disintegration  of  Lee's 
army  and  its  final  surrender  at  Appomattox  Court  House, 
overwhelmed  the  staff  with  work.  There  was  but  little  time 
for  rest  and  sleep,  and  none  for  personal  correspondence. 
Even  the  diaries  and  itineraries  were  left  to  be  filled  up  after 
the  campaign  was  ended.  Only  the  reporters  were  making 
contemporaneous  records.  The  great  actors  now  occupied 
the  stage  in  front  of  all  others.  Grant  and  Lee  held  the  cen 
ter,  with  Meade,  Sheridan,  and  Humphreys  on  one  side,  and 
Longstreet  and  Gordon  on  the  other.  The  staff  officers  had 


318  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

their  part,  but  it  was  the  part  of  subordinates.  Rawlins,  worn 
and  pale  with  disease  and  impaired  strength,  met  all  demands 
upon  him.  At  the  supreme  moment  he  was  by  the  side  of  his 
Chief,  and  when  Lee's  letter  came  asking  for  an  interview  he 
was  the  first  to  see  it  after  Grant  had  opened  and  read  it. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Grant  first  wrote  to  Lee,  April 
7,  1865,  saying  in  substance  that  the  results  of  the  last  week's 
operations  should  not  only  convince  him  that  further  resistance 
must  be  hopeless  but  were  such  as  to  justify  a  demand  for  the 
surrender  of  that  portion  of  the  Confederate  forces  known  as 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  Lee  replied  the  same  day, 
asking  what  terms  would  be  offered.  This  letter  did  not  reach 
General  Grant  till  the  eighth,  but  was  followed  immediately 
by  a  reply  that  as  "peace"  was  "his  great  desire,"  there  was 
but  one  condition  which  he  would  insist  upon,  namely  that  the 
men  and  officers  surrendered  should  be  disqualified  from  tak 
ing  up  arms  again  till  properly  exchanged.  This  communica 
tion  reached  Lee  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  use  of  the  word 
"peace"  was  at  once  seized  upon  by  that  astute  and  wary  com 
mander  with  the  hope  of  broadening  the  meeting  into  one  for 
a  treaty  of  peace  between  the  contending  belligerents.  In  his 
reply  he  put  forward  the  declaration  that  he  had  not  intended 
to  propose  the  surrender  of  his  army  and  did  not  think  the 
emergency  called  for  such  a  result.  He  added : 

.  .  .  But  as  the  restoration  of  peace  should  be  the  sole  object 
of  all,  I  desire  to  know  whether  your  proposal  would  lead  to  that 
end.  I  cannot  therefore  meet  you  with  a  view  to  surrendering 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  but  as  far  as  your  proposals 
may  effect  the  Confederate  States'  forces  under  my  command 
and  tend  to  the  restoration  of  peace,  I  shall  be  glad  to  meet  you 
at  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  to-morrow  on  the  old  stage  road  to  Rich 
mond,  between  the  pickets  of  the  two  armies. 

The  phraseology  of  this  note  was  adroitly  framed.  It  was 
evidently  designed  to  entrap  a  frank  and  generous  commander 
who  was  anxious  to  bring  his  labors  to  a  successful  close,  and 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  319 

yet  not  quite  sure  that  he  had  the  enemy  in  such  position  as 
would  render  his  capture  certain.  It  reached  Grant  at  mid 
night,  and,  according  to  Cadwallader,  the  Herald  correspon 
dent  who  occupied  the  parlor  of  the  farmhouse  where  head 
quarters  had  been  located  for  the  night,  it  was  sent  upstairs 
to  the  bedroom  occupied  by  Grant  and  Rawlins.  As  custom 
ary,  it  was  delivered  to  Rawlins,  who  tore  it  open  and  pro 
ceeded  to  read  it  in  a  voice  so  loud  that  both  the  correspondent 
and  the  junior  staff  officers  below-stairs  heard  it  as  fully  as 
Grant  did.  Rawlins  caught  its  drift  instantaneously,  and 
pointed  out  Lee's  disingenuousness  and  inconsistency  in  the 
declaration  that  he  did  not  intend  to  propose  the  surrender  of 
his  army,  but  was  ready  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of  considering 
the  restoration  of  peace.  At  this  Rawlins  flamed  up,  and,  ac 
cording  to  Cadwallader,  addressing  Grant  directly,  said : 

Lee  now  tries  to  take  advantage  of  a  single  word  used  by 
you  as  a  reason  for  granting  such  easy  terms.  He  wants  to  entrap 
us  into  making  a  treaty  of  peace.  You  said  nothing  about  that. 
You  asked  him  to  surrender.  He  replied  by  asking  what  terms 
you  would  give  if  he  surrendered.  You  answered  by  stating  the 
terms.  Now  he  wants  to  arrange  for  peace — something  to  em 
brace  the  whole  Confederacy  if  possible.  No,  sir, — no,  sir  !  This 
is  a  positive  insult — an  attempt  in  an  underhand  way  to  change  the 
whole  terms  of  the  correspondence. 

Thereupon  Grant  replied : 

It  amounts  to  the  same  thing — Lee  is  only  trying  to  be  let  down 
easily.  I  can  meet  him,  as  requested,  in  the  morning,  and  settle 
the  whole  business  in  an  hour. 

But  Rawlins  was  inexorable  and  declared  with  all  his 
strength : 

It  would  be  presumptuous  to  try  to  teach  General  Lee  the  force 
of  words,  or  the  use  of  the  English  language;  that  he  had  pur 
posely  proposed  to  arrange  terms  of  peace  to  gain  time  and  secure 
better  terms ;  that  the  note  was  cunningly  worded  to  that  end,  and 


320  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

deserved  no  reply  whatever.  He  doesn't  think  the  emergency  has 
arisen !  That's  cool, — but  another  falsehood.  That  emergency 
has  been  staring  him  in  the  face  for  forty-eight  hours.  If  he 
hasn't  seen  it  yet,  we  will  soon  bring  it  to  his  comprehension.  He 
has  to  surrender !  It  shall  be  surrender — and  nothing  else ! 

To  this  outburst  Grant  replied  modestly  and  quietly : 

Some  allowance  must  be  made  for  the  trying  position  in  which 
General  Lee  is  placed.  He  is  compelled  to  defer  somewhat  to  the 
wishes  of  his  Government  and  his  military  associates.  But  it  all 
means  precisely  the  same  thing.  If  I  meet  Lee,  he  will  surrender 
before  I  leave. 

Then  Rawlins  took  another  stand. 

You  have  no  right  to  meet  Lee,  or  anybody  else,  to  arrange 
terms  of  peace.  That  is  the  prerogative  of  the  President  and  the 
Senate.  Your  business  is  to  capture  or  destroy  Lee's  army. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  was  a  strictly  legal  view  of  the 
situation,  due  doubtless  to  Rawlins's  training  as  a  lawyer.  In 
bringing  it  forward  he  gave  it  additional  force  by  reminding 
Grant  that  when  he  telegraphed  for  instructions  in  reference 
to  meeting  the  Confederate  Peace  Commissioners  at  City 
Point  a  few  weeks  before,  Stanton  in  his  reply  went  to  the 
verge  of  giving  him  a  reprimand.  This  was  the  most  notable 
despatch  of  the  day,  and  if  it  had  been  sent  to  meet  the  emer 
gency  which  confronted  Grant  in  his  correspondence  with  Lee, 
could  not  have  been  more  explicit  or  more  applicable.  Raw 
lins  dwelt  with  emphasis  upon  its  terms  which  are  as  follows : 

The  President  directs  me  to  say  to  you  that  he  wishes  you  to 
have  no  conference  with  General  Lee  unless  it  be  for  the  capitu 
lation  of  Lee's  army  or  on  solely  minor  and  purely  military  mat 
ters.  He  instructs  me  to  say  that  you  are  not  to  decide,  discuss 
or  confer  upon  any  political  question.  Such  questions  the  Presi 
dent  holds  in  his  own  hands,  and  will  submit  them  to  no  military 
conferences  or  conventions. 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  321 

Rawlins  concluded  the  argument  by  pointing  out  that  this 
despatch  was  sent  when  Grant  had  no  thought  of  treating  for 
peace,  but  had  merely  asked  for  instructions  as  to  the  treat 
ment  he  should  give  to  the  Commissioners.  It  is  well  known 
that  Grant,  at  the  time,  regarded  the  wording  and  scope  of 
Stanton's  reply  as  an  open  rebuke;  but  in  view  of  its  provi 
sions,  which  were  still  more  pertinent  to  the  case  under  con 
sideration,  and  finding  that  Rawlins  was  irreconcilably  op 
posed  to  the  meeting  as  modified  by  the  provisions  of  Lee's 
last  note,  Grant  yielded,  and  Rawlins  carried  his  point,  as  he 
always  did  when  his  mind  was  resolutely  set.  But  as  Grant 
felt  that  it  was  his  duty  to  give  a  respectful  answer  to  all 
official  communications,  and  that  Lee  was,  under  the  circum 
stances  which  surrounded  him,  especially  entitled  to  courteous 
treatment,  he  replied  fully  to  his  note.  The  discussion  with 
Rawlins  had  cleared  the  case  of  all  uncertainty,  and  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  reply  entirely  within  Grant's  discretion,  but 
•  which  was  so  clear  and  explicit  that  it  could  not  be  misunder 
stood.  As  this  reply  is  a  historical  document,  which  owed  its 
form  and  provisions  to  a  most  unusual  discussion  between  a 
victorious  general  and  his  chief  of  staff,  and  was  besides  an 
essential  link  in  events  of  far-reaching  importance  to  the 
country,  its  provisions  should  not  be  forgotten.  It  was  writ 
ten  at  Clifton  House,  Virginia,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  night 
of  April  9,  1865,  and>  omitting  the  address,  runs  as  fol 
lows: 

Your  note  of  yesterday  is  received.  As  I  have  no  authority  to 
treat  on  the  subject  of  peace,  the  meeting  proposed  by  you  for 
10  A.  M.  to-day  could  lead  to  no  good.  I  will  state,  however, 
General,  that  I  am  equally  anxious  for  peace,  with  yourself,  and 
the  whole  North  entertain  the  same  feeling.  The  terms  upon 
which  peace  can  be  had  are  well  understood.  By  the  South  lay 
ing  down  their  arms  they  will  hasten  that  most  desirable  event, 
save  thousands  of  human  lives,  and  hundreds  of  millions  of  prop- 


322  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

erty  not  yet  destroyed.    Sincerely  hoping  that  all  our  difficulties 
may  be  settled  without  the  loss  of  another  life,  I  am, 
Very  respectfully,  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

U.  S.  GRANT, 
Lieutenant  General,  U.  S.  A. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  as  soon  as  this  communication  was 
despatched,  Grant  sent  copies  of  the  entire  correspondence  to 
the  Secretary  of  War;  and,  as  if  to  show  that  he  had  not  lost 
sight  of  the  instructions  he  had  received  on  a  previous  oc 
casion,  he  concluded  with  the  significant  remark  that  "there 
has  been  no  relaxation  in  the  pursuit  during  its  pendency." 

It  was  a  busy  and  exciting  time  at  headquarters.  The  fate 
of  an  army  was  at  stake,  while  the  victorious  general  was,  on 
one  hand,  marring  his  fame,  or,  on  the  other,  gathering  new 
and  imperishable  laurels.  Neither  Rawlins  nor  any  other  staff 
officer  got  much  rest  or  sleep  that  night.  The  Lieutenant 
General  and  his  staff  took  breakfast  with  Meade,  and  as  soon 
as  it  was  light  enough  to  find  their  way,  they  were  on  the  road 
to  join  Sheridan,  who  had  already  planted  himself  squarely 
across  Lee's  only  road  to  escape.  The  ride  was  a  long  and 
circuitous  one,  much  of  the  way  through  fields  and  farms,  over 
hills  and  ravines,  and  across  muddy  streams  and  bogs  of  quick 
sand.  At  eleven  o'clock,  or  about  that  time,  they  halted  for  a 
rest;  and  while  waiting  they  were  overtaken  by  Major  Pease, 
of  Meade' s  staff,  bringing  Lee's  reply  to  Grant's  letter  declin 
ing  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  terms  of  peace. 

The  staff  officer  gave  the  sealed  envelope  to  Rawlins,  who 
tore  one  end  open  slowly,  withdrew  the  enclosure,  read  it  de 
liberately,  and  then,  without  a  word  of  comment,  handed  it  to 
Grant.  The  latter  read  it  through  with  the  same  deliberation, 
and  as  he  passed  it  back  to  Rawlins,  directing  him  in  a  conver 
sational  tone  to  read  it  aloud.  The  staff  officers  and  military 
suite  were  looking  on  with  mingled  anxiety  and  hope.  They 
were  expecting  the  surrender,  but  the  impassive  conduct  of 
Grant  and  Rawlins  left  them  momentarily  in  doubt.  Grant 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  323 

betrayed  no  emotion  whatever,  but  Rawlins  compressed  his 
lips,  clenched  his  teeth  and  grew  deathly  pale.  When  Grant 
directed  him  to  read  aloud,  he  proceeded  in  a  deep  and  solemn 
but  somewhat  tremulous  voice  as  follows : 

9th  April,  1865. 

GENERAL  :  I  received  your  note  of  this  morning  on  the  picket 
line  whither  I  had  come  to  meet  you  and  ascertain  definitely  what 
terms  were  embraced  in  your  proposal  of  yesterday  with  refer 
ence  to  the  surrender  of  this  army.  I  now  ask  an  interview  in 
accordance  with  your  letter  of  yesterday,  for  that  purpose. 

R.  E.  LEE, 

General. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Grant's  last  letter  had  not  only 
settled  the  purpose  of  the  meeting  beyond  further  question 
but  had  placed  it  as  completely  on  the  basis  of  a  simple  sur 
render,  as  it  would  have  been  had  Lee  not  written  his  letter 
of  the  eighth  at  all,  in  which  he  sought  so  adroitly  to  induce 
Grant  to  enter  upon  the  larger  subject  of  peace.  Grant's  tri 
umph  was  complete,  while  Rawlins  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  the  course  he  had  recommended  fully  vindicated. 

Silence  fell  upon  those  who  had  just  heard  the  momentous 
news,  but  this  was  broken  in  a  few  moments  by  a  staff  officer 
who  sprang  upon  a  log,  waved  his  hat,  and  proposed  three 
cheers.  A  feeble  response  was  all  that  followed.  While  it 
was  apparent  that  the  end  had  come,  that  the  war  was  over, 
and  that  all  would  soon  be  reunited  with  friends,  family,  and 
home,  not  one  of  the  party  felt  that  it  was  an  occasion  for  loud 
or  jubilant  exultation. 

Grant  broke  the  spell  by  penning  the  reply  in  Avhich  he  ac 
knowledged  the  receipt  of  Lee's  note,  explained  that  he  had 
passed  from  the  Richmond  and  Lynchburg  to  the  Richmond 
and  Farmville  road,  and  that  he  would  push  forward  to  meet 
Lee  at  the  place  he  wished  the  interview  to  take  place.  This 
brief  but  all-sufficient  note  was  written  by  Grant  while  seated 


324  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

upon  a  log.  When  it  was  finished  he  passed  it  over  to  the 
Chief  of  Staff,  asking  with  a  smile: 

"How  will  that  do,  Rawlins?" 

The  latter  replied : 

"I  think  that  will  do,"  laying  strong  emphasis  on  the  word 
"that." 

As  soon  as  the  necessary  record  had  been  made,  and  the 
note  had  been  sent  to  its  destination  by  one  of  his  own  staff, 
Grant  with  his  headquarters  and  escort  "pushed  forward  to 
the  front  for  the  purpose  of  meeting"  Lee  and  bringing  the 
business  between  them  to  an  end. 

The  surrender  took  place  at  Appomattox  Court  House,  on 
the  same  day,  April  9,  1865,  but  the  details  have  been  given  so 
often  and  so  minutely  that  they  need  not  be  repeated  here. 
Rawlins  was  of  course  present  at  the  negotiations,  made  the 
record,  and  revised  the  official  reports  of  the  events  now  on 
file  in  the  War  Department.  It  is  a  circumstance  of  great  in 
terest  that  of  the  many  officers  present  he  was  the  only  one 
who  had  served  through  the  war  with  Grant.  The  first  staff 
had  long  since  been  scattered.  Some  were  dead,  some  dis 
abled,  and  some  had  been  left  behind,  or  assigned  to  service  in 
other  fields.  Rawlins  alone  had  remained  with  his  Chief  from 
the  first  gun  at  Belmont  to  the  last  at  Appomattox.  Strangely 
enough,  it  was  four  years  almost  to  a  day  since  the  young 
Democratic  lawyer  had  made  the  modest  ex-Captain  his  friend 
for  life  by  his  ringing  words  at  the  Galena  meeting :  "We  will 
stand  by  the  flag  of  our  country  and  appeal  to  the  God  of 
battles!"4 

On  the  night  after  the  surrender  the  General  and  his  staff 
encamped  at  Prospect  Station  and  were  joined  by  their  faith 
ful  friend  and  supporter,  E.  B.  Washburne,  who,  it  will  be 

4  This  account  of  the  correspondence  with  Lee  and  the  closing  days 
of  the  campaign  is  condensed  from  the  manuscript  of  S.  Cadwallader 
entitled  "Four  Years  with  Grant." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Cadwallader  was  constantly  with  Grant's 
headquarters  till  after  Lee's  surrender,  and  based  his  narrative  on  his 
own  note  books,  and  his  correspondence  with  the  New  York  Herald. 


WINTER  OF  1864-65  325 

remembered,  was  the  principal  speaker  at  the  meeting  which 
brought  the  Buchanan  Democrat,  the  Douglas  Democrat,  and 
the  "Black  Republican"  together  in  the  cause  of  the  Union. 
They  had  stood  by  one  another  loyally  and  steadily  from  the 
first,  and  they  shared  one  another's  confidence  and  congratu 
lations  to  the  end.  While  the  "infallibility  of  numbers  rather 
than  the  infallibility  of  generals"  had  prevailed,  yet  each  had 
acted  well  his  part  in  his  own  sphere.  No  selfish  ambition  had 
marred  the  career  of  any  one  of  them.  The  pure  love  of 
country,  inspired  all,  and  it  may  well  be  doubted  if,  in  the 
great  conflict  between  the  States,  history  affords  a  more  strik 
ing  example  of  patriotic  and  successful  effort  on  the  part  of 
three  citizens  of  a  single  country  town  than  that  of  Grant, 
Rawlins,  and  Washburne. 


XVII 

THE   AFTERMATH 

Grant's  Headquarters  at  Washington — Rawlins  Chief  of  Staff  of 
the  Army — Completes  Grant's  Final  Report — French  With 
draw  from  Mexico — Reconstruction  of  Confederate  States — 
Rawlins  Accompanies  Grant  and  the  President  to  Chicago — 
Elected  First  President  of  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee — Resume  of  that  Army's  History. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  the  close  of  the  war  in  Virginia,  Grant 
returned  to  Washington;  but  fortunately  on  the  very  day  the 
President  was  assassinated  went  on  to  Burlington  where  his 
children  were  at  school.  During  his  absence  Rawlins  gathered 
up  the  headquarters  of  the  army  and  made  arrangements  to  re 
establish  them  at  the  Capital,  where  they  would  be  in  daily 
touch  with  the  War  Department. 

Before  the  end  came,  in  recognition  of  his  services,  Con 
gress,  largely  under  the  influence  of  Washburne,  who  was  at 
that  time  one  of  the  Republican  leaders  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  had  created  the  permanent  office  of  Chief  of 
Staff  with  the  rank  of  brigadier  general ;  and  without  question, 
or  the  consideration  of  any  possible  rival,  Rawlins  was  ap 
pointed  thereto  on  March  3,  1865.  In  the  final  distribution  of 
honors  he  received  the  commission  of  major  general  by  brevet, 
to  date  from  April  9  of  the  same  year,  "for  gallant  and  meri 
torious  service  during  the  campaign  terminating  with  the  sur 
render  of  the  insurgent  army  under  Lee."  Through  some 
oversight  his  name  was  left  off  of  the  first  list  of  nominations, 
whereupon  Grant  wrote  a  special  letter  in  his  behalf,  dated 
May  8,  1866,  from  which  the  closing  paragraph  is  taken.  It 
runs  as  follows : 

326 


THE  AFTERMATH  327 

.  .  .  General  Rawlins  has  served  with  me  through  the  entire 
war  from  the  Battle  of  Belmont  to  the  surrender  of  Lee.  No 
staff  officer  ever  before  had  it  in  his  power  to  render  as  much 
service,  and  no  one  ever  performed  his  duties  more  faithfully  or 
efficiently.  He  is  eminently  entitled  to  the  brevet  rank  of  major 
general,  and  I  earnestly  but  respectfully  request  that  his  name 
be  yet  sent  in  for  consideration. 

Nothing  can  be  added  to  this  statement.  It  bears  con 
clusive  testimony  to  the  high  regard  in  which  Grant  held  his 
chief  of  staff  and  the  great  value  he  attached  to  his  services 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  terms  granted  by  Sherman 
for  the  capitulation  of  Johnston's  army  and  "the  reestablish- 
ment  of  peace"  were  rejected  by  the  Government,  and  that 
Grant,  who  had  returned  at  once  to  Washington  after  the 
assassination  of  the  President,  was  sent  to  North  Carolina  for 
the  purpose  of  supervising  the  final  arrangements  for  the  sur 
render  of  the  Confederate  forces  east  of  the  Mississippi. 

Meanwhile,  Grant  having  arrived  at  Washington,  Rawlins 
was  making  his  dispositions  for  the  continuance  and  comple 
tion  of  the  report  at  that  place.  Aided  by  Bowers,  Parker, 
and  Leet,  he  gave  his  first  attention  to  the  collection  of  the 
reports  and  the  preparation  of  materials  for  Grant's  final  re 
port  of  operations.  As  was  customary  Grant  prepared  the 
outlines  of  the  report  himself  but  the  details  of  every  state 
ment  were  wrought  out,  tested,  and  arranged  in  their  proper 
places  by  Rawlins  and  his  assistants;  so  that  the  report  as 
finally  sent  to  the  War  Department  and  published  was  the 
best  one  ever  submitted  to  the  Government  and  one  of  the 
most  accurate  and  complete  known  in  the  annals  of  war.  It 
has  successfully  withstood  the  test  of  time,  and  while  the 
wisdom  of  some  of  its  statements  in  reference  to  the  principles 
upon  which  the  army  was  administered  has  been  questioned, 
the  whole  document  may  well  be  studied  by  military  men  as  a 
model  of  arrangement,  style,  and  completeness  of  statement. 


328  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

As  soon  as  peace  was  assured  the  work  of  mustering  out  the 
army  began;  but  before  this  was  finished,  measures  were  taken 
to  rid  Mexico  of  the  French  and  Spanish  interposition,  which 
had  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  an  ephemeral  empire 
under  Maximilian.  Sheridan  was  sent  to  Texas  with  a 
force  of  cavalry,  infantry  and  artillery,  to  make  good  our 
demands  in  behalf  of  the  sister  republic.  I,  with  my  cavalry 
corps,  was  also  under  orders  for  a  week  to  proceed  from 
Georgia  to  the  Mexican  frontier. 

Rawlins,  who  was,  after  all,  more  of  a  civilian  and  states 
man  than  a  soldier,  was  a  strenuous  advocate  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  sympathized  deeply  with  the  Mexicans,  and  gave  his 
Chief  the  most  ardent  support  at  that  important  juncture. 

It  should  also  be  remembered  that  as  soon  as  it  became 
certain  that  the  French  would  evacuate  Mexico  and  leave 
Maximilian  to  his  fate,  public  attention  was  strongly  directed 
to  a  settlement  with  Great  Britain  for  the  unfriendly  part 
taken  by  her  in  behalf  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The 
depredations  upon  American  commerce  by  the  Alabama  and 
other  Confederate  cruisers  fitted  out  in  British  ports,  had 
aroused  the  deepest  feeling  of  resentment  throughout  the 
army,  as  well  as  in  commercial  circles.  The  rank  and  file, 
as  well  as  the  higher  officers,  manifested  the  liveliest  disposi 
tion  in  favor  of  an  enforced  indemnification  for  our  losses. 
Many  of  them  wanted  no  money  settlement,  but  openly  advo 
cated  a  campaign  for  the  occupation  of  Canada  and  the  ex 
pulsion  of  the  British  flag  from  North  America.  It  is  now 
known  that  Grant  was  for  a  while  strongly  in  favor  of  this 
policy,  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  we  then  had  the  most  pow 
erful  navy  in  the  world,  and  could  have  turned  an  army  of 
500,000  veteran  soldiers  in  the  direction  of  our  northern 
frontier,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  as  to  what  would  have 
been  the  result.  Even  so  late  as  Grant's  own  administration  it 
seems  likely  that  this  would  have  been  the  policy,  but  for  the 
political  quarrel  between  President  Grant  and  Senator  Sum- 


THE  AFTERMATH  329 

ner,  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
who  had  become  its  most  powerful  advocate.1 

In  this  great  question  Rawlins  shared  the  feelings  of  the 
army  and,  through  Grant,  did  all  in  his  power  to  give  them 
effect.  What  would  have  been  the  result,  had  the  more  im 
portant  questions  connected  with  the  reconstruction  of  the 
seceding  States  not  been  complicated  by  the  assassination  of 
Lincoln  and  the  memorable  quarrel  between  Andrew  Johnson 
and  the  Republican  party,  must  always  remain  a  matter  of 
conjecture. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  first  both  Grant  and  Rawlins 
were  disposed  to  approve  the  methods  and  uphold  the  hands 
of  President  Johnson  in  reference  to  Reconstruction,  mainly 
because  they  supposed  he  was  carrying  out  the  benignant  pol 
icy  of  his  great  predecessor.  Both  accompanied  him  on  the 
memorable  tour  which  he  made  through  the  Northern  States, 
ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  delivering  an  address  at  the 
dedication  of  the  monument  to  the  memory  of  Senator  Doug 
las,  at  Chicago,  in  September,  1865,  but  really  for  the  purpose 
of  winning  the  people  of  the  Northern  States  to  the  views 
which  he  held  in  regard  to  the  political  rehabilitation  of  the 
Southern  States,  and  the  readjustment  of  their  relations  to  the 
Union.  In  respect  to  this  important  matter  a  radical  differ 
ence  of  opinion  began  to  show  itself  between  Congress  and  the 
President,  shortly  after  his  inauguration,  and  ended  finally 
in  his  impeachment,  trial,  and  acquittal.  Although  generally 
regarded  as  an  astute  politician,  Johnson  was  slow  to  recognize 
the  fact  that  the  Northern  people  were  against  his  policy.  He 
was  surrounded  by  office  seekers  and  political  parasites,  who 
concealed  the  truth  from  him  and  told  him  only  such  things  as 
they  thought  would  gratify  his  vanity. 

Secretary  Seward,  Secretary  Welles,  Admiral  Farragut,  and 
many  other  officials  and  ladies  accompanied  the  President  in 

!See  "Treaty  of  Washington"  in  "Lee  at  Appomattox,"  by  Charles  F. 
Adams. 


330  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  trip  to  the  West.  Speeches  were  made  at  the  principal 
cities;  but  after  the  first  few  days  it  became  manifest  that  the 
President  was  delivering  substantially  the  same  speech  every 
where.  It  was  a  vague,  incoherent  appeal  to  the  country  in 
behalf  of  the  readmission  into  the  Union  of  the  States  which 
had  taken  part  in  the  Rebellion,  without  terms  or  conditions, 
and  had  this  policy  been  advocated  with  the  gravity,  decorum, 
and  kindliness  that  Lincoln  would  have  given  to  its  discussion, 
it  might  have  prevailed.  But  the  trip  soon  degenerated  into 
an  undignified,  if  not  a  disgraceful,  junket,  which  the  news 
papers  designated  derisively  as  ''Swinging  Around  the  Circle." 
Grant  and  Farragut  doubtless  consented  to  accompany  the 
party  because  they  considered  the  wishes  of  the  President,  as 
Commander-in-Chief,  quite  as  obligatory  upon  them  as  his 
orders  would  have  been.  Rawlins  went  because  Grant  did, 
but  having  been  a  Douglas  Democrat,  and  a  great  admirer  of 
that  distinguished  statesman,  he  doubtless  felt  besides  that  it 
would  afford  Grant  an  excellent  opportunity  to  show  himself 
to  the  people,  while  attending  the  dedication  of  the  Douglas 
monument.  The  war  having  come  to  a  favorable  ending,  the 
time  was  now  at  hand  when  Grant  could  do  this  without  in 
curring  the  criticism  of  even  his  bitterest  enemy.  As  it  turned 
out,  however,  Grant  also  soon  became  disgusted  with  the  un 
dignified  exhibition  the  President  was  making  of  himself,  and 
took  leave  of  the  party  at  Buffalo,  going  with  Rawlins  by  lake 
steamer  to  Detroit.  They  rejoined  Johnson  at  Chicago  and 
accompanied  the  party  to  St.  Louis,  where  they  finally  left  it, 
ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Grant's  father  near  Cin 
cinnati,  but  really  because,  as  Grant  expressed  it,  he  did  not 
"care  to  accompany  a  man  who  was  deliberately  digging  his 
own  grave." 

Rawlins,  who  was  a  politician  before  he  became  a  soldier, 
soon  saw  enough  to  convince  him  that  Johnson  could  not  be 
renominated,  and  that  Grant's  chances  for  the  succession 
would  be  injured  by  a  further  identification  with  Johnson  or 


THE  AFTERMATH  331 

his  policy.  But  notwithstanding  its  melancholy  features,  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  trip  was  a  novel  and  interesting 
experience  to  the  General  and  his  Chief  of  Staff.  To  the 
latter  it  was  a  relaxation  from  the  routine  of  army  administra 
tion,  for  which  in  times  of  peace  he  had  but  little  taste.  Suf 
fering,  as  he  was,  from  impaired  health  and  failing  strength, 
he  had  grown  exceedingly  tired  of  the  life  in  Washington. 
He  realized,  in  fact,  that  his  military  services  were  at  an  end. 
They  had  been  imposed  upon  him  by  the  "Appeal  to  the  God 
of  Battles/'  which  he  had  accepted  and  advocated  in  the 
Galena  speech,  as  the  only  proper  response  that  could  be  made 
to  the  overt  acts  of  the  secessionists.  The  work  which  it 
brought  to  him  as  a  soldier  was  now  done,  while  that  which 
devolved  upon  him  as  a  civilian  and  statesman  was  about  to  be 
extended  to  a  wider  field. 

But  before  considering  the  concluding  period  of  this  patri 
otic  and  useful  life,  it  may  prove  interesting  to  allude  briefly 
to  an  association  of  officers  in  which  Rawlins  took  the  greatest 
interest,  and  which  was  doubtless  suggested  by  the  "Order  of 
the  Cincinnati,"  organized  immediately  after  the  close  of  the 
Revolutionary  War. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  observed  that  the  end  of  the 
Civil  War  and  the  disbandment  of  the  volunteer  army  were 
followed  almost  immediately  by  the  formation  of  a  number  of 
military  societies,  intended  to  keep  alive  the  memories  and 
foster  the  fraternal  feelings  which  had  grown  up  between  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  national  army.  The  first  and  most 
important  of  these  was  started  in  the  Senate  Chamber  at  the 
Capital  of  North  Carolina  on  April  14,  1865,  during  a  pause 
in  Sherman's  march  Northward  through  the  heart  of  the 
Confederacy.  The  meeting  was  necessarily  a  preliminary  one, 
but  it  was  followed  by  another  at  the  same  place  on  April  25, 
at  which  time  the  organization  was  completed,  and  a  constitu 
tion  was  adopted  which  entitled  to  membership  every  officer 
who  had  served  with  honor  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 


332  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

The  name  selected  for  the  association  was  the  Society  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee.  Instead,  however,  of  electing  one  of 
its  living  commanders  as  its  first  president,  it  passed  over  the 
names  of  "Grant,  Sherman,  Howard,  and  Logan  alike  and 
unanimously  conferred  that  honor  upon 

Brigadier  General  John  A.  Rawlins,  U.  S.  A.,  Chief  of  Staff 
to  the  Lieutenant  General,  in  consideration  of  his  eminent  services 
to  our  country  in  connection  with  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  and 
also  for  his  ability  for  the  position. 

Inasmuch  as  he  was  not  within  four  hundred  miles  of  that 
army  at  the  time,  but  had  been  absent  from  it  over  a  year,  this 
was  not  only  an  unexpected  but  a  marked  compliment  which 
shows  better  than  any  other  event  that  ever  took  place  the 
esteem  in  which  Rawlins  was  held  by  the  leading  generals.  It 
also  shows  that  the  Society  recognized  and  intended  to  certify 
him  to  the  country  as  an  officer  of  the  highest  character  and 
most  unusual  services.  No  ordinary  man  either  of  the  regular 
army  or  of  the  volunteers  could  have  counted  upon  such  a 
distinction.  The  proceedings  show  that  the  choice  was  not 
made  by  accident  nor  without  full  and  careful  consideration. 
Rawlins  had  not  been  consulted,  and  therefore  had  no  reason 
to  be  prepared  for  or  to  expect  that  this  honor  would  be  con 
ferred  upon  him. 

The  first  regular  meeting  of  the  Society  was  called  by  letter, 
July  10,  addressed  to  the  officers  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee  and  was  held  at  Cincinnati  on  November  14,  1865. 
Rawlins  was  of  course  present  at  that  meeting,  and  delivered 
a  careful  and  elaborate  address  which  was  listened  to  with 
marked  attention  by  his  comrades.  It  contains  without  doubt 
the  best  synopsis  that  has  ever  been  made  of  the  history  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  interspersed  with  anecdotes  and  fre 
quent  allusions  to  its  most  distinguished  officers.  Although  it 
is  necessarily  much  condensed,  it  is  of  such  value  to  the  his 
torian  that  it  is  given  in  full  in  the  Appendix.  It  may  be  well 


THE  AFTERMATH 


?33 


to  observe  again,  however,  that  Rawlins,  with  Grant  and 
Sherman,  persisted  in  the  error  that  Bragg,  at  the  battle  of 
Missionary  Ridge,  moved  his  troops  from  the  left  and  center 
of  his  line  to  the  right,  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  Sherman's 
attack  on  the  last  day.  Rawlins  always  took  great  pride  in 
this  society,  and  remained  its  president  until  his  death.  Its 
first  Vice-Presidents  were  Logan,  Blair,  Oglesby,  Giles  A. 
Smith,  Belknap,  and  Fairchild. 


XVIII 

/ 

INTERESTS    AND   ACTIVITIES,    1866-67 

Rawlins's  Galena  Speech — Life  on  the  Plains — Letters  to  His 
Wife — Suspension  of  Stanton  as  Secretary  of  War — Appoint 
ment  of  General  Grant  Ad  Interim — Controversy  Between 
the  President  and  General  Grant — Rawlins  Supports  Grant. 

EXCEPT  for  his  short  visit  to  Chicago  in  the  autumn  of 
1865,  Rawlins  had  been  constantly  with  his  family  since  the 
cessation  of  hostilities,  but  his  tour  of  the  country  with  Presi 
dent  Johnson  and  party  again  separated  him  from,  and  gave 
occasion  for  several  letters  to  his  wife,  two  of  which  are  here 
quoted  as  follows : 

Hudson  River,  August  30,  1866.  .  .  .  We  have  been  so  con 
stantly  engaged  that  I  have  not  had  time  to  write  sooner.  I  am 
well  and  improving  all  the  time,  but  don't  much  relish  the  loss  of 
my  morning  naps.  However,  I  hope  soon  to  get  used  to  it. 

The  ovations  to  the  President  have  been  very  fine  all  the  way 
from  Washington  here.  The  one  in  New  York  perhaps  has  never 
been  excelled  in  this  country.  General  Grant  and  Admiral  Farra- 
gut  came  in  for  a  large  share  of  the  cheering,  I  assure  you.  And 
I  am  now  more  than  ever  glad  that  the  General  concluded  to 
accompany  the  President,  for  it  will  do  Grant  good,  whatever 
may  be  his  aspirations  in  the  future,  and  fix  him  in  the  confi 
dence  of  Mr.  Johnson,  enabling  him  to  fix  up  the  army  as  it 
should  be,  and  exert  such  influence  as  will  be  of  benefit  to  the 
country.  The  Philadelphians  gave  the  President  a  splendid 
reception,  notwithstanding  the  action  of  their  officers.  Mr. 
Cadwallader  *  has  been  very  busy,  and  is  likely  to  continue  so. 
The  General  and  all  the  party  are  well  and  happy. 

I  see  by  the  papers  that  Admiral  Radford  is  mentioned  as 

1  Correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald,  attached  to  Grant's  headquar 
ters  throughout  the  war. 

334 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67  335 

having  been  with  General  Meade  in  the  procession,  when  in  fact 
Grant,  Farragut,  Meade  and  myself  rode  in  the  same  car 
riage.  .  .  . 

Niagara  Falls,  September  I,  1866.  ...  I  have  been  so  con 
stantly  on  the  move  since  leaving  Washington  that  I  have  been 
unable  to  write  as  I  intended,  but  shall  try  hereafter  to  get  off  a 
line  to  you  every  day  till  we  start  back.  We  reached  here  at 
4  P.  M.  to-day  and  met  a  hearty  reception  from  the  people.  The 
fact  is  the  enthusiasm  everywhere  along  the  route  has  been  un 
bounded,  but  there  is  more  cheering  for  Grant  and  Farragut  than 
for  the  President.  The  President's  friends  along  cheer  him,  but 
all  parties  cheer  Grant  and  Farragut.  I  feel  from  what  I  see 
that  the  chances  are  favorable  to  the  conservatives  and  Democrats 
in  this  State  this  fall.  They  claim  that  they  will  carry  the  State 
by  forty  or  fifty  thousand  majority.  Seward  is  delighted  and  is 
certainly  a  man  unequaled  in  tact  and  shrewdness  to  manage  an 
assemblage  of  men  opposed  to  him  in  politics.  I  am  not  sur 
prised  that  he  was  the  leader  of  his  own  party  when  he  was  in 
membership  with  it.  I  can  tell  mother  many  things  when  I  get 
back  that  will  greatly  please  her  and  some,  too,  that  will  not. 

They  are  having  a  grand  ball  here  to-night.  I  shall  take  no 
part  in  it,  but  go  early  to  bed  and  try  to  get  some  sleep.  I  have 
had  very  little  since  I  left  home.  Still  I  feel  refreshed  with  the 
trip  already,  and  after  to-night  shall  be  in  a  condition  to  stand  it 
better  than  I  have.  My  cough  is  nothing  like  what  it  \vas  in 
severity,  which,  under  the  circumstances,  loss  of  sleep,  etc.,  is  a 
little  surprising. 

After  dinner  to-day  Surgeon  General  Barnes  got  a  carriage 
and,  being  well  acquainted  with  the  falls  and  vicinity,  took  me  to 
see  them.  I  can  give  you  no  description  of  them  that  would  give 
you  any  idea  of  what  they  are,  other  than  that  you  already  have. 
You  will  have  to  come  and  see  them  yourself  to  properly  appre 
ciate  their  beauty,  magnitude  and  grandeur.  Simply  to  look  at 
them  and  think,  thus  they  have  poured  in  their  ceaseless  roar 
from  the  beginning  of  time,  and  will  continue  to  the  end,  sinks 
all  thought  of  self  in  the  sublime. 

Mr.  Cadwallader  is  well — the  General  is  well — I  am  growing 
better  all  the  time,  and  everybody  with  us  is  well. 

The  President  makes  innumerable  speeches  every  day,  and  the 
people  cheer  him  lustily.  Grant  was  at  first  quite  fidgety  over 


336  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  matter,  but  has  finally  grown  quite  tranquil  and  seems  to 
enjoy  himself  very  much.  Admiral  Farragut  takes  everything 
admirably  and  is  having  a  happy  time.  Mrs.  Farragut  is  de 
lighted,  and  the  only  fears  she  seems  to  have  are  that  the  people 
will  shake  the  Admiral's  hands  off.  She  is  a  most  lovely  lady 
and  decidedly  in  love  with  you.  She  inquired  very  tenderly  after 
you  and  Jenny,  and  said  she  should  never  forget  your  sincere 
affection  for  the  sweet  little  girl.  I  told  her  we  had  a  new  baby, 
and  she  seemed  perfectly  enthusiastic  over  it  and  said  that  it 
would  be  another  link  in  your  love  for  the  others.  Of  all  that 
I  have  heard  since  I  left  home,  this  talk  of  hers  pleased  me  most. 
This  you  believe,  don't  you,  my  darling  wife?  .  .  . 

From  the  tone  of  this  correspondence,  although  devoted 
mainly  to  public  matters,  it  is  apparent  that  Rawlins  was  a 
man  of  the  warmest  affections,  who  held  his  family  and  its 
interests  above  all  considerations  except  those  of  public  duty. 
As  was  his  custom,  he  continued  his  letters  to  his  wife  during 
the  whole  of  his  trip,  but  as  they  relate  mostly  to  personal 
and  family  matters,  no  further  quotation  from  them  seems  to 
be  required.  It  is  evident  that  although  he.  was  encouraged 
by  his  physicians,  and  at  times  by  his  own  feelings,  to  believe 
that  he  was  mending,  his  health  was  really  on  the  decline.  It 
is  also  evident  that  the  occupations  of  peace  called  less  fre 
quently  for  the  exercise  of  his  personal  influence  with  Grant 
than  did  those  of  war.  The  load  of  his  official  responsibility 
had  become  lighter,  and  he  felt  correspondingly  more  at  liberty 
to  look  after  his  own  health  and  interests,  and  especially  to 
study  the  drift  of  public  opinion.  As  before  stated,  his  earlier 
feelings  inclined  him  to  the  support  of  Andrew  Johnson  and 
his  policy,  but  the  better  he  came  to  know  the  man  and  the 
politicians  who  supported  him,  the  more  certain  did  he  become 
that  they  could  not  sufficiently  command  the  support  of  the 
dominant  party  in  the  North  to  carry  their  views  into  effect. 
He  was  too  good  a  lawyer  to  pronounce  them  illegal.  The 
questions  under  consideration  were  of  the  highest  importance. 
They  were  questions  of  policy  upon  which  the  Constitution 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67  337 

was  silent,  and  hence  their  solution  called  for  the  exercise  of 
the  highest  patience,  moderation,  and  wisdom  on  the  part  of 
the  President  as  well  as  on  the  part  of  the  Congress. 

And  as  it  soon  became  evident  that  instead  of  exhibiting 
these  virtues  towards  each  other  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  the 
law-making  body  were  drifting  hopelessly  apart,  thousands  of 
sensible  men  naturally  began  to  fear  that  the  most  valuable 
results  of  the  Union's  victory  might  be  put  in  jeopardy,  if  not 
lost  entirely,  and  therefore  began  openly  to  favor  Grant's 
election  to  the  Presidency  as  the  best  possible  means  of  restor 
ing  peace  and  quietude  to  the  country.  Rawlins  favored  the 
movement,  but  did  not  for  a  moment  try  to  deceive  himself 
into  the  belief  that  Grant  was  specially  fitted  for  the  solution 
of  such  questions  as  were  then  claiming  public  attention ;  but 
relying  upon  his  sound  judgment  and  his  unselfish  patriotism, 
and  considering  the  fact  that  the  victorious  commander,  in 
view  of  Lincoln's  death  and  of  the  violent  temper  and  conse 
quent  unpopularity  of  Stanton,  was  fairly  entitled  to  the  suc 
cession,  without  the  slightest  hesitation  he  declared  for  his 
nomination  and  election  to  succeed  Johnson.  While  some 
thought  him  unfit  for  the  office,  and  many  of  his  best  friends, 
such  as  Sherman,  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  that  he  would  be 
foolish  to  give  up  the  headship  of  the  army  for  life  in  order 
to  embark  upon  the  uncertain  career  of  a  politician  even  if  he 
should  be  elected  President,  Rawlins  did  not  share  their  views. 
He  felt  that  Grant,  like  every  other  citizen,  must  answer  such 
supreme  calls  as  his  country  might  make  upon  him;  that  he 
would  be  entitled  to  the  best  help  his  countrymen  could  give 
him;  and  that  if  he  failed  for  any  reason  fully  to  satisfy  the 
highest  demands  made  upon  him,  he  would  still  be  entitled 
to  the  grateful  recollection  of  his  fellow-citizens,  not  only  for 
his  military  services  but  for  standing  as  the  exponent  and 
guardian  of  the  Union  cause  at  a  period  during  which  its 
greatest  interests  were  at  stake,  and  its  wisest  statesmen  were 
in  doubt.  Besides,  Rawlins  felt  that  under  his  Chief's  leader- 


338  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ship  the  war  having  ended  in  a  complete  suppression  of  armed 
hostility  to  the  National  Government,  he  was  at  perfect  liberty 
to  express  the  convictions  which  were  growing  in  strength 
month  by  month,  with  the  political  unrest  which  gave  rise  to 
them.  Rawlins  early  declared  his  feelings  to  his  more  intimate 
friends  and  as  they  regarded  him  not  only  as  Grant's  mouth 
piece  in  civil  as  well  as  in  military  affairs,  but  withal  as  better 
able  than  was  Grant  himself  to  set  his  views  fully  before  the 
public,  they  asked  him  to  prepare  and  deliver  an  address  upon 
the  questions  of  the  day,  at  such  time  and  place  as  might  best 
suit  his  convenience.  His  health  was  still  failing,  and  Grant 
had  already  decided  that  he  should  make  the  overland  tour  of 
the  continent  along  the  line  of  the  Union  Pacific  railroad,  then 
under  construction,  in  company  with  General  Dodge,  who  had 
resigned  from  the  Army  and  become  Chief  Engineer  of  the 
contracting  company. 

Yielding  to  the  request  of  his  friends,  Rawlins  prepared  his 
speech  with  unusual  care,  and  through  them  made  all  neces 
sary  arrangements  for  its  delivery  at  Galena,  on  June  21, 
1867.  The  manuscript  was  of  course  submitted  to  Grant,  and 
received  his  approval.  This  fact  became  known  at  the  time 
and  gave  to  the  address  an  importance  and  a  circulation  which 
it  could  not  otherwise  have  obtained.  It  was  justly  consid 
ered  as  setting  forth  Grant's  opinions  and  policy  on  the  ques 
tions  then  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  all.  For  this  reason  it 
was  published  shortly  afterwards  by  the  Union  Republican 
Congressional  Committee  at  Washington  as  a  campaign  docu 
ment  of  the  first  importance. 

As  soon  as  Rawlins  had  completed  the  address  and  made 
arrangements  for  a  protracted  absence,  he  bade  farewell  to 
his  family,  and  started  for  Chicago,  where  he  stopped  over  for 
the  purpose  of  conferring  with  his  friend,  Judge  Drummond, 
who  had  already  become  greatly  distinguished  as  the  learned 
and  fearless  judge  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court  for 
Illinois,  and  also  with  J.  Russell  Jones,  afterwards  Grant's 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67          339 

Minister  at  Brussels.  They  were  both  from  Galena,  and  were 
besides  the  leading  citizens  of  Northwestern  Illinois.  They 
were  ardent  Republicans,  but  cool,  observant,  and  able  men, 
who  could  hardly  be  mistaken  as  to  the  drift  of  public  opinion. 
Nobody  knew  Grant's  character  or  lack  of  qualifications  for 
civil  office  better  than  did  they.  They  were  also  his  closest 
and  most  faithful  friends ;  but  nothing  in  their  relations  with 
the  victorious  soldier  could  be  construed  as  indicating  a  will 
ingness  on  their  part  to  prefer  his  further  promotion  to  the 
public  welfare.  After  careful  consideration,  they  fully  ap 
proved  Rawlins's  proposed  speech,  and  this  gave  him  addi 
tional  confidence  in  its  timeliness  and  propriety  as  well  as  in 
the  soundness  of  his  views. 

But  in  the  midst  of  the  satisfaction  he  had  derived  from 
seeing  and  conferring  with  his  friends,  Rawlins  suffered  a 
cruel  and  overwhelming  blow  to  his  affections.  On  June  13, 
1867,  he  received  a  telegram  announcing  the  sudden  and  un 
expected  death  of  his  young  son  Willie.  Naturally  his  first 
impulse  was  to  give  up  his  trip  across  the  plains,  and  return 
to  his  sorrowing  wife;  but  realizing  that  his  duty  to  her  as 
well  as  to  others,  required  him  to  conserve  his  strength,  he 
went  on  to  Galena,  where  he  received  every  mark  of  consid 
eration  and  sympathy  from  his  family  and  friends,  and  espe 
cially  from  his  former  brother  staff-officer,  General  Rowley, 
with  whom  he  spent  his  first  night.  From  there  he  wrote  that 
as  soon  as  he  had  delivered  his  speech,  which  would  not  be 
delayed,  he  should  continue  his  journey  across  the  plains  in 
hopes  that  their  dry  air  would  restore  his  health. 

It  is  pitiful  to  contemplate  how  this  able  man,  stricken  in 
the  prime  of  his  usefulness  by  an  incurable  disease,  was  al 
ternately  buoyed  up  by  the  hope  of  recovery,  and  depressed  by 
the  certainty  of  increasing  weakness.  Distracted  by  a  sense  of 
duty  to  his  wife  and  family,  and  by  the  necessity  of  doing  all 
in  his  power  for  himself,  he  set  forth  bravely  to  make  a  su 
preme  effort  in  search  of  health  and  strength,  amid  new  scenes 


340  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  new  occupations,  far  from  those  he  loved  best  on  earth. 

Under  these  distressing  conditions,  with  a  sinking  heart  and 
an  enfeebled  constitution,  but  sustained  by  an  unfaltering 
sense  of  duty  to  his  Chief  and  to  his  countrymen,  he  delivered 
his  speech  to  one  of  the  largest  meetings  of  his  fellow-citizens 
that  had  ever  listened  to  him.  The  task  was  one  which  greatly 
taxed  his  strength;  but  he  went  successfully  through  with  it, 
holding  his  audience  in  rapt  attention  to  the  end.  It  was  a 
worthy  tribute  to  their  intelligence,  and  the  honor  that  the 
citizen  soldier,  of  whom  they  were  so  proud,  conferred  upon 
them,  was  returned  to  him  tenfold  by  the  unstinted  approval 
which  they  gave  to  his  eloquent  periods. 

As  this  address  gave  an  admirable  resume  of  our  political 
history,  of  the  results  of  the  war,  and  of  the  multitude  of 
questions  to  which  it  had  given  rise  and  which  were  then 
pressing  for  solution,  it  is  reprinted  in  the  Appendix. 

After  a  few  days'  rest  at  Galena,  during  which  he  was 
soothed  and  encouraged  by  the  ministrations  of  his  relations 
and  friends,  Rawlins  finally  set  out  for  the  far  West.  From 
Dixon,  Illinois,  where  he  was  forced  to  wait  a  few  hours  for 
a  train,  he  wrote  to  his  wife  again;  and  after  expressing  his 
deep  and  abiding  gratitude  for  the  friendly  and  sympathetic 
letters  which  he  had  received  from  his  brother  officers  of  the 
staff,  and  for  the  present  of  a  thousand  dollars,  which  the 
people  of  Galena  had  given  him,  he  continued  as  follows : 

.  .  .  The  people  of  Galena  have  been  very  kind  to  me.  On  my 
leaving  there  this  morning  they  handed  me  a  letter,  which  on 
opening  I  found  to  contain  one  thousand  dollars  in  a  draft  on 
New  York.  This  amount  I  have  at  present  a  mind  to  invest  in  a 
few  acres  of  land  near  Chicago,  in  yours  and  the  children's  name, 
with  a  view  to  its  growing  in  value  in  a  few  years.  I  shall  de 
cide  between  here  and  Omaha.  If  I  decide  to  make  the  invest 
ment  I  shall  send  it  to  Russell  Jones  from  Omaha  with  the  re 
quest  that  he  make  the  investment  for  me;  if  not  will  send  the 
draft  to  you. 

...  I  made  my  speech  in  Galena.    It  met  with  the  great  appro- 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67          341 

bation  of  my  friends,  and  has  been  printed  in  the  Chicago  papers 
with  favorable  and,  I  might  say,  most  flattering  editorial  notices. 
I  shall  send  you  some  of  the  papers  as  soon  as  I  get  hold  of  them. 
Of  course  there  are  some  typographical  errors  that  are  a  little 
annoying;  still  it  is  generally  correct.  I  sent  you  this  morning  a 
Galena  paper  containing  it  in  full.  The  Tribune  says :  "It  is  the 
platform  of  the  army;  it  is  the  platform  of  the  Republican  party ; 
it  is  emphatically  the  platform  of  the  country,  and  it  is  unques 
tionably  the  platform  of  General  Grant." 

On  July  4,  he  sent  his  wife  an  interesting  account  of  his 
march  across  the  plains  from  Julesburg,  at  that  time  the  end  of 
the  railroad,  to  the  site  of  a  new  town,  which  he  and  his  as 
sociates  named  Cheyenne.  He  was  accompanied  on  this  march 
by  Major  Dunn,  his  aid-de-camp  and  by  Colonel  Carling,  of 
the  Quartermaster's  Department.  Owing  to  the  presence  of 
wild  Indians,  the  party  was  escorted  through  the  country  by 
a  detachment  of  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  J.  K.  Mizner,  and  it  was  an  entirely  new  experience 
for  most  of  them.  Rawlins  was  especially  interested  in 
the  glimpse  of  frontier  life  which  the  march,  the  hunting,  and 
the  encampments  furnished  him.  It  filled  him  with  renewed 
hope  that  his  health  was  greatly  improved,  that  his  cough 
had  diminished,  and  that  his  appetite  had  increased.  He  thor 
oughly  enjoyed  camp  fare,  and  on  the  fourth  day  out  ate 
what  he  described  as  "the  best  meal  he  had  had  in  four  years." 
It  consisted  simply  of  antelope  steak,  rather  poor  biscuits, 
canned  peas,  peaches,  cheese,  and  coffee.  He  was  pleased  with 
the  scenery,  the  exhilarating  atmosphere,  and  the  free  and  easy 
life.  He  praised  Carling,  who  had  served  on  my  staff  as 
Chief  Quartermaster  of  the  Western  cavalry,  as  "a  most 
splendid  gentleman  and  officer."  He  added  buoyantly:  "I 
feel  greatly  in  hopes  that  I  shall  recover  my  health  perma 
nently,"  and  one  cannot  suppress  the  thought  that  if  the  invalid 
or  the  medical  profession  had  known  at  that  time  as  much  as 
is  now  known  in  reference  to  the  proper  treatment  of  such 


342  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

cases,  it  is  more  than  probable  that  his  hopes  might  have  been 
fully  realized. 

On  July  8,  after  alluding  to  the  celebration  held  on  the 
Fourth,  to  the  arrival  of  General  Augur  at  the  site  of  the  new 
town  on  Crow  Creek,  and  to  the  expected  arrival  of  General 
Stevenson  with  a  detachment  for  the  relief  of  his  escort  and 
the  garrison  of  the  new  frontier  post,  Fort  D.  A.  Russell,  he 
wrote  as  follows : 

.  .  .  Here  will  be  the  junction  of  the  Denver  branch  of  the 
road ;  here  will  be  established  one  of  the  permanent  military  posts, 
the  depot  for  years  to  come  of  all  the  posts  this  side  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Crow  Creek,  a  rapid  stream  of  fine  water,  flows 
by  here,  and  the  great  snowy  mountains  lift  themselves  up  in  full 
view,  and  every  evening  since  our  encampment  here  have  breathed 
their  icy  breath  upon  us. 

General  Dodge  is  here  hard  at  work  and  looks  badly.  He  is 
suffering  from  old  wounds  received  in  the  service.  I  fear  if  he 
does  not  let  up  a  little  in  his  work  he  will  be  compelled  to  do  so 
from  physical  inability  to  work  longer. 

While  in  this  region  Rawlins  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
frontier  life  about  him.  He  accompanied  Dodge  and  the 
army  officers  in  their  explorations  of  the  surrounding  country 
and  the  location  of  the  new  army  posts,  taking  part  in  all  the 
preliminary  work  for  extending  the  railroad  towards  Salt 
Lake.  While  the  party  was  in  no  danger,  the  constant  pres 
ence  of  Indians,  with  occasional  rumors  of  outrages  on  their 
part,  added  to  the  interest  and  excitement  of  the  life  it  was 
leading.  This  doubtless  stimulated  Rawlins's  appetite  and 
inspired  him  to  ask  for  the  New  York  papers  and  what  they 
said  of  his  Galena  speech,  which  had  been  widely  noticed  and 
favorably  commented  on. 

Rawlins  was  still  at  Cheyenne,  July  20,  1867,  where  he  was 
deeply  interested  in  the  case  of  a  Swedish  boy  named  Andrew 
Bomkersen,  who  belonged  to  a  Government  train  from  Salt 
Lake,  was  killed  there  on  the  nth,  and  was  the  first  person 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67  343 

buried  at  that  place.  Having  given  his  advice  and  assistance 
to  Augur  in  locating  the  permanent  post,  he  began  to  be  eager 
to  move  on,  and  anxious  about  the  importance  given  by  the 
press  to  his  Galena  speech.  He  naturally  wanted  to  know  what 
the  New  York  papers  thought  of  it,  though  he  felt  sure  his 
relations  with  the  General  would  give  importance  to  what  he 
said. 

From  Fort  Saunders,  Dakota,  he  wrote  an  account  of  the 
journey  to  that  place,  which  he  greatly  enjoyed,  notwithstand 
ing  the  fact  that  his  party  had  been  followed  by  Indians.  He 
added  with  pardonable  pride : 

...  I  feel  greatly  flattered  by  the  reception  of  my  speech  by 
the  public.  I  know  nothing  of  what  the  St.  Louis  papers  say  nor 
of  what  the  New  York  papers  say,  except  the  Tribune.  Rowley 
enclosed  me  some  extracts  from  other  papers,  which  I  enclose 
herewith  to  you  along  with  some  I  cut  from  the  Chicago  papers 
and  the  Galena  Advertiser.  The  latter  has  the  whole  speech  in 
it,  with  an  editorial  written  by  H.  H.  Houghton.  However  flat 
teringly  the  latter  has  written  of  me  he  believes  every  word 
of  it.  ... 

The  party  then  advanced  to  the  North  Platte,  where  it  lo 
cated  Fort  Steele,  but  the  march  was  quite  trying  to  Rawlins. 
Much  trouble  and  some  delay  were  caused  by  the  depth  and 
rapidity  of  the  stream;  the  cavalry  horses  and  pack  animals 
had  to  swim  it,  and  this  brought  the  party  into  a  trackless 
region,  farther  and  farther  from  the  overland  trail,  as  well 
as  from  water.     Sixteen  miles  beyond  the  crossing  they  dis 
covered  a  flowing  spring,  at  which  the  party,  and  especially 
Rawlins,  drank  with  great  enjoyment.     It   was  a  veritable  / 
oasis  in  the  desert,  and  later  became  the  site  of  a  flourishing ;' 
town,    which    in  due   time   Dodge  named   after   his    friend/ 
Rawlins. 

From  that  point  the  party  made  its  way  to  the  Medicine 
Bow  River,  and  thence  across  the  Continental  Divide  to  Fort 
Bridger,  Utah.  The  march  was  varied  by  scouting  and  ex- 


344  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ploring,  by  fording  rivers,  climbing  mountains,  and  shooting 
game.  Elk,  black-tailed  deer,  and  bear  were  abundant;  the 
mess  was  kept  amply  supplied,  and  Rawlins  continued  to  feel 
stronger  and  better.  Although  he  did  not  get  rid  of  his  cough, 
he  still  indulged  in  the  hope  that  the  trip  would  give  him 
permanent  relief.  On  August  19  he  wrote: 

...  I  see  by  the  papers  that  General  Grant  has  accepted  the 
position  of  acting  Secretary  of  War  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Stanton. 
I  suppose  of  course  he  has  good  reason  for  doing  so  and  that  he 
thinks  he  can  perhaps  better  serve  the  interests  of  reconstruction 
there  than  if  some  one  inimical  to  reconstruction  were  placed 
there.  For  my  own  part  I  must  confess  that  I  am  sorry  any 
condition  of  things  should  have  so  turned  out  as  to  necessitate 
General  Grant's  accepting  the  position.  It  will  require  a  steady 
hand  and  clear  head  to  keep  out  of  the  gulf  that  yawns  between 
the  President  and  the  people.  There  is  no  friendship  for  the 
General  with  the  President  or  any  of  his  Cabinet  in  my  judg 
ment,  and  the  party  Butler  represents  and  the  bitterness  he  feels 
are  neither  dead  nor  sleeping.  My  faith  in  an  overruling  Provi 
dence  is  still  strong,  and  Grant's  star  I  believe  to  be  still  in  the 
ascendant,  but  so  the  stars  of  my  country  pale  not  I  shall  be 
content.  I  have  no  letter  from  Washington  since  I  left  Galena, 
and  of  course  know  nothing  of  what  is  going  on. 

I  received  a  letter  dated  July  26  from  Russell  Jones,  in  which 
he  says :  "I  also  received  yours  containing  the  $1,000  draft,  and 
after  talking  with  Bass,  Bradley  and  Corwith  I  conclude  to  buy 
ten  shares  of  our  street  railway  stock  instead  of  buying  land. 
If  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken  there  is  no  better  place  to  put  it. 
I  hold  it  in  the  name  of  your  wife  and  children,  though  standing 
in  my  name  on  the  Company's  books.  Unless  otherwise  directed, 
I  shall  invest  the  dividends  in  new  stock  as  fast  as  there  is  enough 
to  buy  another  share."  I  am  not  so  well  satisfied  with  this  as 
I  would  have  been  if  he  had  bought  land,  but  I  have  great  confi 
dence  in  the  gentleman  named  and  in  his  judgment.  .  .  . 

From  Camp  Douglas,  Salt  Lake  City,  he  wrote : 

.  .  .  On  Wednesday  evening,  August  28,  we  met  Brigham 
Young,  his  last  wife  and  two  daughters  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Head,  the  Indian  agent  here.  He  looks  to  be  a  man  of  about 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67          345 

forty-five  years  of  age,  but  is  sixty-six.  Of  the  peculiar  institu 
tion  of  these  people  one  has  a  more  favorable  idea  from  letter 
writers  than  from  observation.  My  own  views  of  them  are  far 
less  favorable  than  others  of  General  Grant's  staff  who  have  been 
here  before.  I  am  in  favor  of  the  Conner  rather  than  the  Young 
party.  On  the  29th  I  called  on  Governor  Durkee,  Chief  Justice 
Titus  and  Judge  Drake  of  this  territory.  They  are  to  call  on  us 
to-morrow.  I  like  them  very  much.  General  and  Mrs.  Chetlain 
and  Mr.  Head  are  very  kind  to  us.  We  shall  leave  here  on  the 
2nd  or  3rd  of  September  for  the  East  via  South  Pass.  Shall 
reach  Omaha  about  the  loth  of  October.  .  .  . 

On  his  way  he  sent  the  following  letter : 

Bear  River  Station,  September  6,  1867.  ...  I  am  glad  the 
General  sent  you  the  funds,  but  don't  be  uneasy  about  my  hurry 
ing  home  on  account  of  the  General's  new  duties,  for  be  assured 
I  owe  too  much  to  my  family  and  my  own  health  to  hurry  to 
Washington  at  this  time.  I  could  do  nothing  now.  Had  I  been 
there  I  might  have  prevailed  upon  the  General  not  to  accept  the 
position  he  has  now.  I  certainly  should  have  tried  unless  being 
there  had  put  me  in  possession  of  knowledge  I  do  not  now  have. 
May  God  guide  him  aright  is  my  prayer.  ...  I  am  in  very  good 
health,  except  my  cough,  and  I  think  I  am  getting  better  of  that 
all  the  time.  .  .  . 

During  this  entire  trip  across  the  plains  and  Continental 
Divide  to  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  Rawlins  had  been  the  guest  and 
inseparable  companion  of  Dodge.  As  his  letters  show,  they 
had  been  warm  and  devoted  friends  from  the  time  they  first 
met  in  West  Tennessee,  and  had  never  lost  an  opportunity  to 
say  kind  things  of  each  other,  but  neither  had  come  to  ap 
preciate  the  other  thoroughly  till  they  spent  the  summer  and 
fall  together,  the  one  seeking  health  and  the  other  trying  to 
find  the  best  possible  location  for  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  Hitherto  Rawlins  had  been  the  industrious,  austere, 
uncompromising  staff  officer,  looking  neither  to  the  right  nor 
left,  but  sternly  working  for  victory  over  the  public  enemy. 
His  high  character  had  become  known  to  all,  but  it  needed 


346  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

this  trip  to  reveal  the  genial  and  companionable  nature  of  the 
man  to  his  friend.  During  the  relaxations  by  the  camp-fire 
at  night,  he  had  let  the  light  in  upon  his  own  nature,  and  the 
ruling  principles  of  his  life.  As  he  told  the  story  of  his  ex 
periences  from  Belmont  to  Appomattox,  he  unconsciously  re 
vealed  his  unselfish  character,  his  devotion  to  Grant,  his  per 
sistence  in  the  performance  of  duty,  his  exalted  patriotism, 
and,  above  all,  the  high  sense  of  honor  by  which  he  was  guided 
through  all  the  emergencies  of  his  career.  Dodge  bears  the 
most  unmistakable  testimony  to  all  this,  as  well  as  to  the  fact 
that  although  a  sick  man  himself,  Rawlins  was  more  worried 
about  the  health  of  his  companion  than  about  his  own.  While 
all  looked  out  with  anxious  solicitude  for  his  comfort,  he  was 
never  for  a  moment  neglectful  of  theirs.  While  all  hoped  that 
he  would  receive  permanent  benefit  from  the  outdoor  life  of 
the  plains,  and  it  is  probable  that  his  disease  was  arrested  and 
his  life  was  thereby  sensibly  prolonged,  it  in  the  end  became 
evident  that  the  improvement  was  only  temporary  and  that 
the  unrelaxing  hand  of  death  had  him  firmly  in  its  grasp. 

While  at  Salt  Lake  City,  Brigham  Young  and  the  Mormons 
made  every  effort  to  entertain  and  interest  him  in  their  af 
fairs,  but  he  respectfully  declined  their  offers  of  hospitality 
and  pitched  his  tent  at  Fort  Douglas,  overlooking  the  city. 
He  treated  all  with  politeness  but  acted  throughout  apparently 
on  the  theory  that  his  official  independence  might  be  com 
promised  by  the  slightest  unnecessary  intimacy. 

On  the  return  trip  from  Salt  Lake  City  north  to  the  Snake 
River  Valley  the  party  followed  Brigham  Young  and  his 
bishops,  who  were  on  their  annual  procession  through  the  set 
tlements.  While  Dodge  and  Rawlins  were  received  at  the  set 
tlements  with  respect,  much  to  their  surprise,  but  little  per 
sonal  interest  was  shown  in  their  movements.  In  view  of  the 
friendly  attentions  which  had  been  extended  to  them  at  Salt 
Lake  this  was  difficult  to  account  for  and  produced  an  un 
favorable  impression,  which  lasted  Rawlins  until  his  death. 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67          347 

As  the  party  crossed  the  Green  River  Mountains,  they  dis 
covered  many  signs  of  grizzly  bears,  which  excited  the  sport 
ing  propensities  of  the  younger  men.  A  hunt  was  organized 
in  which,  against  Dodge's  advice,  Rawlins  and  his  aid-de-camp 
took  part.  They  had  not  gone  far  before  a  wounded  grizzly 
turned  upon  them  and,  but  for  the  skill  of  a  professional 
hunter,  might  have  overtaken  them.  Both  were  glad  to 
escape,  and  Rawlins  did  not  hesitate  to  blame  himself  for 
this  disobedience  of  orders. 

The  march  to  the  eastward  was  varied  by  the  excitement  of 
bear  and  buffalo  hunting  and  the  fear  of  the  Indians.  A  few 
gold  camps  were  encountered,  and  claims  were  staked  out,  one 
of  which,  assigned  to  Rawlins,  was  sold  for  a  small  sum  by  his 
family  several  years  afterwards. 

After  a  wide  circuit  of  several  weeks  through  the  moun 
tains,  north  of  the  line  on  which  it  had  gone  to  Salt  Lake,  the 
party  reached  Cheyenne  in  safety.  Rawlins  parted  from  it  at 
the  end  of  the  railroad  and  on  October  12,  1867,  arrived  at 
Galena,  where  he  received  a  hearty  welcome  from  his  family 
and  friends.  He  had  been  gone  four  months,  during  which 
he  had  been  buoyed  up  by  hope,  but  had  derived  little  sub 
stantial  benefit  from  the  change. 

Before  passing  from  this  period  of  Rawlins's  life,  it  may  be 
well  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  Stanton's  dismissal  from 
the  position  of  Secretary  of  War,  and  Grant's  appointment  to 
that  office  ad  interim,  was  followed  by  sharp  collisions  between 
Congress  and  the  President  in  regard  to  the  reconstruction  of 
the  Southern  States,  and  this  greatly  complicated  the  duties 
which  Grant  was  called  upon  to  perform.  Without  the  help, 
for  the  greater  part  of  the  time,  of  his  trusted  chief  of  staff, 
he  continued  to  hold  the  office  till  relieved  of  it  in  accordance 
with  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act.  The  Senate  having  refused  on 
January  14,  1868,  to  concur  in  the  suspension  and  removal  of 
Stanton,  Grant  at  once  abandoned  the  position  he  had  been 
filling,  although  the  President  alleged  that  he  had  promised 


348  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  hold  it  against  Stanton's  reinstatement.  A  question  of 
veracity  arose  between  them.  Grant  denied  that  he  had  ever 
made  any  such  promise,  whereupon  the  President  cited  his 
Cabinet  as- witnesses  to  prove  that  he  had. 

While  the  discussion  was  at  its  height  Rawlins  returned  to 
Washington,  and  at  once  became  interested  in  mastering  the 
facts  of  the  case  and  giving  advice  and  counsel  to  his  Chief. 
Through  his  legal  acumen  and  his  keen  perception,  he  soon 
reached  a  clear  understanding  of  the  complications  in  which 
General  Grant  had  become  involved.  All  doubts  were  speedily 
dissipated,  the  damaging  charges  against  the  General  were 
disproved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  country,  and  he  was  nomi 
nated  for  the  Presidency  by  a  National  Convention  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  gathered  from  all  parts  of  the  country  at  Chicago, 
May  19,  1868.  Rawlins  was  known  to  be  in  favor  of  the 
movement,  if  not  absolutely  directing  it.  To  his  gratification, 
it  culminated  two  days  later  in  Grant's  nomination  by  the 
National  Republican  Convention,  substantially  on  the  platform 
which  Rawlins  had  outlined  in  his  speech  at  Galena  the  year 
before. 

During  the  month  of  October  and  a  part  of  November, 
1867,  Rawlins  remained  at  Galena,  and  wrote  no  letters.  His 
health  had  received  but  little  benefit  from  his  life  on  the 
plains.  Up  one  day  and  down  the  next,  he  had  serious  mis 
givings,  and  was  driven  almost  to  desperation  at  times.  This 
is  shown  by  the  pathetic  fact  that  while  in  camp  on  the  plains 
one  bright  summer  day  he  opened  his  shirt  and  bared  his 
breast  to  the  sun  till  it  w7as  almost  blistered,  in  the  hope  that 
it  would  prove  a  counterirritant  which  would  benefit  his  lungs. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Presidential  election  took 
place  in  November,  1868,  and  that  Grant  was  elected  by  a 
great  majority.  While  Rawlins  was  deeply  interested  in  the 
outcome  of  the  campaign,  his  health  was  not  strong  enough 
to  permit  him  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  canvass,  even  if  the 
proprieties  of  his  military  position  had  allowed  it.  He  was, 


INTERESTS  AND  ACTIVITIES,  1866-67          349 

however,  constantly  consulted  by  the  politicians  and  gave  them 
his  best  advice,  especially  in  regard  to  the  West.  When  the 
election  was  over  he  returned  to  Washington  and  took  up  his 
residence  at  Willard's  Hotel,  but  while  getting  his  house  ready 
for  his  family  he  slept  at  his  office,  to  the  detriment  both  of 
his  comfort  and  his  health. 

Early  in  December  he  wrote  that,  much  as  he  would  like  to 
do  so,  he  could  not  return  home  because  his  official  duties  for 
bade  it.  In  common  with  many  others,  he  soon  began  to  feel 
some  anxiety  about  the  make-up  of  the  Cabinet  and  the  dis 
tribution  of  the  great  offices  of  the  Administration.  On  De 
cember  10  he  wrote : 

.  .  .  The  subject  of  offices  is  scarcely  broached.  In  fact, 
among  those  whom  I  have  met  the  chief  speculation  is  as  to  what 
I  am  to  have.  All  seem  to  take  it  for  granted  that  the  General 
is  going  to  do  something  very  handsome,  more  than  he  has  ever 
done  for  me,  but  what  he  intends  of  course  none  of  them  know. 
The  position  I  have  is  perhaps  as  good  as  any  the  General  will 
have  in  his  power  to  give,  and  to  have  it  secured  to  me  is  all  I 
want,  and  even  this  I  should  not  want  if  I  had  the  health  I  lost 
in  the  service.  My  arm  pains  me  considerably  and  I  do  not  as  yet 
see  that  it  relieves  my  cough,  though  it  is  hardly  time. 

I  met  General  Butler  night  before  last  and  had  a  long  talk 
with  him.  He  tells  me  he  intends  to  earnestly  support  Grant's 
administration,  and  I  believe  him,  that  is,  if  he  is  properly  treated. 

About  this  time  both  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  gave  him  an 
earnest  invitation  to  make  his  home  with  them  till  he  was 
ready  to  bring  his  family  to  Washington,  but  he  persisted  in 
living  alone  till  after  the  holidays,  which  he  spent  with  his 
wife  in  Connecticut.  On  his  return  to  Washington  he  compro 
mised  what  was  evidently  an  embarrassing  question  by  "sleep 
ing  at  the  office,  taking  his  breakfast  at  a  restaurant,  and  din 
ing  with  General  Grant."  Curiously  enough  he  was  assured 
most  positively  about  that  time  by  the  doctors  that  his  lungs 
were  not  affected,  and  again  took  hope  from  the  assurance; 
but  nevertheless  he  was  henceforth  compelled  to  decline  all 


350  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

social  invitations  on  account  of  his  enfeebled  condition.  He 
daily  took  a  horseback  ride  on  General  Grant's  black  pony, 
"Jeff  Davis/'  and  scrupulously  followed  the  regimen  pre 
scribed  for  him,  but  withal  his  disease  was  steadily  making 
progress  towards  its  fatal  and  inevitable  end. 

As  the  inauguration  was  approaching,  he  became  more  and 
more  uneasy  as  to  his  own  future.  General  Grant  the  Presi 
dent  Elect,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  peculiarly  reticent 
about  his  Cabinet  and  other  important  appointments,  and  kept 
the  entire  country  in  a  state  of  suspense  almost  to  the  very 
day  he  took  the  oath  of  office.  This  doubtless  added  to  Raw- 
lins's  anxiety.  He  had  done  his  full  part  in  making  Grant's 
military  career  a  success  and  in  helping  to  place  him  properly 
before  the  country  as  a  candidate  for  the  highest  office  within 
its  gift.  He  was  too  proud  to  ask  what  was  to  be  done  for 
him,  or  to  even  intimate  that  he  would  like  to  have  a  cabinet 
position,  but  his  letters  to  his  wife  show  clearly  that  he  con 
sidered  himself  an  important  part  of  what  Grant  stood  for, 
and  did  not  want  to  be  left  out  of  consideration  in  the  or 
ganization  of  the  new  Administration. 


XIX 

CLOSING   EVENTS 

Rawlins  Appointed  Secretary  of  War — Friends  Discharge  Mort 
gage  on  House — War  Department  Restored  to  Control  of  Sec 
retary — Relations  with  President  and  Cabinet — Friend  of 
Cuba — Reflections  Upon  Rawlins's  Conduct — Relations  with 
Sherman. 

IT  so  happened  that  J.  Russell  Jones  and  I  were  visiting 
Grant  for  a  few  days  shortly  before  the  inauguration,  and  after 
the  ladies  retired,  it  was  his  custom  to  invite  us  into  the  library 
for  the  purpose  of  discussing  both  measures  and  men.  On  Fri 
day  night,  February  19,  1869,  he  read  us  the  draft  of  his  inaug 
ural  address,  and  asked  for  our  suggestions  as  to  its  form,  as 
well  as  to  several  of  the  topics  to  be  considered ;  but  in  doing  so 
he  warned  us  that,  as  he  had  not  yet  discussed  the  Cabinet 
"with  any  one,  not  even  with  Mrs.  Grant,"  he  could  not  do  so 
with  us.  He  invited  us,  however,  to  talk  freely  about  men  for 
other  places,  and  we  did  so.  Before  the  conversation  ended,  I 
naturally  asked  him  what  he  was  going  to  do  for  Rawlins.  He 
replied  that  he  intended  to  assign  him  to  the  command  of  the 
Department  of  Arizona,  in  the  confident  belief  that  a  pro 
longed  residence  in  the  high  and  dry  atmosphere  of  that  region 
would  result  in  his  complete  restoration  to  health. 

The  next  day,  in  reply  to  a  direct  question  as  to  what  Grant 
was  going  to  do  for  him,  I  told  Rawlins  with  Grant's  permis 
sion  what  the  General  had  said  on  that  subject  the  night  be 
fore,  and  was  not  at  all  surprised  at  the  declaration  that  it 
would  not  be  at  all  satisfactory  to  him.  He  said  without 
reserve  that  he  not  only  wanted  but  thought  himself  fairly 


352  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

entitled  to  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  War.  He  then 
gave  a  full  summary  of  his  views,  and  in  conclusion  asked 
me  to  make  them  known  in  my  own  way,  but  without  un 
necessary  delay,  to  the  President-elect.  That  night  I  complied 
with  his  request.  The  General  showed  neither  surprise  nor 
impatience,  but  without  the  slightest  question  or  hesitation, 
he  said :  "You  can  tell  Rawlins  he  shall  be  Secretary  of 
War,"  but  added,  "He  will  have  to  wait  a  few  days,  possibly 
two  weeks  or  a  month,  for  I  have  asked  Schofield  to  hold 
over  a  while/' 

I  saw  Rawlins  early  the  next  morning  and  gave  him  Grant's 
message,  which  he  received  with  marked  gratification,  fol 
lowed  by  the  assurance  that  the  arrangement  would  be  entirely 
satisfactory  to  him. 

Of  course  I  made  this  known  to  Grant,  and  that  terminated 
my  connection  with  the  matter.  I  naturally  supposed  that 
Grant  would  notify  Rawlins  officially  of  his  intentions,  but  as 
the  inauguration  approached  without  his  saying  anything  in 
confirmation  of  what  he  had  specially  authorized  me  to  tell 
Rawlins,  the  latter  became  again  discouraged,  and  went  to 
Danbury  with  the  declaration  that  he  did  not  intend  to  return 
to  Washington.  From  there  he  wrote  to  General  Dodge,  that 
he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  not  to  be  Secretary 
of  War,  but  was  to  have  a  command  in  the  West.  Thereupon 
Dodge  took  the  letter  to  Grant,  who  seemed  surprised,  but  at 
once  gave  Dodge  the  same  assurance  he  had  given  me.  He 
explained  again  that  it  had  been  his  intention  to  give  Rawlins 
command  in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  in  the  belief  that  the 
high,  dry  climate  of  that  region  would  be  beneficial  to  him; 
but  understanding  that  this  arrangement  would  not  suit  Raw 
lins,  he  should  call  him  to  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War. 
Grant  made  no  explanation  of  why  he  had  not  already  told 
Rawlins  of  his  plans.  It  is  of  course  possible  that  he  may 
have  entertained  other  views  for  a  while,  but  be  this  as  it 
may,  he  shortly  confirmed  what  he  had  said  to  both  Dodge  and 


CLOSING  EVENTS  353 

myself  by  letter  or  telegraph;  for  a  few  days  later  Rawlins 
returned  to  Washington  and  made  arrangements  for  his 
family  to  join  him  there. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Grant's  first  Cabinet,  containing, 
as  it  did,  several  obscure  and  inexperienced  men,  was  a  great 
disappointment  to  the  public,  and  still  more  so  to  the  Republi 
can  party.  E.  B.  Washburne,  who  was  appointed  Secretary 
of  State  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  his  prestige  as  Minister 
to  France,  soon  gave  way  to  Hamilton  Fish,  and  in  due  time 
Schofield  made  way  for  Rawlins.  As  to  Fish,  although  a  dis 
tinguished  man,  who  had  long  been  out  of  active  public  life,  his 
appointment  was  a  genuine  surprise  to  the  country,  while  that 
of  Rawlins  was  hailed  by  those  who  knew  him  best  as  one 
entirely  proper  to  be  made.  It  gave  great  satisfaction, 
especially  to  the  volunteer  army,  by  which  he  had  long  since 
come  to  be  regarded  as  a  man  of  unusual  vigor,  honesty,  and 
independence.  His  principal  friends  among  the  higher  officers 
were  Dodge,  Logan,  and  Gresham.  They  were  also  experi 
enced  politicians,  who  fairly  represented  the  War  Democrats 
as  well  as  the  Republicans,  and  made  haste  to  express  their 
satisfaction  to  the  politicians  and  the  country  at  large. 

Three  days  before  Rawlins's  appointment  was  announced, 
which  was  on  March  n,  Dodge,  acting  for  himself  and  a  few 
other  friends  who  knew  that  Rawlins  was  a  poor  man,  took  up 
and  returned  to  him  the  mortgage  note  and  other  papers  con 
nected  with  the  dwelling  house  which  he  had  purchased  some 
time  before  on  Georgetown  Heights.  In  performing  this  gen 
erous  act,  Dodge  took  occasion  to  say : 

...  I  am  enabled  to  do  this  through  the  kindness  of  a  few 
friends,  most  of  whom  only  know  you  by  reputation,  but  who 
have  watched  your  course  through  your  entire  public  life.  Their 
respect  and  high  regard  for  you  as  a  gentleman  and  a  soldier, 
your  strict  integrity  and  ability,  your  disinterested  services  to 
your  country  and  your  Chief  alone  has  prompted  this  gift.  I 
trust  you  will  receive  it  in  the  same  kindly  spirit  it  is  given,  and 


354  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

at  some  future  time  more  appropriate  than  this  I  will  furnish  you 
the  names  of  the  gentlemen. 

Allow  me  to  say,  I  never  performed  a  duty  that  gave  me  more 
pleasure^  or  satisfaction,  and  wishing  you  for  them  and  myself 
that  health  and  prosperity  in  the  future  that  your  valuable  and 
distinguished  services  in  the  past  entitle  you  to,  I  am  truly  your 
friend. 

On  March  n  Rawlins  wrote  to  his  wife  as  follows: 

.  .  .  The  excitement  incident  upon  the  organization  of  the 
Cabinet  and  the  number  of  persons  constantly  around  me  have 
prevented  me  writing  you  earlier.  The  Cabinet  is  now  organ 
ized,  and,  from  what  I  learn  from  people  here,  is  quite  acceptable. 
I  am  congratulated  by  many  for  my  position  in  it,  and  by  some 
I  am  sure  sincerely.  Of  Brigadier  General  U.  S.  Grant's  staff 
as  originally  organized,  I  was  the  youngest  member.  So  of 
President  Grant's  Cabinet  I  am  the  youngest  and  as  a  Cabinet 
officer  shall  try  to  serve  my  country  and  him  with  the  same 
fidelity  I  tried  to  serve  both  as  a  staff  officer. 

Enclosed  I  send  you  a  letter  from  General  Dodge  which  ex 
plains  itself.  .  .  . 

Of  course  Rawlins,  Secretary  of  War,  was  a  much  more 
powerful  and  important  person  than  Rawlins,  Chief  of  Staff; 
and  while  he  had  but  few  appointments  in  his  own  Depart 
ment  to  give  out,  he  was  greatly  run  upon  by  his  many  mili 
tary  friends  now  in  civil  life  for  recommendations  to  the 
President  and  the  other  Secretaries. 

On  March  28  he  wrote  to  his  wife,  who  had  not  yet  joined 
him,  as  follows: 

...  I  am  almost  ashamed  to  write  after  having  received  three 
letters  from  you  without  having  sent  a  single  one  in  return  for 
ten  days,  but  I  know  you  will  pardon  me  when  I  tell  you  my 
friends  have  so  pressed  me,  and  the  condition  of  my  own  de 
partment  as  left  by  the  last  of  Secretary  Schofield's  orders  so 
annoyed  me,  that  I  could  not  find  a  moment  to  sit  down  and  write 
you  as  I  would  like  to  have  done.  Yesterday,  however,  I  got 
permission  and  issued  an  order  revoking  the  one  of  Schofield's, 
which  virtually  put  the  War  Department  under  Sherman.  The 


CLOSING  EVENTS  355 

Department  stands  now  as  it  did  under  Stanton,  Grant  and  Scho- 
field.  The  General  of  the  army  is  subordinate  to  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

I  was  out  of  ink  in  my  room  to-day,  went  downstairs  to  get 
some  and  started  up,  when  in  came  Hillyer  with  a  friend — of 
course  he  always  has  one.  He  remarked :  "What  are  you  going 
to  do  with  your  ink  ?"  I  replied :  "I  am  going,  if  I  can  get  an 
opportunity,  to  write  to  my  wife,  a  thing  I  have  not  done  for 
ten  days."  The  only  effect  it  had  was  to  cause  him  and  his 
friend  to  sit  down  and  talk  that  ever-wearying  twaddle  about 
Grant,  and  the  people  being  with  him,  etc.,  until  it  was  too  late 
to  get  this  off  in  to-day's  mail.  I  simply  mention  this  to  show 
you  how  considerate  some  are  who  call  you  friend. 

The  papers  give  you  full  particulars  of  what  Congress  and 
Grant  are  doing.  To  those  particulars  I  can  only  add  that  God 
having  for  the  last  eight  years  watched  over  and  guided  the 
destiny  of  this  people  in  spite  of  themselves,  I  have  an  abiding 
faith  that  in  His  watchfulness  and  guidance  our  destiny  will  be 
insured,  and  that  it  will  be  as  grand  as  he  designs  it  to  be.  But 
for  this  faith  in  God  I  should  long  since  have  despaired  of  my 
country's  welfare  and  would  not  feel  so  hopeful  as  now.  .  .  . 

To  this  he  added,  two  days  later : 

.  .  .  The  great  pressure  still  continues,  but  I  stand  it  full  as 
well  as  I  had  hoped  to.  ...  My  health,  I  think,  is  improving.  I 
certainly  am  not  growing  worse. 

General  Sherman  felt  badly  over  the  revocation  of  Schofield's 
order,  fearing  it  would  put  him  in  the  light  of  losing  Grant's 
confidence.  He  did  not  seem  to  think  I  had  any  special  feelings 
in  the  matter,  and  as  to  that  he  was  about  right.  A  sense  of  duty 
to  my  country  made  me  insist  upon  its  revocation.  I  could  not 
consent  to  have  the  authorities  of  a  great  civil  office  entrusted 
to  me  subordinated  to  the  military  authority. 

Enclosed  is  a  slip  from  a  newspaper  and  also  a  letter  from  a 
friend,  samples  of  what  come  to  me  on  the  subject.  .  .  . 

In  further  explanation  of  the  reference  to  Sherman  and 
Schofield  in  the  letter  just  quoted,  it  should  be  remembered 
that  Schofield's  last  act  as  hold-over  Secretary  of  War  was  to 
issue  an  order  by  direction  of  the  President,  the  practical 


356  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

effect  of  which  was  to  place  the  administration  of  the  army, 
as  well  as  most  of  the  business  which  had  been  assigned  by 
law  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  under  the  immediate  control  of 
Sherman,  the  senior  general  of  the  army.  All  the  heads  of 
military  bureaux  were  announced  as  attached  to  his  "General 
Staff."  They  were  placed  under  his  direct  orders,  and  were 
required  to  transact  all  official  business  through  him  or  by  his 
authority.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  this  as  a  measure  of  re 
form,  it  was  not  only  adopted  without  proper  consideration 
but  was  manifestly  in  contravention  of  many  laws  which  had 
been  duly  enacted  by  Congress,  and  which  could  not  be  set 
aside  by  an  executive  order. 

Rawlins,  as  might  have  been  expected,  was  not  slow  to  per 
ceive  the  effect  of  his  predecessor's  order,  nor  was  he  slow  to 
set  about  securing  its  immediate  nullification.  Sherman,  gen 
eral  in  chief,  was  to  be  the  principal  beneficiary  of  the  order 
and  naturally  did  all  he  could  through  his  friend  the  Presi 
dent  to  keep  it  in  force,  but  the  case  was  too  plain  to  admit 
of  serious  discussion.  The  briefest  statement  of  it  convinced 
the  President  that  he  could  not  uphold  the  revolutionary 
order,  without  a  palpable  usurpation  of  authority,  which 
would  not  only  discredit  his  new  Secretary  but  arouse  the 
antagonism  of  Congress.  Rawlins,  with  his  accustomed  vigor, 
but  with  all  due  respect,  made  this  entirely  clear  to  Grant  and 
thereby  secured  the  necessary  authority  to  countermand  the 
unlawful  order. 

The  case  was  a  novel  one,  the  outcome  of  which  was 
watched  with  intense  interest  not  only  by  the  army  but  by  the 
statesmen  and  politicians.  It  was  regarded  as  a  test  both  of 
the  character  and  the  influence  of  the  new  Secretary.  His 
victory  was  complete,  and  it  at  once  became  recognized  that 
he  was  a  man  to  be  reckoned  with  in  civil  as  well  as  in  mili 
tary  affairs. 

From  that  time  forth,  although  a  confirmed  invalid,  he 
took  an  important  part  in  all  public  measures  which  engaged 


CLOSING  EVENTS  357 

the  attention  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet.  His  asso 
ciates  were  comparative  strangers  to  him  as  well  as  to  the 
President.  Not  one  of  them  had  had  the  slightest  acquain 
tance  with  the  latter  till  after  he  had  become  the  victorious 
commander  of  our  armies.  They  knew  nothing  of  his  char 
acter  and  idiosyncrasies,  and  still  less  of  his  methods  of  busi 
ness  or  of  his  mental  operations.  They  knew,  of  course,  that 
he  had  been  educated  at  West  Point,  had  served  in  the  Mexi 
can  War  and  in  the  Indian  country,  and  had  resigned  from  the 
army.  They,  in  common  with  the  rest  of  their  countrymen, 
knew  also  that  he  had  been  unsuccessful  in  civil  life.  They 
had  heard  rumors  about  his  habits,  and  had  shared  the  doubts 
of  the  country  at  large  as  to  his  real  greatness ;  but  they  were 
well  aware  of  the  fact  that  he  had  won  an  unbroken  series 
of  victories  which  had  overthrown  the  Confederate  govern 
ment  and  reestablished  the  Union.  Without  considering  how 
much  of  this  great  result  was  due  to  Lincoln,  Stanton,  the 
Congress,  the  army  at  large,  and  to  the  patriotism  and  sacri 
fices  of  the  people,  they  concluded,  naturally  enough  perhaps, 
that  he  must  be  a  very  great  man,  richly  endowed  with  wis 
dom  and  capacity  for  civil  as  well  as  for  military  affairs. 
They  heard  doubtless  with  surprise  his  reflections  upon  public 
affairs,  which  he  was  accustomed  to  express  with  unusual 
common-sense  and  directness,  and  attributed  to  them  an  im 
portance  to  which  they  were  not  necessarily  entitled. 

Lacking  familiarity  with  the  Constitution  and  with  the  law 
of  the  land,  unacquainted  with  the  leading  men  of  civil  life, 
inexperienced  in  politics  or  statecraft,  and  being  compelled, 
by  the  great  office  to  which  he  had  been  elevated  as  well  as  by 
the  condition  of  public  affairs,  to  deal  with  questions  of  the 
greatest  novelty  and  importance,  Grant,  more  than  any  of  his 
predecessors,  needed  the  advice  and  guidance  of  the  wisest 
and  most  independent  statesmen  of  the  day.  With  the  gen 
erous  impulse  of  a  soldier,  unchanged  by  contact  with  the 
world,  he  was  naturally  inclined  to  prefer  his  comrades  and 


358  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

friends  of  the  camp,  whom  he  had  learned  to  esteem  and  trust, 
to  the  politicians  and  statesmen,  however  experienced.  It 
perhaps  had  not  occurred  to  him  that,  in  making  up  his  mind 
upon  questions  and  policies  of  his  administration,  he  should 
seek  the  counsel  of  those  who  had  gained  their  experience  in 
civil  life.  He  unconsciously  treated  his  Cabinet  rather  as 
staff-officers  than  as  his  constitutional  advisers;  rather  as 
clerks  than  as  counsellors,  and,  unfortunately  for  him  and  for 
the  country,  this  view  of  their  relations  was  too  frequently 
accepted  without  question  by  his  new  associates. 

The  simple  fact  is  that  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  stood  in 
awe  of  the  victorious  and  taciturn  soldier,  and  were  prone  to 
attribute  to  his  views,  a  ripeness  and  wisdom  which  they  did 
not  always  possess.  Rawlins  was  the  only  one  of  their  number 
who  had  seen  him  develop  from  the  simple  clerk  in  the  Galena 
leather  store  to  the  victorious  chieftain,  commanding  a  million 
men.  He  was  the  only  member  of  the  Cabinet  who  knew  that 
the  President  after  all  was  only  a  plain,  sensible  man,  of  un 
selfish  patriotism  and  excellent  judgment,  surrounded  by  grave 
responsibilities,  and  needing  now,  more  than  ever,  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  men  and  facts,  together  with  sound  and  disin 
terested  advice  upon  the  complicated  questions  which  were 
claiming  attention. 

Rawlins  was  besides  the  only  member  of  the  Cabinet  who 
actually  knew  the  capacities  and  limitations  of  the  President, 
and  while  he  held  him  in  the  highest  respect,  stood  not  in  the 
slightest  awe  of  him  or  of  his  opinions.  Accustomed  to  think 
for  himself  on  the  questions  of  the  day,  and  to  accept  no  man's 
conclusions  without  the  assurance  of  his  own  reason  that  they 
were  sound,  he  was,  for  the  brief  period  of  his  service  in  civil 
office,  the  same  fearless,  independent,  and  outspoken  coun 
sellor  that  he  had  been  in  military  life.  To  those  who  knew 
what  took  place  in  government  circles  it  was  certain  that  the 
new  Secretary  of  War  wielded  the  same  potent  and  controlling 
influence  over  the  President,  when  he  chose  to  exert  it,  that 


CLOSING  EVENTS  359 

the  Chief  of  Staff  had  wielded  over  the  Commanding  General. 
It  is  a  circumstance  creditable  to  both  that  this  influence  was 
never  exerted  except  in  matters  of  serious  importance,  and 
never  failed  to  receive  the  attention  to  which  it  was  entitled. 

It  is  well  known  that  Rawlins  early  became  impressed  with 
the  importance  of  our  relations  with  Cuba,  which  entered  upon 
its  first  serious  rebellion  against  Spanish  authority  in  1868. 
He  was  not  only  intensely  American,  but  believed  abstractly 
in  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  in  Senator  Douglas's  corollary 
of  "Manifest  Destiny."  He  was  besides  deeply  sympathetic 
with  all  misgoverned  people,  and  believed  that  it  was  our  duty, 
as  chief  of  the  American  republics,  to  extend  an  encouraging 
if  not  a  protecting  hand  to  such  as  were  unduly  oppressed. 
He  did  not  disguise  his  sympathy  for  Cuba,  any  more  than  he 
did  for  Mexico.  He  was  the  open  advocate  of  the  Cuban 
Republic,  and  although  it  was  not  strictly  within  his  province, 
he  advised  that  the  Administration  should  recognize  the  Cu 
bans  as  belligerents,  and  hold  the  Spanish  government  to  a 
rigid  responsibility  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  interests  of 
American  citizens.  In  this  policy  it  is  certain  that  he  had  at 
first  the  concurrence  of  his  Chief  and  the  support  of  his  party 
as  against  the  more  conservative  views  of  Fish,  the  Secretary 
of  State. 

In  connection  with  this  important  subject,  it  should  be  stated 
that  Rawlins  had  not  concealed  his  views,  but  had  given  them 
fully  to  the  world  in  his  Galena  address  two  years  before.1 
In  that  notable  address,  which  was  published  and  circulated 
broadcast  by  the  Republican  National  Committee  during 
Grant's  first  canvass  for  the  Presidency,  he  gave  his  views 
on  every  important  question  then  up  for  consideration.  He 
openly  rejoiced  in  the  overthrow  of  Maximilian's  Empire  and 
in  the  humiliation  of  Louis  Napoleon.  He  sympathized  with 
the  desire  and  efforts  of  Ireland  to  throw  off  the  British  yoke, 
and  looked  hopefully  to  the  peaceful  acquisition  of  the  newly 

1  See  Appendix,  pp.  470  et  seq. 


360  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

confederated  British  colonies  in  North  America.  He  called 
special  attention  to  the  disposition  manifested  by  the  British 
Government  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  European  invaders 
from  Mexico  at  "our  behest"  to  pay  the  Alabama  claims,  but 
added,  with  a  frankness  not  to  be  misunderstood : 

.  .  .  Should  she  fail  to  properly  adjust  them,  it  may  become 
the  duty  of  the  people's  representatives  to  issue  their  writ  in  the 
form  of  a  declaration  of  war  for  the  seizure  of  her  possessions 
in  America  in  satisfaction  of  these  claims,  and  thereby  facilitate 
the  departure  of  the  last  foreign  power  from  this  Continent. 

Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  these  were  the  views  of  the 
President-elect,  as  well  as  of  Rawlins  and  the  Republican 
party,  at  the  time  they  were  uttered. 

Holding  such  opinions  as  these,  it  was  to  be  expected  that 
as  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  he  should  avail  himself  of  the 
Cuban  rebellion,  and  especially  of  the  Virginius  affair,  to 
favor  Cuban  independence  as  well  as  to  hold  Spain  to  a  rigid 
respect  for  the  rights  of  American  citizens.  At  all  events, 
that  was  the  position  Rawlins  took,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  he  was  both  firm  and  vehement  in  maintaining  it.  Nor 
can  there  be  any  doubt  that  the  more  conservative  and  con 
ciliatory  Secretary  of  State,  and  possibly  other  members  of 
the  Cabinet,  took  the  opposite  view,  and  were  disposed  to  re 
gard  the  Secretary  of  War  as  going  out  of  his  proper  sphere 
to  influence  and  control  the  policy  of  the  Administration. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  Spanish  Government  was  at 
that  time,  as  well  as  before,  represented  by  able  counsel,  and 
had,  besides,  many  influential  friends  to  look  out  for  its  in 
terests  with  the  Administration  and  in  the  public  press.  Raw 
lins  was  an  open  and  aggressive  fighter,  and,  besides,  held 
such  close  relations  with  the  President  as  to  make  his  success 
almost  certain  in  any  case  that  enlisted  his  sympathy  and  sup 
port.  Although  a  man  of  modest  and  blameless  life,  he  was 
not  without  enemies.  His  success  had  been  too  great  and  his 


CLOSING  EVENTS  361 

elevation  too  high  not  to  have  brought  upon  him  the  envy  of 
some  he  had  left  behind.  While  his  arguments  were  rightfully 
enough  combated  by  counsel,  his  motives  were  wrongfully 
enough  assailed  by  others,  who  desired  not  only  to  defeat  his 
measures  but  to  injure  his  character  and  destroy  his  influence. 
They  challenged  his  disinterestedness  while  living,  and  circu 
lated  reports  to  his  discredit  after  he  was  dead,  and,  there 
fore,  powerless  to  defend  himself.  The  period  of  detraction 
and  slander  at  Washington  had  already  begun  and  no  effort 
was  spared  to  cripple  those  who  were  true  to  their  own  sense 
of  duty  and  propriety. 

With  those  who  knew  the  austere  and  impassioned  Rawlins 
in  active  life,  his  character  needs  no  defence,  and  no  defence 
will  be  offered.  But  for  the  information  of  those  who  come 
after,  it  is  my  duty  to  say  that,  having  heard  the  innuendos 
and  reflections  made  against  him  just  after  his  death,  and  hav 
ing  become  convinced  that  they  were  one  and  all  without  the 
slightest  foundation,  I  have  carefully  gone  through  his  cor 
respondence,  I  have  conferred  with  his  family  and  friends, 
and  I  have  pushed  my  investigations  in  every  possible  direc 
tion,  without  finding  the  slightest  fact  upon  which  to  base 
even  a  doubt  as  to  his  private  or  official  character. 

In  addition  to  being  a  sick  and  perhaps  an  irritable  man, 
he  was  a  bold  and  outspoken  one,  who  never  failed  to  denounce 
the  foibles  or  the  frauds  of  those  in  power,  when  occasion 
called  for  it.  He  thereby  made  himself  a  shining  mark  for 
envy  and  misrepresentation,  and  that  envy  and  misapprehen 
sion  should  have  followed  him  is  but  a  tribute  to  his  virile  and 
aggressive  qualities  that  should  help  to  fix  him  and  his  serv 
ices  in  the  minds  of  his  countrymen.  As  Dana  well  said : 

.  .  .  Public  servants  of  his  quality  will  always  be  few,  and 
there  are  plenty  of  men  whose  names  will  flourish  largely  in 
history,  without  having  rendered  a  tithe  of  his  unostentatious  and 
invaluable  contribution  to  the  great  work  of  the  nation.2 

2  Wilson's  "The  Life  of  Charles  A.  Dana,"  pp.  302-3. 


362  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

At  the  time  Rawlins  became  Secretary  of  War  he  was 
under  the  constant  care  of  a  physician,  who  had  prescribed 
a  special  diet  suited  to  his  case.  He  was  already  greatly  en 
feebled  by.  the  disease  which  had  fixed  itself  upon  him,  but 
for  the  first  two  months  the  novelty  of  his  new  duties  and  the 
excitement  which  attended  the  organization  of  a  new  Admin 
istration,  acted  as  a  tonic  to  his  system,  under  which  he  showed 
renewed  strength  and  hopefulness.  On  May  9  he  wrote: 

.  .  .  Another  week  of  official  care  and  anxiety  for  the  personal 
interest  of  my  friends  has  passed.  I  had  hoped  on  my  return  to 
find  only  the  legitimate  and  proper  duties  of  the  Department  to 
attend  to,  but  found  things  much  the  same  as  when  I  left.  I 
hope  only  a  short  time  will  be  required  for  matters  to  arrange 
themselves  properly.  Colonel  Pride  took  charge  of  me  in  New 
York  as  usual  until  he  saw  me  on  the  cars  to  Washington.  Should 
Pride  ever  leave  New  York,  I  sometimes  ask  myself  the  question, 
could  I  get  through  New  York  at  all  ? 

On  May  I4th  he  wrote: 

.  .  .  Matters  here  are  settling  down,  and  soon  I  trust  every 
thing  will  move  smoothly.  Congress  has  mostly  dissolved  into 
the  people,  and  applicants  are  left  to  press  their  own  claims.  I 
shall  have  the  disagreeable  duty  to  perform  of  reducing  the 
clerical  force  of  the  Department,  but  am  putting  it  off  until  the 
last  moment.  .  .  . 

Shortly  after  this  he  again  left  Washington,  and  spent  six 
weeks  with  his  family  in  the  hope  that  the  more  bracing  cli 
mate  of  the  New  England  hills  would  prove  beneficial.  The 
summer  was  somewhat  dull,  yet  his  position  as  a  member  of 
the  Cabinet  subjected  him  to  constant  pressure  and  annoy 
ance.  The  newspapers  seized  every  opportunity  to  quote  him 
in  speeches  he  had  not  made.  The  President  and  other  Cabi 
net  officers  were  more  or  less  absent.  The  detention  of  the 
Spanish  gunboats  in  American  waters  had  been  brought  about 
by  the  interventions  of  Peru,  and  this  gave  him  both  pleasure 
and  quiet. 


CLOSING  EVENTS  363 

But  the  end  was  now  drawing  near.  Irreparable  inroads 
upon  Rawlins's  constitution  had  become  painfully  apparent, 
and  hope  at  last  failed  him  entirely.  It  was  at  that  juncture, 
July  17,  that  he  ordered  me  to  Washington,  and  at  his  house 
in  the  presence  of  his  wife,  asked  me  to  become  his  literary 
executor  and  to  see  justice  done  to  his  memory.  He  had  be 
come  greatly  emaciated,  but  had  not  entirely  given  up  at 
tendance  at  his  office,  although  he  showed  much  distress  while 
performing  his  duties.  Early  in  September  he  became  so 
weak  that  he  gave  up  going  to  the  Department,  but,  notwith 
standing  his  distress  and  failure  of  strength,  he  caused  all 
important  matters  requiring  his  action  to  be  brought  to  his 
residence  for  personal  consideration,  and  kept  this  up  till 
within  two  days  of  his  death,  which  occurred  September  6th, 
1869. 

One  of  the  last  and  most  complicated  questions  that  de 
manded  his  personal  attention,  and  gave  him  much  anxiety 
and  trouble,  was  the  Brooklyn  Bridge,  the  plans  for  which  the 
law  required  the  Secretary  of  War's  approval  as  a  condition 
precedent  to  its  construction.  The  bridge  company  naturally 
wanted  to  minimize  the  height  of  the  span  above  the  water 
which  would  have  been  injurious  to  the  commerce  of  the 
port,  while  the  shipping  interests  demanded  an  elevation, 
which  the  bridge  company  declared  would  involve  an  im 
practicable  grade  from  the  approaches  to  the  highest  point  of 
the  span.  The  case  was  argued  with  thoroughness  amounting 
to  prolixity.  Maps,  plans,  and  memorials  covering  every 
point  at  issue  were  submitted,  and  the  severest  pressure  was 
brought  to  bear  upon  the  afflicted  Secretary  by  the  parties  in 
interest.  All  the  important  influences  that  could  be  enlisted 
were  exerted  to  warp  or  control  his  judgment,  but  without 
effect. 

The  questions  involved  were  too  important  to  be  decided 
without  the  most  careful  consideration,  and  to  this  end  Raw- 
lins  gave  several  days  and  nights  of  minute  and  laborious 


364  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

study  to  the  case.  He  found  that  the  bridge  company  was 
willing  to  admit  that  a  height  of  130  feet  above  flood  tide 
would  give  the  maximum  grade  that  could  be  worked,  while 
the  ship  masters  stoutly  contended  that  140  feet,  or  only  ten 
feet  more,  would  cause  the  minimum  amount  of  annoyance 
with  which  the  commerce  of  the  harbor  could  be  successfully 
carried  on.  Having  got  the  opposing  interests  to  within  a  few 
feet  of  each  other,  he  thereupon  decided  to  fix  the  height  at 
135  feet,  with  the  remark  that  he  would  take  the  responsibility 
thereby  of  spoiling  the  bridge  project,  on  the  one  hand,  or  of 
ruining  the  commerce  of  the  port,  on  the  other.  Although 
greatly  enfeebled  at  the  time,  he  had  the  foresight  to  add  to 
the  order  of  approval  a  proviso  that  no  part  or  appurtenance 
of  the  bridge  should  ever  be  below  the  limit  of  135  feet  above 
high-water  mark.  The  wisdom  of  this  provision  was  signally 
vindicated  several  years  afterwards,  when  the  bridge  com 
pany  was  prohibited  from  giving  a  different  construction  to 
the  order  of  approval. 

In  the  short  period  of  six  months  during  which  Rawlins 
held  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  he  was  brought  into  inti 
mate  relations  with  many  distinguished  men  both  in  civil  and 
military  life.  His  peculiar  relations  with  the  President  had 
come  to  be  pretty  well  understood  by  the  public  men  of  the 
day,  and  it  is  but  fair  to  his  associates  of  the  Cabinet  to  state 
that  they  fully  recognized  his  exceptional  influence  from  the 
start,  but  apart  from  the  former  military  relations  which 
placed  him  closer  to  the  President  than  any  one  else,  they 
soon  became  impressed  by  the  singular  force  and  independence 
of  judgment  which  he  displayed  upon  all  occasions.  He  had, 
of  course,  met  during  the  war  many  of  the  military  men  whom 
he  found  on  duty  at  the  War  Department,  but  he  had  been 
intimate  with  none  of  them  except  Humphreys,  the  Chief  of 
Engineers,  and  Meigs,  the  Quartermaster  General.  He  had 
known  Townsend,  the  Adjutant  General,  in  the  field;  but  with 
Marcy,  the  Inspector  General,  Barnes,  the  Surgeon  General, 


CLOSING  EVENTS  365 

Holt,  the  Judge  Advocate  General,  and  Meyer,  the  Chief  Sig 
nal  Officer,  his  acquaintance  was  but  formal.  These  were  all 
officers  of  experience  and  merit  with  whom  he  was  destined 
to  serve  in  the  closest  daily  contact  till  the  end  of  his  career. 
He  was,  indeed,  compelled  to  lean  upon  them,  in  the  technical 
matters  of  their  respective  bureaux,  and  reciprocally  to  expose 
to  them  his  character  and  methods  without  reserve.  It  is  but 
fair  to  those  distinguished  officers  to  add  that  while  they  were 
predisposed  in  his  favor  by  the  action  he  had  taken  in  regard 
to  the  order  placing  them  under  General  Sherman,  they 
speedily  came  to  respect  him  as  a  very  able,  self-reliant  Secre 
tary,  irrespective  of  his  civil  training  and  military  experience. 
His  courtesy,  tact,  and  equability  of  temper  were  in  notable 
contrast  to  the  violent  and  overbearing  qualities  displayed  by 
Stanton,  while  his  industry  and  promptitude  of  decision  left 
nothing  to  be  desired  in  an  administrative  officer.  It  is  safe  to 
add  that  no  man  ever  died  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War 
more  thoroughly  respected  or  more  sincerely  regretted  by  his 
subordinates  of  every  grade. 

In  Sherman's  order  announcing  the  Secretary's  death,  a 
single  paragraph  is  all  that  referred  to  the  public  services  of 
this  distinguished  man.  His  letters  show  that  he  had  been 
Sherman's  faithful  friend  throughout  the  Civil  War,  yet  he 
had  not  hesitated  to  disapprove  the  "March  to  the  Sea"  while 
Hood,  with  an  unbeaten  army,  was  just  starting  on  his  great 
movement  against  the  widely-scattered  detachments  of  the 
Military  Division  in  the  rear.  He  had  approved  Sherman's 
promotion  as  General  of  the  Army  over  Thomas  and  Meade, 
each  of  whom  were  regarded  by  many  as  his  superior,  in 
place  of  Grant,  and  yet  he  had  not  hesitated  to  insist  on  the 
reversal  of  the  President's  order,  turning  over  to  the  general 
of  the  army  the  duties  assigned  by  law  and  custom  to  the 
Secretary  of  War.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  Sherman 
should  have  regarded  this  action  as  in  any  way  personal  or 
intended  to  reflect  upon  him,  but  it  is  certain  that  Rawlins 


366  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

stood  out  tenaciously  for  the  order,  till  the  President  became 
convinced  that  his  duty  required  him  to  withdraw  it. 

This  was  a  notable  episode  in  the  history  of  military  admin 
istration,  -which  aroused  the  attention  not  only  of  the  army 
but  of  Congress.  It  was  opposed  by  many  Representatives 
and  Senators  at  the  time.  But  the  most  notable  utterances 
against  it  were  made  by  Senator  Sumner  in  May,  1872,  after 
he  had  broken  with  the  President  and  his  supporters.  He 
characterized  it  "as  an  act  of  revolution  exalting  the  military 
power  above  the  civil."  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  "that 
for  the  time  there  was  a  military  dictatorship,  with  the  Presi 
dent  at  its  head  not  merely  in  spirit  but  in  actual  form." 

While  it  is  now  evident  that,  however  illegal  the  order  may 
have  been,  it  had  no  such  sinister  purpose,  and  was  followed 
by  no  such  hurtful  results.  Rawlins  felt  deeply  about  it.  He 
was  a  civilian  and  a  lawyer  who  had  always  been  a  close 
student  and  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  Constitution,  and 
although  bound  to  the  President  by  ties  of  personal  and 
official  friendship,  he  regarded  it  as  his  duty  to  secure  the 
repeal  of  the  offensive  order  even  at  the  expense  of  his  place 
in  the  Cabinet.  Fortunately,  the  President  yielded  as  usual 
to  the  legal  advice  of  Rawlins,  and  accordingly,  with  his  au 
thority,  the  Secretary  of  War  on  March  26,  1869,  issued  a 
general  order,  directing  that  "all  official  business,  which  by 
law  or  regulation  requires  the  action  of  the  President  or  of 
the  Secretary  of  War,  will  be  submitted  by  the  chiefs  of  staff 
corps,  departments,  and  bureaus,  to  the  Secretary  of  War." 
The  result  of  this  was  to  restore  the  business  pertaining  to 
the  River  and  Harbor  works,  the  fortifications,  and  to  all 
branches  of  the  military  administration,  to  the  channels  pre 
scribed  by  law  and  custom. 

That  Sherman,  who  liked  power  and  had  every  confidence 
in  his  ability  to  administer  it  honestly  and  fairly,  would  have 
preferred  to  administer  all  the  business  connected  with  the 
military  branch  of  the  Government,  there  can  be  but  little 


CLOSING  EVENTS  367 

doubt.  As  his  predecessors,  from  Scott  down,  had  contended 
that  all  military  business  should  be  transacted  through  the 
General-in-Chief,  it  was  not  strange  that  Sherman  should  hold 
to  the  same  view,  or  that  he  should  resent  the  exercise  of  au 
thority  over  him  by  one  who  had  been  subject  to  his  com 
mand,  as  he  afterwards  did  in  the  case  of  Belknap,  who  suc 
ceeded  Rawlins  in  the  War  Department. 

While  he  doubtless  had  but  little  feeling  of  resentment 
against  Rawlins,  it  is  certain  that  the  order  which  he  penned 
announcing  the  death  of  that  distinguished  man  was  of  the 
most  formal  character  and  quite  disappointing  to  the  friends 
of  the  Secretary  of  War.  It,  of  course,  directed  the  closing 
of  the  Department,  prescribed  a  military  funeral,  and  'fixed 
the  usual  period  of  mourning  for  officers  of  the  army;  but  it 
contained  no  adequate  account  of  the  dead  soldier's  virtues, 
or  of  his  services.  Its  only  reference  to  them  is  contained  in 
the  following  five  lines: 

.  .  .  The  career  of  General  Rawlins  has  been  so  brilliant  and 
so  closely  connected  with  that  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  that  it  is  familiar  to  all;  it  is  an  honor  to  the  profession 
to  connect  his  name  with  that  army  for  whose  welfare  he  labored 
so  hard  and  with  so  much  enthusiasm. 

While  many  of  the  leading  officers  may  have  thought  at  the 
time  that  this  general  commendation  was  sufficient,  they  also 
knew  that  from  first  to  last  there  was  neither  halt  nor  quali 
fication  in  Rawlins's  support  of  Sherman,  no  matter  how  great 
were  Sherman's  misfortunes.  Neither  his  failure  to  fortify 
at  Shiloh,  nor  the  dissipation  of  his  division  on  that  field; 
neither  his  bloody  repulse  at  Chickasaw  Bayou,  nor  his  op 
position  to  the  great  turning  movement  against  Vicksburg; 
neither  his  failure  at  the  end  of  Missionary  Ridge,  nor  the 
collapse  of  his  campaign  into  Central  Alabama  brought  a 
word  of  censure  or  in  the  slightest  degree  shook  the  confi 
dence  of  Grant  or  of  his  Chief  of  Staff  in  the  deserts  of  that 
brilliant,  but  not  always  successful,  general. 


368  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

But  that  Sherman  had  a  deep  interest  in  the  subject  is 
shown  by  a  letter  to  the  writer,  dated  January  13,  1885,  in 
which  after  expressing  his  approval  of  the  proposed  "Life  of 
General  Rawlins,"  he  says : 

...  I  would  gladly  aid  you,  but  the  truth  is  I  know  of  him 
little  more  than  the  general  public.  He  is  a  fine  example  of  what 
an  enthusiastic,  ardent  lawyer  may  become  when  war  calls  out 
the  young  and  patriotic. 

To  have  begun  as  a  volunteer  at  Galena,  Illinois,  to  have  been 
intimately  associated  with  General  Grant  in  his  most  extraordi 
nary  career  to  the  end,  and  then  to  have  been  his  Secretary  of 
War,  will  give  you  an  ample  scope  for  your  pen.  I  am  sure  you 
have  ample  materials  and  only  need  the  encouragement  of  his 
friends  to  do  justice  to  a  worthy  subject. 

After  alluding  to  Grant's  financial  misfortunes,  the  prep 
aration  and  publication  of  the  "Memoirs,"  on  which  he  was 
then  engaged,  and  the  completion  of  the  picture  by  the  story 
of  Rawlins's  connection  with  him,  the  letter  concludes  with 
the  following  graphic  summary : 

.  .  .  Rawlins  was  violent,  passionate,  enthusiastic,  and  per 
sonal,  but  always  in  the  right  direction.  I  know  of  no  one  who 
can  do  him  and  his  memory  justice  better  than  yourself,  and  I  am 
glad  the  task  has  fallen  to  your  hands. 


XX 

CONCLUSION 

Summary  of  Rawlins's  Character  and  Services — Patriotism  and 
Love  of  the  Union — Devotion  to  Grant — Cadwallader's  Letter 
—Parker's  Oration — Cox's  Tribute — Conclusion. 

IF  the  story,  as  I  have  told  it,  is  true,  and  I  am  sure  it  is 
in  all  essential  particulars,  it  must  be  admitted  that  this  plain 
man  of  the  plain  people  played  a  most  important  part  in 
Grant's  life  as  well  as  in  the  great  events  which  took  place 
about  him.  With  perfect  fearlessness  and  devotion,  he  was 
Grant's  friend  as  well  as  his  adjutant.  With  unfailing  sagac 
ity,  he  acted  the  part  of  mentor  and  counsellor  in  all  the 
great  emergencies  of  his  Chief's  remarkable  career,  from  the 
first  war  meeting  at  Galena  to  the  Presidency  of  the  nation; 
never  hesitating,  never  faltering,  never  failing  to  counsel  him 
aright,  yet  always  effacing  himself,  with  a  self-denial  and  an 
absence  of  egotism  which  are  as  rare  as  they  are  praiseworthy. 

Love  of  country  was  indubitably  his  dominant  passion — the 
controlling  impulse  of  his  life,  but  that  the  love  of  country 
could  transmute  a  farmer  lad,  a  charcoal  burner,  a  country 
lawyer,  into  a  soldier  and  statesman  such  as  Rawlins  had 
come  to  be,  in  the  eight  short  and  crowded  years  from  the  out 
break  of  the  war  to  the  end  of  his  brief  career  in  1869,  is  of 
infinite  credit  to  him  and  to  our  institutions,  as  well  as  of 
infinite  encouragement  to  those  whose  duty  it  will  be  to  up 
hold  those  institutions  in  years  to  come.  Doubtless  the  work 
of  the  farm  and  of  the  charcoal  pits  did  much  to  develop  the 
muscles  and  the  character  of  this  typical  American  youth 
Doubtless  the  pious  mother  shaped  his  sense  of  duty  and  his 

369 


370  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

conscience  aright;  doubtless  the  shiftless,  but  strong-willed, 
resolute  father,  had  his  helpful  influence, — the  one  teaching 
by  loving  precept  what  should  be  done,  the  other  by  thought 
less  example  what  should  be  avoided.  Between  the  two,  aided 
by  the  neighborhood  school,  the  more  pretentious  Academy, 
and  the  Rock  River  Seminary,  a  strong,  vigorous,  self-reliant 
soul  was  shaped,  which  knew  neither  guile  nor  fear.  The 
struggle  with  nature  in  the  rough  and  exacting  work  of  a 
Western  community  in  its  formative  stage  sharpened  the 
faculties,  strengthened  the  judgment,  and  aroused  the  ambi 
tion  of  the  sturdy  youth.  The  lives  of  our  earlier  heroes  and 
statesmen  were  the  staple  food  of  every  aspiring  soul  in 
those  days.  The  debating  society  and  the  political  club  were 
the  arena  in  which  they  fought  their  battles  and  gained  the 
plaudits  of  their  fellows.  The  practice  of  the  courts  and  the 
encounters  of  political  debate  were  the  exercises  which  de 
veloped  the  intellect  and  prepared  the  minds  of  statesmen  for 
the  great  task  that  confronted  them  at  that  important  period. 
These  were  the  schools  of  Lincoln,  Douglas,  and  Wash- 
burne,  no  less  than  of  Oglesby,  Logan,  and  Rawlins.  These 
were  the  school  of  patriots  and  heroes,  and  taught  them  how 
to  live  and  how  to  die  for  their  country  in  the  hour  of  its  dire 
distress. 

No  one  who  was  not  a  witness  of  and  a  participant  in  the 
events  which  preceded  and  gave  character  to  the  great  con 
flict  between  the  States,  can  now  properly  understand  the  love 
which  filled  the  heart  of  the  Northern  boy  and  man  for  the 
Union  and  for  the  Constitution  which  our  forefathers  framed 
and  ordained  for  our  protection.  There  were  some  who  con 
demned  slavery  as  "the  sum  of  all  villainies."  There  were 
some  who  would  have  even  been  willing  to  sacrifice  the  Union 
and  give  up  the  Constitution  and  its  guarantees  as  "a  league 
with  hell  and  a  covenant  with  the  devil,"  to  secure  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery,  but  the  great  mass  of  the  Northern  people 
were  inspired,  above  all,  by  the  love  of  the  Union  and  the 


CONCLUSION  371 

Constitution,  and  were  willing  to  fight  for  them  and  die  for 
them,  if  need  be,  regardless  of  slavery  and  its  iniquities. 
Glowing  with  patriotic  pride  in  their  institutions  and  in  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  they  had  enjoyed  under  them,  they 
cared  not  in  the  last  resort  whether  the  negro  should  be  slave 
or  free,  as  the  price  of  the  Union  and  the  triumph  of  our  arms 
over  the  slave  holder's  Confederacy  and  their  sympathizers. 
It  was  this  supreme  and  all  absorbing  sentiment  which  filled 
the  ranks  of  the  Union  Army  and  held  it  to  its  deadly  work 
till  its  triumph  was  overwhelming  and  complete. 

It  is  but  a  truism  to  say  that  this  sentiment  never  had  a 
braver  nor  a  more  self-sacrificing  exemplar  than  John  A. 
Rawlins.  He  believed  in  the  Union  from  the  bottom  of  his 
soul,  and  worked  for  it  with  every  fibre  of  his  body.  He  was 
the  friend  of  Grant,  and  had  an  abiding  confidence  in  his 
capacity  to  lead  our  forces  to  victory,  but  he  was  still  more  the 
friend  of  his  country,  and  loved  it  above  any  man,  and  above 
every  earthly  consideration,  and  would  not  have  deserted  it  to 
save  his  soul,  much  less  to  save  his  life.  His  letters  to  Wash- 
burne  tell  the  truthful  story  of  his  devotion  to  Grant;  but 
they  also  show  that  in  his  anxiety  for  Grant's  success,  he 
would  go  so  far  and  no  farther,  and  that  he  would  be  the 
first  to  withdraw  his  support,  should  Grant  prove  himself  to 
be  unworthy  of  it.  His  letter  of  June  6,  from  the  camp  back 
of  Vicksburg  to  Grant  himself,  makes  it  plain  that  he  held  his 
official  position  not  at  the  value  of  a  cent  as  against  his  duty 
to  Grant,  to  the  army  under  his  command,  and  to  the  country 
for  which  they  stood. 

In  all  the  annals  of  war  there  is  no  nobler  example  of  duty 
done,  without  fear  or  trembling,  than  in  the  remonstrance 
which  that  letter  contained.  The  bravery  of  the  officer  or  of 
the  man  in  battle  is  the  growth  of  discipline,  strengthened  by 
the  spirit  of  mutual  dependence  and  support.  It  requires  that 
one  should  go  with  another  and  all  together,  shoulder  to 
shoulder,  but  the  bravery  of  that  remonstrance  and  appeal  to 


372  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

his  Chief  was  of  a  higher  order  than  that  which  was  needed 
to  lead  a  forlorn  hope  against  a  fortified  position.  It  dis 
played  the  highest  moral  courage,  which  is  much  rarer  and 
greater  than  physical  courage. 

No  one  can  either  read  the  utterances  or  consider  the  con 
duct  of  Rawlins  without  perceiving  that  he  loved  Grant,  ten 
derly  and  patiently,  and  had  an  abiding  confidence  in  his  com 
mon  sense,  his  ability,  and  his  courage.  That  he  was  willing 
to  defend  him  against  unjust  criticism,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
to  "stay  him  from  falling,"  on  the  other,  is  shown  beyond 
question  by  his  conduct  from  the  time  he  joined  the  staff  at 
Cairo  till  he  yielded  up  his  charge  in  death,  at  Washington. 

But  his  fame  does  not  rest  solely  on  the  silent  records  which 
I  have  quoted.  His  courage,  his  firmness,  his  judgment,  and 
his  fidelity  to  duty  were  known  far  and  wide  by  his  compan 
ions  of  the  staff,  by  the  subordinate  commanders  of  the  armies 
with  which  he  served,  and  by  the  leading  men  of  his  own  State 
at  home.  McPherson,  Logan,  Dodge,  Crocker,  Ransom, 
Gresham,  and  hundreds  of  other  officers  of  high  rank  and 
untarnished  character  were  familiar  with  his  devotion  to  duty 
and  to  his  Chief.  They  knew  how  solicitous  he  was  for  their 
welfare;  and  how  anxious  he  was  that  none  should  be  left 
behind  on  the  day  of  battle.  They  knew  also  how  strongly 
he  favored  the  maintenance  of  the  recruiting  station  and  the 
enactment  and  rigid  enforcement  of  the  draft,  in  order  that  the 
ranks  should  be  kept  full,  and  that  the  trains  and  transports 
to  the  front  should  be  kept  crowded  with  recruits  and  re- 
enforcements.  He  was  one  of  the  few  officers,  high  or  low, 
who  felt  deeply  and  spoke  courageously  on  this  vital  subject. 
His  declaration  that  he  had  more  confidence  in  the  "infalli 
bility  of  numbers  than  in  the  infallibility  of  generals,"  de 
serves  to  pass  into  an  axiom  of  war.  It  became  known  far 
and  wide  at  the  time  of  its  utterance,  and  was  the  vital  prin 
ciple  upon  which  Grant,  Sherman,  Thomas,  and  Meade  alike 
won  their  final  victories. 


CONCLUSION  373 

To  Rawlins's  fidelity  and  fearlessness  in  friendship  Grant 
owed  more  than  to  any  or  all  other  extraneous  influences,  for 
without  them  and  the  support  which  Rawlins  gave  him  with 
leading  Congressmen  and  the  representatives  of  the  press,  the 
work  of  the  detractors  must  have  been  successful.  Had  that 
support  been  withdrawn  after  the  Battle  of  Belmont,  the  cap 
ture  of  Fort  Donelson,  the  trip  to  Nashville,  the  surprise  of 
Shiloh,  or  during  the  delays  of  the  campaign  and  siege  of 
Vicksburg,  though  Grant  had  had  the  genius  of  a  Napoleon 
or  the  fortitude  of  a  Washington,  his  career  must  have  come 
to  an  end.  Nothing  could  have  saved  him  from  the  public 
clamor,  had  Rawlins  lost  faith  in  him,  or  in  his  real  merit, 
at  any  of  these  important  epochs  of  his  great  career. 

Among  the  most  trusted  correspondents  of  the  war  was  S. 
Cadwallader,  who  joined  Grant's  headquarters  at  Jackson, 
Tennessee,  in  October,  1862,  as  the  representative  of  the  Chi 
cago  Times,  then  one  of  the  most  influential  journals  in  the 
West.  It  was  Democratic  in  politics  and  hostile  to  the  Ad 
ministration  as  well  as  to  the  war.  On  his  way  to  the  front 
Cadwallader  made  the  acquaintance  of  Colonel  Thomas  Lyle 
Dickey,  at  that  time  Grant's  Chief  of  Cavalry,  and  afterwards 
for  many  years  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois. 
He  also  met  en  route  Captain  Bowers,  then  and  afterwards 
Rawlins's  principal  assistant.  Through  these  officers  he  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Grant  and  Rawlins,  and  soon  established 
most  intimate  relations  with  them.  He  messed  with  the  staff, 
and  while  he  held  no  official  position,  he  was  furnished  with 
shelter  and  transportation  and  was  treated  in  all  respects  as 
a  commissioned  officer.  Having  satisfactorily  transacted  the 
business  which  took  him  there,  he  resolved  to  remain,  and 
during  the  Vicksburg  campaign  became  the  chief  correspon 
dent  of  the  New  York  Herald.  With  the  exception  of  Raw 
lins,  Bowers,  and  Parker,  he  was  the  only  other  man  of  im 
portance  who  accompanied  Grant  from  that  time  to  the  end  of 
the  war.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this  period,  nothing  was 


374  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

concealed  from  him.  He  was  fully  trusted  by  both  the  Gen 
eral  and  his  staff,  and  had  early  knowledge  of  everything  that 
was  taking  place  or  under  consideration.  It  is  but  just  to  add 
that  he  never  forfeited  the  trust  reposed  in  him,  and  was 
never  in  the  slightest  degree  guilty  of  the  imprudent  revela 
tions  which  too  frequently  made  the  war  correspondent  of 
those  times  an  intolerable  nuisance.  After  the  war  was  over 
he  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Herald  Bureau  at  Washington, 
and  kept  house  for  several  months  with  Rawlins.  Thus,  from 
the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  association  with  Grant's  head 
quarters,  he  shared  the  confidences  and  was  entrusted  with 
the  secrets  of  those  about  him. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  Grant's  death  and  the  publication  of 
his  "Memoirs"  gave  rise  to  much  discussion  in  the  journals 
and  magazines  of  the  day  as  to  his  relations  with  Rawlins, 
Halleck,  Smith,  Butler,  and  others.  Rawlins's  Vicksburg  let 
ter  to  Grant  and  the  correspondence  between  Rawlins  and  W. 
F.  Smith  were  then  published  for  the  first  time.  The  latter 
correspondence  shows  that  an  unbroken  feeling  of  confidence 
and  cooperation  existed  between  Grant,  Smith,  and  Rawlins 
down  to  the  time  that  Smith  asked  for  leave  of  absence  from 
the  Army  of  the  James  on  account  of  his  health.  It  shows 
also  that  Grant  was  loath  to  part  with  Smith  "from  the  field 
even  for  a  few  days,"  and  makes  it  clear  that  the  rupture 
of  the  friendship  between  them  did  not  take  place  till  Smith 
had  gone,  and  that  it  was  due  in  all  probability  to  the  repre 
sentations  of  Butler  and  his  staff. 

But,  above  all,  the  newspaper  discussions  which  followed 
the  publication  of  Grant's  "Memoirs"  brought  the  relations  of 
Grant  and  Rawlins  clearly  before  the  public.  Both  were  dead, 
and  there  appeared  to  be  no  necessity  for  further  concealment 
as  to  the  part  each  had  played  in  respect  to  the  other.  Raw 
lins's  friend  Cadwallader  was  still  living  and  felt  called  upon 
to  give  his  testimony  through  the  press  as  to  the  precise  rela 
tions  between  the  General  and  his  Chief  of  Staff.  Holding 


CONCLUSION  375 

that  the  part  contributed  by  the  latter  to  the  common  success 
had  been  insufficiently  stated  in  the  "Memoirs,"  he  set  it  forth 
fully  and  circumstantially  as  he  had  recorded  it  from  day  to 
day  in  his  own  memory,  or  in  his  note  books  and  cor 
respondence.  It  not  only  upholds  the  estimate  I  have 
given  of  Rawlins' s  character  and  services,  but  is  an  inde 
pendent  and  valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of  the 
times.1 

But  it  should  be  stated  in  addition  that  Parker  the  Indian, 
who  lived  at  Galena  before  the  war,  and  who  joined  Grant's 
staff  at  Vicksburg  and  remained  with  him  to  the  end,  had 
ample  knowledge  of  all  that  took  place  at  headquarters.  Silent, 
reserved,  and  taciturn,  he  was  a  close  observer  and  a  good 
judge  of  character.  His  relations  were  specially  close  and  in 
timate  with  Rawlins,  whose  assistant  he  was,  and  for  whom 
he  had  the  highest  respect.  In  a  funeral  oration  to  the  mem 
ory  of  his  friend,  he  bears  independent  testimony  to  his  great 
worth  as  a  staff  officer,  lawyer,  and  statesman,  and  to  the  in 
fluential  part  he  played  by  Grant's  side  as  Adjutant  General, 
Chief  of  Staff,  and  Secretary  of  War.  While  this  oration 
contributes  but  little  that  is  new,  it  throws  a  strong  light  from 
a  disinterested  source  upon  the  personality,  moral  qualities, 
and  character  of  the  remarkable  man  it  describes  and  com 
memorates.  It  emphasizes  the  fact  that  Rawlins  played  an 
unusual  part  and  had  a  great  influence  upon  the  course  of 
events  with  which  it  was  his  good  fortune  to  be  connected. 
Coming  from  a  witness  who  knew  both  Grant  and  Rawlins 
while  they  were  still  plain  citizens  who  had  yet  to  achieve 
greatness,  this  tribute  may  be  accepted  as  embodying  the  esti 
mate  and  opinions  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  to  which 
they  had  all  three  belonged. 

But  the  concurrent  testimony  of  those  who  had  the  oppor 
tunity  of  knowing,  and  should  have  been  able  to  judge  dis 
passionately,  seems  to  leave  no  doubt  whatever  as  to  the  na- 

1  See  Appendix,  pp.  428  et  seq. 


376  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ture  and  extent  of  the  influence  exercised  by  Rawlins  over  the 
personal  conduct  and  military  career  of  Grant.  Extending, 
as  it  did,  over  the  entire  period  of  their  active  campaigning, 
and  coming,  as  it  did,  to  the  observation  of  many  besides 
themselves,  there  can  be  but  little  room  for  mistake  or  mis 
understanding  in  reference  to  it.  In  this  period  of  their  lives 
"they  were,  so  to  speak,  as  but  one  soul."  They  started  in  the 
war  together  from  the  level  of  a  common  citizenship  and  a 
common  patriotism.  If  there  was  any  difference  in  them, 
Rawlins  was  at  the  beginning  the  more  important  man  of  the 
two.  While  Grant  was  always  singularly  free  from  the  as 
sumptions  and  superiority  of  military  rank,  it  must  be  remem 
bered  that  he  had  tasted  adversity,  and  was  unusually  modest 
as  to  himself  as  well  as  considerate  to  others.  It  was  but  nat 
ural,  therefore,  that  throughout  their  campaigning  days  these 
two  should  have  stood  together,  and  been  frank  and  free  from 
restraint  towards  each  other. 

After  peace  came,  however,  and  Grant  had  been  chosen 
President  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  he  would  have  been 
less  than  human  had  he  not  begun  to  feel  that  there  must  be 
some  personal  greatness  or  some  superior  quality  about  him 
of  which  even  he  had  been  hitherto  ignorant.  It  was  but  nat 
ural  that  he  should  consider  himself  fully  able  to  stand  alone, 
and  therefore  entitled  to  assume  towards  his  Cabinet  the  head 
ship  and  independence  which  were  his  right  by  both  custom 
and  law.  He  may  have  been  changed  by  prosperity,  but  Raw 
lins  was  not.  Rawlins  continued  to  be  bold,  independent,  and 
conscientious,  although  this  required  more  self-possession  and 
prudence  on  his  part  after  Grant  went  into  politics.  Adviser, 
as  he  had  always  been,  he  doubtless  grew  more  sensitive  as 
well  as  more  reserved  and  met  with  greater  difficulty  in  seeing 
and  conferring  with  Grant  in  his  new  estate  than  he  had  met 
in  the  field.  It  was  but  natural,  however,  that  Grant  should 
remain  more  unreserved  and  more  outspoken  with  him  than 
with  the  other  members  of  the  Cabinet.  Doubtless  it  is  true 


CONCLUSION  377 

that  in  all  matters  of  real  importance  their  new  relations  were 
less  intimate  than  those  of  the  field,  but  it  is  evident  that  Raw- 
lins  still  retained  greater  influence  with  Grant  than  did  any  of 
his  associates.  He  was  a  bolder  and  more  virile  man,  and 
naturally  felt  less  restraint  in  the  presence  of  greatness  than 
the  best  of  them. 

It  will  not  be  forgotten  that  every  other  member  of  the 
first  Cabinet  was  a  comparative  stranger  both  to  the  President 
and  to  Rawlins.  The  only  one  that  either  had  previously 
known  was  Jacob  D.  Cox,  who,  on  account  of  the  high  rank 
and  fine  reputation  with  which  he  had  come  out  of  the  war, 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  He  was  a  good  ex 
ample  of  the  cultivated  and  successful  citizen  soldier,  but  had 
never  served  directly  under  Grant's  observation.  What  Grant 
knew  about  him,  therefore,  came  largely  from  others.  He  was 
an  able  and  learned  lawyer,  and  afterwards  achieved  distinc 
tion  as  a  judge  and  as  Governor  of  Ohio.  On  account  of  his 
independence  and  conservatism  he  disapproved  of  Grant's  pol 
icy  and  associates  as  President,  and  after  a  few  months' 
service,  resigned  from  the  Cabinet  to  resume  the  practice  of 
his  profession.  He  had  necessarily  seen  much  of  his  official 
associates  while  in  Washington,  and  hence  his  testimony  in 
reference  to  them  and  to  their  relative  influence  with  their 
common  chief,  based,  as  it  was,  upon  actual  observation,  must 
be  regarded  as  both  trustworthy  and  important. 

In  an  account  of  "How  Judge  Hoar  Ceased  to  be  Attorney 
General,"  which  Cox  contributed  to  the  Atlantic  Monthly,2 
the  following  important  and  interesting  statement  will  be 
found : 

.  .  .  General  Rawlins  had  died  at  the  beginning  of  September, 
1869,  and  his  death  was  an  irreparable  loss  to  Grant  and  to  the 
Administration.  Other  men  might  fill  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
War,  but  no  other  man  could  be  found  who  could  be  the  suc 
cessful  intermediary  between  General  Grant  and  his  associates 

2  August,  1895- 


378  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

in  public  duty.  His  friendship  for  his  chief  was  of  so  sacredly 
intimate  a  character  that  he  alone  could  break  through  the  taci 
turnity  into  which  Grant  settled  when  he  found  himself  in  any 
way  out  of  accord  with  the  thoughts  and  opinions  of  those  around 
him.  Ra-wlins  could  argue,  could  expostulate,  could  condemn, 
could  even  upbraid,  without  interrupting  for  an  hour  the  fra 
ternal  confidence  and  good  will  of  Grant.  He  had  won  the  right 
to  this  relation  by  an  absolute  devotion  which  dated  from  Grant's 
appointment  to  be  a  brigadier-general  in  1861,  and  which  had 
made  him  the  good  genius  of  his  friend  in  every  crisis  of  Grant's 
wonderful  career.  This  was  not  because  of  Rawlins's  great  intel 
lect,  for  he  was  of  only  moderate  mental  powers.  It  was  rather 
that  he  became  a  living  and  speaking  conscience  for  his  general, 
as  courageous  to  speak  in  time  of  need  as  Nathan  the  prophet, 
and  as  absolutely  trusted  as  Jonathan  by  David. 

In  military  problems  Grant  had  a  strong  and  almost  intuitive 
sagacity  in  determining  upon  the  path  to  victory,  not  always  the 
easiest  or  the  most  economical  in  blood  and  treasure,  but  a  sure 
one  when  his  own  indomitable  courage  and  will  had  clear  scope. 
He  silently  listened  to  the  discussion  of  such  men  as  Sherman 
and  McPherson,  he  patiently  turned  the  matter  over  in  his  own 
thoughts  and  after  a  while  announced  a  decision  which  showed 
the  aid  he  got  from  intelligent  debate,  whilst  it  was  clearly  marked 
with  his  own  directness  of  purpose  and  boldness  of  action. 
Rawlins  knew  how  to  bring  on  such  helpful  discussion  in  Grant's 
presence.  He  knew  how  to  reenforce  the  influence  of  those  who 
deserved  to  be  trusted  and  to  expose  insidious  and  false  friend 
ship.  He  had  blunt,  wrathful  words  of  objurgation  for  those  who 
put  in  Grant's  way  temptations  which  he  knew  to  be  dangerous. 
A  moral  monitor  and  guide,  not  hesitating  at  big  oaths  and  camp 
expletives,  seems  a  strange  type  of  man,  but  no  one  could  deny 
that  Rawlins's  heart  was  as  true  and  his  perception  of  the  thing 
demanded  by  the  honor  and  the  welfare  of  his  Chief  was  as  clear 
as  his  manners  and  words  often  were  rough. 

It  will  not  need  argument  to  show  how  useful  such  a  friend 
and  counsellor  might  be  as  a  Cabinet  officer.  He  could  give 
warnings  that  no  one  else  could  utter ;  he  could  insist  upon  debate 
and  information  before  settled  purposes  should  be  adopted;  he 
would  know  of  influences  at  work  that  others  would  learn  of  only 
when  some  important  step  was  already  taken;  his  own  openness 
of  character  would  make  him  frank  in  action  with  his  colleagues 


CONCLUSION  379 

and  an  honorable  representative  of  their  general  judgment  and 
policy.  Rawlins  might  have  differed  from  Mr.  Fish  as  to  the 
foreign  policy  of  his  government,  especially  in  regard  to  Cuba, 
but  he  would  have  seen  to  it  that  no  kitchen  cabinet  committed 
the  President  to  schemes  of  which  his  responsible  advisers  were 
ignorant.  Indeed,  there  was  no  danger  that  a  kitchen  cabinet 
could  exist  till  Rawlins  was  dead. 

The  extract  just  quoted  caused  me  to  write  to  Cox  for 
further  information,  and  my  letter  drew  from  him  a  reply, 
dated  September  19,  1895,  from  which  I  quote  as  follows: 

.  .  .  General  Rawlins  was,  as  you  know,  in  failing  health  when 
he  entered  Grant's  Cabinet.  The  spring  of  1869  was  so  com 
pletely  filled  with  the  business  of  organization  and  the  making  of 
appointments  that  very  little  opportunity  was  offered  for  general 
discussion  of  affairs  which  would  have  enabled  me  to  form  a 
satisfactory  judgment  of  Rawlins's  intellectual  quality  in  civil 
affairs.  What  I  saw  of  him  I  greatly  liked,  but  he  was  not  push 
ing  in  his  method  of  dealing  with  others,  a  little  shy  and  ob 
servant,  rather  than  assertive  at  the  beginning,  and  evidently 
weakened  by  disease. 

Then  he  left  Washington  in  the  summer,  as  I  recollect,  and 
was  taken  more  seriously  ill  and  died  at  the  beginning  of  Septem 
ber.  I  had  not  the  privilege  of  more  than  a  passing  acquaintance 
with  him  in  the  army,  for  I  never  served  in  the  columns  with 
which  he  was  immediately  connected. 

You  will  see,  therefore,  that  my  judgment  of  him  was  neces 
sarily  based  upon  what  seemed  the  current  opinion  of  those  who 
knew  about  him,  modified  by  what  I  learned  from  various  sources, 
of  his  peculiar  relations  to  General  Grant  and  his  extraordinary 
influence  over  him. 

I  am  far  from  holding  with  any  tenacity  the  opinion  which 
you  criticize,  that  is,  that  Rawlins  had  no  great  mental  power. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  so  fully  recognize  the  logical  force  of  the 
evidence  of  his  capacity,  found  in  his  influence  over  such  a  man 
as  Grant,  that  I  shall  be  among  the  first  to  welcome  the  evidence 
of  his  powers  in  every  direction. 

The  noble  traits  which  I  have  mentioned  in  several  papers 
(including  the  one  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly)  seemed  to  me  to 
deserve  a  more  emphatic  recognition  than  they  have  commonly 


380  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

got,  and  this  made  me  welcome  an  opportunity  to  bear  testimony 
to  them. 

I  am  sincerely  glad  to  learn  that  you  have  in  hand  Rawlins's 
Memoirs  and  shall  hope  that  you  may  not  be  much  longer  de 
layed  in  "procuring  the  officially  completed  records  which  will 
round  out  the  materials  for  your  work.  .  .  . 

Extracts  and  quotations  from  reports,  addresses,  and  ar 
ticles  from  the  newspapers  and  magazines,  and  even  from 
memoirs  and  histories  of  the  times,  bearing  positive  testimony 
to  the  high  esteem  in  which  Rawlins  was  held,  might  be  in 
definitely  extended ;  but  enough  have  been  given  to  show  even 
to  the  most  sceptical  that  he  was  a  man  of  extraordinary 
vigor  and  force  of  character,  who  exerted  both  a  powerful 
and  a  beneficial  influence  not  only  over  the  personal  fortunes 
of  his  Chief  but  over  the  policies  and  plans  for  which  in  the 
last  resort  his  Chief  was  responsible.  That  he  exerted  that 
influence  at  all  times  and  in  all  places  to  the  personal  and 
official  advantage  of  his  friend  and  commander  as  well  as  for' 
the  advancement  of  his  country's  best  interests  cannot  be 
doubted.  Indeed,  so  much  has  been  admitted  with  singular 
unanimity  by  all  who  knew  him  at  the  time,  or  who  have 
contributed  to  the  history  of  the  period.  But  more  might  well 
have  been  said.  All  agree  that  so  long  as  Rawlins  was  the 
final,  if  not  the  principal,  adviser  in  all  the  great  emergencies 
of  Grant's  life,  and  that  in  all  military  affairs  from  first  to 
last  Grant's  efforts  were  crowned  with  marked  success,  and 
neither  hurtful  criticisms  nor  failures  overtook  him  in  the  field 
or  in  the  White  House,  till  after  death  had  deprived  him  of 
the  counsel  and  advice  of  his  faithful  and  fearless  friend,  it 
must  now  be  evident  that  Rawlins  was  a  vital  and  essential 
factor  of  the  dual  character  which  has  passed  into  history 
under  the  name  of  Grant. 

Moreover,  it  is  the  firm  belief  of  many  that  had  Rawlins 
lived  in  the  enjoyment  of  health  and  strength,  and  continued 
to  hold  his  place  and  influence  with  Grant,  Grant's  political 


CONCLUSION  381 

career  must  have  been  much  more  successful  than  it  was. 
Who  can  imagine  Rawlins  tolerating,  or  permitting  Grant  to 
tolerate,  the  false  friends  who  afterwards  brought  so  much 
discredit  upon  the  Administration?  He  would  have  been  the 
inflexible  enemy  of  the  foul  brood  of  Post  traders,  fraudulent 
distillers,  and  rascally  speculators  in  gold,  who  defrauded  the 
Government  and  besmirched  so  many  of  the  President's  official 
associates.  That  Rawlins  had  protected  him  with  a  fair  de 
gree  of  success  through  his  military  life  is  ample  to  warrant 
the  belief,  and  strongly  supports  the  probability  of  a  like  suc 
cess  in  political  life. 

Rawlins  has  been  called  by  those  who  knew  him  but  super 
ficially  a  "fierce"  and  even  a  ' Violent"  man.  He  has  been 
characterized  as  rough  and  overbearing  by  those  who  felt  the 
heat  of  his  anger  or  of  his  indignation,  but  he  was  just, 
patient,  modest,  considerate,  and  fearless  in  the  performance 
of  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty.  With  remarkable  self- 
control,  with  a  strong  and  vehement  vocabulary  of  plain  Saxon 
English,  and  a  full,  penetrating  voice,  he  was  accustomed  to 
express  himself  in  language  which  no  man  could  affect  to  mis 
understand.  Under  the  influence  of  deep  feelings  or  in  the 
advocacy  of  an  important  cause,  he  spoke  with  extraordinary 
clearness  and  deliberation.  His  dark  and  flashing  eyes  would 
light  up  with  all  the  fire  of  an  impassioned  orator,  his  lips 
would  curl  and  recede,  leaving  his  strong  and  shapely  teeth 
exposed  while  his  dark  and  swarthy  face  grew  pale  and  trem 
ulous  from  the  intensity  of  his  emotions.  Under  these  con 
ditions,  it  was  a  bold  man  indeed  who  stood  unblenched  before 
him,  or  undertook  to  resist  the  force  and  logic  of  his  argu 
ment. 

It  is  literally  true,  as  stated  by  Cadwallader,  that,  when 
strongly  aroused  and  in  earnest,  Rawlins  never  failed  to  carry 
his  General  with  him.  It  is  equally  true  that  when  thoroughly 
interested,  no  sense  of  fear,  no  thought  of  danger  or  of  per 
sonal  consequence,  ever  seemed  to  enter  his  mind  or  to  turn 


382  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

him  aside  from  his  purpose  so  much  as  by  the  breadth  of  a 
hair.  Simple,  honest,  austere,  and  abstemious  in  all  his  ways, 
he  expected  the  same  virtue  in  all  who  were  entrusted  with 
power.  JHe  had  but  little  patience  with  the  petty  foibles  of 
full-grown  men.  He  hated  lying  and  prevarication  in  others 
so  intensely  that  they  were  impossible  to  himself.  He  con 
demned  drunkenness  and  gambling  so  unsparingly  that  he 
could  not  tolerate  even  moderate  drinking  or  playing  in  those 
that  were  charged  with  the  responsibilities  of  high  command. 
Untiring  in  his  industry,  sleepless  in  his  vigilance,  and  unfail 
ing  in  his  devotion  to  duty,  he  had  no  patience  with  those 
who  wasted  their  time,  or  lost  their  opportunities,  in  idleness 
and  inattention. 

Possessing  these  high  qualities  and  characteristics,  he  lacked 
only  the  technical  education  and  practical  experience  of  an 
officer  commanding  troops  to  have  become,  with  the  oppor 
tunities  which  were  within  reach,  one  of  the  leading  generals 
of  the  army.  While  he  was  never  a  religious  man,  he  had 
been  brought  up  in  the  faith  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  conformed  to  its  discipline,  and  accepted  its  sacred 
offices  and  its  consolation  as  he  felt  himself  nearing  the  close 
of  his  earthly  career.  His  funeral  was  conducted  with  the 
solemnity  due  to  his  high  rank.  The  officers  of  the  army  wore 
the  usual  badge  of  mourning  for  three  months.  The  Presi 
dent,  who  arrived  in  Washington  after  his  friend's  death, 
with  the  Cabinet,  diplomatic  corps,  and  many  officers  of  the 
army,  attended  the  ceremonies,  while  the  newspapers  of  the 
country  were  filled  with  appropriate  articles  praising  the  high 
character,  the  valuable  services,  and  the  extraordinary  worth 
of  the  departed  Secretary. 

He  was  buried  in  the  Congressional  Cemetery  under  a  mod 
est  monument  erected  and  paid  for  by  his  family  and  kinsmen. 
Later,  a  bronze  statue,  of  questionable  artistic  merit,  was 
erected  to  his  memory  by  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee,  at  the  south  side  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  between 


CONCLUSION  383 

8th  and  9th  Streets,  in  Washington  city.  Still  later  his  re 
mains  were  reinterred  in  the  National  Military  Cemetery  at 
Arlington.  "Pass  them  not  by  for  the  simplicity  of  their 
resting  place.  Few  tombs  hold  nobler  dust."  3 

In  the  strong  and  unassuming  modesty  of  Grant's  charac 
ter,  in  the  unshakable  quality  of  his  courage,  in  his  fine  sense 
of  duty,  in  his  approved  capacity  to  trample  temptation  under 
foot  and  to  bear  the  responsibility  which  should  not  be  shifted 
to  another  man's  shoulders,  and,  above  all,  in  the  magnitude 
of  his  victories,  as  well  as  in  the  sufficiency  of  his  rewards, 
he  is  undoubtedly  great  enough  to  have  the  simple  truth  told 
about  himself  as  well  as  about  the  officer  to  whom  he  was  so 
deeply  indebted.  Nor  should  it  be  doubted  that  in  the  days 
of  his  health  and  strength,  and  acting  under  his  own  generous 
impulses,  he  would  have  been  the  first  to  do  full  justice  to  the 
abilities,  worth,  and  services  of  his  only  Chief  of  Staff,  his 
first  Secretary  of  War,  and,  best  of  all,  his  wise,  fearless,  and 
indispensable  friend  in  all  the  emergencies  of  life. 

3  Goldwin  Smith's  History  of  the  United  Kingdom,  Vol.  I,  p.  201. 


APPENDIX 
I 

LETTERS     FROM     GENERAL     RAWLINS — THE     GREATER     NUMBER     TO 

HIS  WIFE 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  16,  1864. 

I  arrived  here  last  night  [from  the  leave  of  absence  which  he 
took  to  be  married]  and  found  all  well  and  delighted  to  see  me. 
...  I  myself  am  still  troubled  with  my  cold.  I  mention  this  not 
to  cause  you  uneasiness  .  .  .  but  simply  because  I  promised  you 
I  would  write  you  the  exact  state  of  my  health,  whether  good  or 
bad,  and  this  I  shall  always  do.  This  morning  was  delightful, 
just  cold  enough  to  be  bracing  to  those  who  sought  the  street  for 
a  stroll  either  for  pleasure  or  business.  Don't  understand  me  to 
say  there  were  any  pleasure  promenaders,  for,  dearest,  if  there 
ever  was  a  city  over  which  the  shadow  of  gloom  hung  darkly  it 
is  this.  It  is  literally  the  City  of  Woe.  Nineteen  out  of  twenty 
of  the  inhabitants  are  in  mourning  for  friends  who  have  been 
killed  in  battle.  .  .  .  The  very  buildings  seem  to  lift  their  dark 
ened  and  dingy  walls  in  consciousness  of  the  gloom  above 
them.  .  .  . 

I  have  just  written  a  letter  to  General  Ransom,  one  of  my 
warmest  and  most  intimate  friends,  and  send  you  an  extract  from 
it.  "While  North,  at  Danbury,  Connecticut,  on  the  23rd  ultimo, 
I  married  Miss  Mary  E.  Hurlbut,  whom  I  met  first  at  our  head 
quarters  in  Vicksburg,  where  she  had  been  during  the  siege,  hav 
ing  gone  South  with  friends  previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
rebellion.  .  .  .  She  was  for  the  Union  after  my  acquaintance 
with  her  and  will  instruct  and  educate  my  children  in  the  spirit 
and  sentiment  of  patriotism  which  I  hope  will  always  actuate 
them."  .  .  . 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  C.  A.  Dana, 
the  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  to  General  Wilson  I  send  you, 
knowing  how  pleased  you  are  at  everything  said  pleasantly  of 

384 


APPENDIX  385 

me.  Don't,  however,  indulge  in  Mr.  Dana's  forebodings  as  to  my 
health.  "Mrs.  Rawlins  I  had  no  opportunity  of  seeing,  but  I 
hope  she  will  add  nothing  but  happiness  to  the  life  of  her  most 
excellent  husband.  His  appearance  made  me  somewhat  anxious 
about  him.  I  feared  that  his  lungs  might  be  more  seriously 
affected  than  I  had  supposed.  His  loss  would  be  a  great  misfor 
tune,  not  only  for  his  friends,  but  still  more  for  the  country.  Pub 
lic  servants  of  his  quality  will  always  be  few.  There  are  plenty 
of  men  whose  names  will  flourish  largely  in  history  without  hav 
ing  rendered  a  tithe  of  his  unostentatious  and  invaluable  contribu 
tions  to  the  great  work  of  the  nation." 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  17,  1864. 

.  .  .  Everything  is  quiet  here  and  will  be  until  supplies  can  be 
got  forward  to  the  troops  at  Chattanooga  and  Knoxville.  Had  a 
sufficiency  of  supplies  been  at  the  latter  place  when  General  Grant 
was  there  a  few  days  ago,  he  would  have  undertaken  to  drive 
Longstreet  out  of  East  Tennessee.  As  it  was  all  he  could  do  was 
to  move  troops  out,  to  contest  with  him  the  foraging  ground  in 
the  vicinity.  Daily  collisions  may  be  expected  between  our  forces 
and  the  enemy.  Sherman  has  gone  to  Vicksburg,  and  will  organ 
ize  there  a  heavy  force  for  immediate  operations.  In  the  mean 
time  we  will  use  all  the  means  in  our  power  to  forward  supplies 
to  the  front  and  be  ready  if  possible  to  move  when  he  does ; 
although  you  may  hear  of  no  immediate  and  startling  events,  you 
may  know  we  are  not  idle,  but  that  every  preparation  is  being 
made  for  conflicts  which  will  shake  the  continent  ere  this  terrible 
tragedy  closes. 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  18,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Wilson  has  been  ordered  to  Washington,  where 
he  will  take  charge  of  the  Cavalry  Bureau.  It  is  a  difficult  and 
responsible  position,  yet  I  have  faith  in  his  ability  to  perform  its 
arduous  duties.  No  one  wishes  more  earnestly  than  I  that  he 
may  succeed,  for  he  is  a  brave,  faithful  officer,  a  high-minded 
and  honorable  man.  We  shall  miss  him  much.  General  Grant 
has  not  started  to  St.  Louis  yet,  but  is  waiting  for  an  answer  to 
his  inquiry  as  to  how  his  son  is.  Should  he  be  getting  better, 
the  General  will  not  go.  There  is  no  news  to-day  from  the 
front,  and  we  presume  therefore  all  is  quiet  on  the  Tennessee. 
A  letter  from  General  Halleck  to  General  Grant  received  to-day 
states  that  much  opposition  will  be  made  to  General  McPherson's 


386  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

appointment  as  brigadier  general  in  the  regular  army.  General 
Grant  has  written  a  strong  letter  in  reply,  urging  the  Senate  to 
confirm  him.  .  .  .  My  cold  is  still  troublesome,  but  I  hope  to 
report  differently  in  a  few  days. 

Jan.  19,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  and  wife  start  for  St.  Louis  in  the  morn 
ing,  and  will  be  absent  eight  or  ten  days.  Fred  is  very  ill,  but 
will  recover.  .  .  .  General  Wilson  also  starts  in  the  morning  for 
Washington  to  assume  his  new  duties.  May  success  attend  him, 
is  my  sincere  wish.  Colonel  Duff  left  here  on  Saturday  for 
Vicksburg  with  important  despatches  for  General  Sherman.  Yes 
terday  a  message  came  from  him  that  he  was  snowed  in  at 
Mitchell,  Indiana.  .  .  . 

A  collision  between  our  forces  and  the  enemy  on  the  I4th 
instant,  consequent  on  the  extension  of  our  lines  out  from  Knox- 
ville  that  I  spoke  of  in  a  former  letter,  ordered  by  General  Grant 
when  he  was  at  Knoxville,  resulted  in  the  capture  by  the  enemy 
of  a  wagon  train  of  ours,  some  twenty-three  wagons,  but  they 
were  subsequently  recaptured  by  our  forces,  together  with  an 
ambulance  of  the  enemy  loaded  with  medicine,  and  the  capture 
of  the  rebel  General  Vance,  his  assistant  adjutant  general,  over 
a  hundred  of  his  men  and  two  hundred  horses  and  equipments, 
which  ended  the  affair  decidedly  in  our  favor.  .  .  . 

Jan.  20,  1864. 

.  .  .  After  I  wrote  you  last  night,  we  received  a  despatch  from 
General  Foster  at  Knoxville,  stating  that  General  Longstreet  had 
advanced  in  heavy  force  against  him  and  that  he  was  falling 
back  on  Knoxville,  where  he  might  have  to  stand  a  siege.  That 
Longstreet  will  again  lay  siege  to  that  place,  I  can  scarcely  be 
lieve,  for  he  certainly  cannot  do  so  with  any  reasonable  hope  of 
success,  enabled  as  we  are  to  move  a  much  superior  force  from 
Chattanooga,  to  the  relief  of  Foster,  with  the  river  to  supply  it 
most  of  the  way.  It  is  more  probable,  to  my  mind,  that  he  has 
simply  advanced  to  extend  his  foraging  ground  and  limit  ours, 
and  however  well  we  have  determined  his  designs,  in  the  mean 
time  we  must  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  This  news  has 
prevented  General  Grant  from  going  to  St.  Louis  for  the  present, 
and  he,  General  Smith  (Baldy),  and  I  go  forward  to  Chattanooga 
to-morrow  to  look  after  affairs  at  Knoxville.  We  may  possibly 
have  to  go  to  Knoxville,  but  I  hope  we  may  be  able  to  put  things 


APPENDIX  387 

into  shape  without  having  to  go  so  far.  The  great  question  is 
that  of  supplies,  which  is  always  one  of  difficulty  with  an  army 
far  advanced  in  the  enemy's  country. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  Miss., 

NASHVILLE,  TENN.,  Jan.  20,  1864. 
DEAR  WASHBURNE: 

On  my  return  from  the  North  I  was  pleased  to  find  your  very 
welcome  and  interesting  letter  of  the  2Oth  ultimo,  and  I  hasten 
to  assure  you,  your  friendship  for  the  General,  your  devotion  to 
our  common  country,  and  heroic  manifestation  of  interest  in  the 
welfare  and  success  of  our  army  here,  through  evil  as  well  as 
good  report,  in  the  dark  hour  of  the  Nation's  despondency,  as 
well  as  in  the  light  of  its  victories,  are  truly  and  honestly  appre 
ciated,  and  to  you,  more  than  any  one  in  Congress,  the  great 
heart  of  the  army  warms  with  gratitude  as  its  true  representative 
and  hold  and  uncompromising  defender.  So  give  yourself  no 
concern  in  the  matter  of  the  cavalry  regiment  you  speak  of,  for 
the  General  fully  understands  your  motives  and  knows  them  to  be 
prompted  solely  by  a  desire  for  the  public  service  and  in  friend 
ship  to  him. 

I  see  by  the  papers  the  bill  creating  a  Lieutenant  Generalcy  is 
still  undisposed  of.  So  far  as  General  Grant  may  be  regarded 
in  connection  with  it,  I  can  only  say  that  if  the  conferring  of  this 
distinguished  honor  upon  him  would  be  the  taking  him  out  of 
the  field,  or  would  supersede  General  Halleck,  he  would  not  de 
sire  it,  for  he  feels  that  if  he  can  be  of  service  to  the  Government 
in  any  place,  it  is  in  command  of  the  army  in  the  field,  and  there 
is  where  he  would  remain  if  made  a  lieutenant  general;  besides, 
he  has  great  confidence  in  and  friendship  for  the  General-in-Chief, 
and  would  without  regard  to  rank  be  willing  at  all  times  to  re 
ceive  orders  through  him. 

The  advocacy  of  the  New  York  Herald  and  other  papers  of 
the  General  for  the  Presidency  gives  him  little  concern ;  he  is 
unambitious  of  the  honor  and  will  voluntarily  put  himself  in 
no  position  nor  permit  himself  to  be  placed  in  one  he  can  pre 
vent  that  will  in  the  slightest  manner  embarrass  the  friends  of  the 
Government  in  their  present  grand  effort  to  enforce  its  rightful 
authority  and  restore  the  Union  of  the  States.  Of  his  views  in 
this  matter,  I  suppose  he  has  fully  acquainted  you. 

The  presence  of  Longstreet  in  East  Tennessee  is  much  to  be 


388  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

regretted.  Had  General  Grant's  order  been  energetically  and 
with  a  broader  judgment  executed  by  General  Burnside,  Long- 
street  would  have  been  forced  to  have  continued  his  retreat  from 
Knoxville  to  beyond  the  Tennessee  line.  The  General's  official 
report  will  show  the  facts  and  order  and  be  satisfactory,  I  have 
no  doubt,  to  the  Government.  Our  forces  in  the  Holsten  Valley, 
east  of  Knoxville,  have  been  compelled  by  Longstreet  to  fall  back 
towards  Knoxville.  Whether  he  intends  to  again  undertake  the 
capture  of  that  place,  or  simply  to  extend  his  forage  ground,  is 
not  as  yet  known.  In  either  design  he  must  be  foiled.  General 
Grant,  General  W.  F.  Smith  and  myself  go  forward  to-morrow 
to  Chattanooga,  that  the  General  may  be  enabled  to  give  his  per 
sonal  attention  to  affairs  in  the  direction  of  Knoxville.  Fred, 
the  General's  oldest  son,  is  lying  very  sick  at  St.  Louis  with  the 
"Typhoid  Pneumonia/'  and  he  was  intending  to  start  to  see  him 
this  morning,  but  despatches  from  Knoxville  detained  him,  and 
he  turns  in  the  direction  of  duty  to  his  country,  leaving  his 
afflicted  family  to  the  care  of  friends. 

I  am  sorry  I  did  not  see  you  when  in  New  York — there  is 
much  that  I  would  have  been  pleased  to  tell  you  that  one  cannot 
write. 

While  North,  on  the  23rd  day  of  December,  1863,  at  Danbury, 
Conn.,  I  was  married  to  Miss  Mary  E.  Hurlbut,  a  native  of  that 
place  and  daughter  of  S.  A.  Hurlbut,  Esq.  I  first  met  her  in 
Vicksburg  in  the  family  at  whose  house  we  made  headquarters 
after  the  fall  of  that  place.  She  was  in  the  city  during  the  en 
tire  siege,  having  gone  South  with  friends  previous  to  the  break 
ing  out  of  the  rebellion.  From  my  acquaintance  with  her,  she 
was  in  favor  of  the  Union,  and  will  instruct  and  educate  my 
children  in  the  spirit  and  sentiment  of  true  patriotism  that  I  hope 
will  ever  actuate  them  in  the  support  and  maintenance  of  the 
princely  inheritance  bequeathed  us  by  our  -revolutionary  fathers 
and  now  being  daily  enhanced  in  value  and  increased  in  endear 
ment  by  the  sacrifices  we  are  making  for  its  preservation.  She 
is  now  with  my  three  little  ones  at  the  home  of  my  parents  near 
Galena.  I  saw  few  of  my  friends  in  Galena,  owing  to  my  limited 
stay,  having  been  there  only  about  six  hours  of  daylight.  I  had 
hoped  to  spend  a  week,  but  detention  on  the  cars  from  snow 
prevented  it.  Galena  was  really  lively  and  all  seemed  well. 

General  Grant  is  in  excellent  health  and  is  "himself"  in  all 
things.  Colonel  Brown,  Major  Rowley,  etc.,  all  send  their  re- 


APPENDIX  389 

gards  to  you.  General  Wilson  has  been  ordered  to  Washington  to 
take  charge  of  the  Cavalry  Bureau.  He  is  a  brave  and  accom 
plished  young  officer,  and  has  rendered  valuable  services  in  the 
field.  I  hope  he  may  be  successful  in  his  new  duties  and  bespeak 
for  him  your  kind  offices  of  friendship. 

I  met  Russell  Jones  in  Chicago,  and  he  made  me  go  to  see  Mr. 
Autrobus's  paintings  of  the  General.  They  are  both  very  fine, 
and  the  full-size  one  I  regard  as  the  finest  likeness  I  ever  saw.  I 
am  no  judge  of  paintings,  but  I  examined  this  one  closely  and 
compared  it  in  my  own  mind  with  the  General  and  pronounced 
it  like  him,  and  since  my  return  I  have  looked  at  and  watched  the 
General  with  interest  and  compared  him  with  the  picture,  and 
am  sure  he  is  like  it.  ... 

Hoping  to  hear  from  you  soon,  I  remain,  your  friend. 

CHATTANOOGA,  Jan.  23,  1864. 

...  In  one  view  you  behold  the  mountains  of  several  States, 
including  the  gorge  in  Taylor's  Ridge  at  Ringgold,  where  was 
fought  the  last  battle  in  the  Chattanooga  series,  and  the  only  one 
in  which  we  were  not  eminently  successful.  .  .  .  The  mountains 
to  the  east  and  southeast  of  Lookout  (which  stands  peerless 
amid  its  neighbors)  so  lift  themselves  up  from  Lookout  that 
one  at  first  mistakes  them  for  clouds  far  above  the  horizon. 
Through  this  vast  system  of  mountains  meanders  to  almost  every 
point  of  the  compass  the  magnificent  Tennessee,  and  perhaps 
from  no  point  does  it  present  so  picturesque  and  grandly  beauti 
ful  an  appearance  as  from  the  top  of  Lookout.  .  .  . 

The  news  from  General  Foster  at  Knoxville  is  more  cheering 
than  when  we  left  Nashville — I  might  say  quite  satisfactory — and 
no  danger  is  now  apprehended  from  General  Longstreet's  move, 
notwithstanding  the  alarming  despatch  of  the  I5th  instant  that 
brought  us  so  hurriedly  to  this  place.  Thus  it  ever  is  in  war, 
alarm,  alarms  allayed,  excitement,  and  excitement  subsiding  into 
quiet. 

Our  greatest  and  worst  apprehension  is  that  we  may  be  de 
layed  in  getting  forward  our  supplies,  because  of  the  non-comple 
tion  of  the  Nashville  and  Decatur  Railroad.  Had  we  sufficient 
supplies  here  now  we  should  immediately  commence  active  opera 
tions  which  would  compel  the  enemy  to  give  us  battle  where  he 
is  ill  prepared  or  abandon  all  the  country  he  holds  in  our  front 
as  far  back  as  Atlanta.  But  as  it  is,  we  must  wait.  The  visit  of 


390  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

General  Grant  to  this  place  has  had  at  least  one  good  effect,  and 
that  is  it  has  wakened  him  up  to  see  what  I  have  been  strongly 
urging  upon  him  since  my  return,  namely,  the  inefficiency  of 
Mr.  Adna  Anderson,  superintendent  of  our  railroads  here,  and 
he  has  telegraphed  the  fact  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  hope 
a  change  will  at  once  be  made.  Nothing  could  be  of  more  benefit 
at  this  time  to  the  service  than  the  relieving  of  Mr.  Anderson 
by  some  one  who  has  patriotism,  ability  and  energy,  one  who  will 
comprehend  fully  our  necessities  and  supply  them. 

We  are,  however,  making  preparations  for  a  movement  within 
the  next  two  weeks  threatening  Rome,  and  will,  if  opportunity 
invites,  attempt  to  capture  that  place.  Sherman  in  the  meantime 
is  to  move  through  from  Vicksburg  to  Meridian.  Thus  menaced 
I  know  not  what  the  enemy  may  do,  but  we  will  try  and  take 
advantage  of  any  weakness  he  may  disclose.  The  General,  W.  F. 
Smith  and  myself  will  probably  leave  here  to-morrow  for  Nash 
ville.  .  .  . 

CHATTANOOGA,  Jan.  24,  1864. 

.  .  .  The  excitement  in  the  vicinity  of  Knoxville  that  seemed 
to  be  allayed  is  just  renewed.  A  despatch  from  General  Foster 
says  Longstreet  is  pressing  heavily  on  that  place;  that  he  has 
received  considerable  reinforcements,  but  not  enough,  he  appre 
hends,  to  warrant  him  in  again  besieging  it;  that  through  the 
cowardice  of  the  drovers  a  drove  of  three  hundred  cattle  had 
already  been  captured  by  the  enemy  and  that  he  feared  the  loss 
also  of  a  drove  of  two  hundred  hogs,  but  had  sent  out  active 
parties  to  try  to  save  it,  and  that  he  is  drawing  his  forces  into 
Knoxville  and  looking  to  the  security  of  his  communications  with 
Chattanooga.  Now  this  all  sounds,  to  say  the  least,  badly.  With 
a  force  equal  in  numbers  to  Longstreet's,  instead  of  falling  back 
he  should  have  taken  up  a  strong  position  and  given  Longstreet 
battle.  If  successful  it  would  have  been  the  end  of  Longstreet 
in  East  Tennessee,  and  if  unsuccessful  he  could  still  have  fallen 
back  with  safety  to  within  the  defences  of  Knoxville  and  there 
have  awaited  a  siege  if  it  had  been  the  disposition  of  the  enemy 
to  make  it.  The  talk  about  the  cowardice  of  drovers  as  the  cause 
of  the  loss  of  the  cattle  is  not  a  sufficient  answer  for  their  loss. 
With  an  army  so  destitute  and  dependent  for  supplies  from  afar, 
it  was  clearly  his  duty  to  have  had  the  drove  under  the  protection 
of  a  strong,  armed  escort,  thus  insuring  it  against  attack  from 


APPENDIX  3Qi 

the  enemy.  Situated  as  we  are  here,  it  will  be  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  we  can  relieve  him.  The  great  number  of  the  troops 
that  have  reenlisted  (and  gone  home  on  furlough)  have  so  re 
duced  the  army  here  as  to  leave  barely  a  sufficiency  for  local 
purposes.  It  is  really  provoking  when  an  army  of  sufficient  force 
is  from  some  unexplained  cause  unable  to  help  itself  and  another 
has  to  be  ordered  to  succor  it.  Somebody  is  to  blame  certain; 
time  will  show  who.  Had  General  Grant's  order  been  carried 
out  this  cloud,  so  threatening  disaster  in  East  Tennessee,  would 
never  have  gathered. 

We  leave  here  about  6  o'clock  p.  M.  for  Nashville.  It  may  be 
that  I  will  have  to  go  by  Huntsville  with  orders  and  instructions 
for  General  Logan.  If  so  it  will  be  several  days  before  I  reach 
Nashville.  .  .  .  General  Grant  has  had  a  severe  attack  of  sick 
headache  since  our  arrival  here,  but  is  now  over  it.  He  is  him 
self  in  all  respects.  He  laughs  at  my  writing  you  daily,  wonders 
how  you  manage  to  read  my  writing,  and  says  he  don't  think  I 
will  hold  out  so  constant  and  frequent  a  correspondent  as  I  have 
begun.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  25,  1864. 

.  .  .  After  writing  you  yesterday  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  see 
ing  orders  issued  for  troops  to  be  moved  from  Chattanooga  to 
Knoxville  under  General  Thomas  in  person,  with  directions  that 
on  reaching  the  latter  place  he  assume  command  of  our  entire 
forces  there  and  give  Longstreet  battle.  This  is  as  it  should  be, 
and  unless  orders  are  changed,  which  I  don't  think  will  be  the 
case,  a  bloody  fight  may  be  expected  soon,  or  East  Tennessee 
will  be  evacuated  by  the  enemy. 

We  left  Chattanoga  about  a  quarter  after  six  p.  M.  and  arrived 
here  a  few  minutes  before  seven  this  morning,  General  Grant 
going  directly  on  to  St.  Louis  and  leaving  matters  here  to  be 
attended  to  by  Colonel  Bowers  and  myself.  The  first  thing  that 
met  my  eye  was  a  despatch  from  General  Foster  stating  that  the 
enemy  had  ceased  to  press  him  vigorously,  that  he  had  no  idea 
they  would  attack  Knoxville,  that  he  had  secured  the  drove  of 
4,800  hogs  he  had  feared  were  in  danger,  but  his  troops  needed 
rest  and  he  had  ordered  them  into  winter  quarters. 

So  you  see  the  difference  in  the  despatches  of  yesterday  and 
to-day.  One  was  most  alarming  and  the  other  allays  the  alarm 
previously  caused.  In  this  manner  has  the  news  alternated  from 


392  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

that  quarter  ever  since  my  return,  and  yet  General  Foster  is  said 
to  be  a  brave  man  and  perhaps  is. 

The  next  was  a  despatch  from  General  Halleck  relating  to  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  East  Tennessee,  the  security  of  our  present 
line  on  the  Tennessee  River,  and  future  operations.  And  as  the 
General  was  absent,  and  Thomas's  orders  to  go  to  the  relief  of 
Knoxville  depended  somewhat  upon  information  he  might  re 
ceive  from  Foster,  I  determined  under  cover  of  sending  a  copy 
of  General  Halleck's  letter  to  him,  to  make  his  orders  positive, 
and  depend  upon  nothing  less  than  the  result  we  hoped  to  accom 
plish  by  his  going  there.  Accordingly  I  directed  him  "to  relax 
no  energy  and  spare  no  exertion  in  his  preparations  for  moving 
into  East  Tennessee,  no  matter  what  news  he  might  have  from 
Foster,  short  of  the  enemy's  retreat  from  the  State."  So  you 
see  that  if  Longstreet  is  not  driven  out  of  the  State,  it  will  not  be 
because  I  have  not  in  the  General's  absence  made  the  orders  ring 
with  fight. 

The  Secretary  of  War  has  authorized  a  change  of  the  superin 
tendent  of  railroads,  and  if  the  changes  are  not  made  it  will  be 
the  General's  fault,  for  the  moment  the  despatches  came  I  tele 
graphed  an  order  for  the  officer  to  report  here  by  whom  the  pres 
ent  superintendent  will  probably  be  relieved,  and  repeated  the 
Secretary's  despatch  to  Louisville,  where  I  have  no  doubt  the 
General  will  get  it.  I  also  advised  him  of  the  action  I  had  taken 
in  the  matter.  It  is  now  time,  but  no  reply  has  yet  been  received. 
I  spoke  yesterday  of  going  to  Huntsville,  but  instead  I  sent  the 
orders  to  Logan.  On  the  General's  return,  however,  I  expect  to 
go  down  to  that  place,  if  not  before.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  29,  1864. 

.  .  .  All  reports  confirm  the  statements  you  see  in  the  news 
papers.  President  Lincoln's  amnesty  proclamation  is  having  a 
very  salutary  effect.  Many  are  deserting  from  the  Confederate 
army  and  coming  into  our  lines  to  avail  themselves  of  it  by  taking 
the  oath  it  prescribes. 

My  health  is  good — my  cough  has  ceased  to  annoy  me.  Gen 
eral  Grant  has  not  returned  from  St.  Louis,  but  will  be  back 
next  Tuesday. 


NASHVILLE,  Jan.  30, 

.  .  .  To  the  theatre  I  never  think  of  going,  although  they  have 

here  celebrated  star  actors  and  actresses  sufficient  for  a  con- 


APPENDIX  393 

stellation.     I  attend  to  the  various  duties  of  my  position  with 
what  abilities  I  possess  and  think  of  home.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  Jan.  31,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  has  not  yet  returned,  but  will  leave  St. 
Louis  in  the  morning.  I  see  by  the  papers  he  was  to  have  a 
supper  given  him  at  the  Lindell  last  night.  I'm  sorry  it  is  so, 
for  I  had  hoped  he  would  go  there  and  return  without  permitting 
himself  to  be  paraded  before  the  public,  but  the  fact  is — you  know 
the  General  pretty  well — he  can't  say  no,  and  then  there  is  another 
thing  which  may  do  to  tell  the  masses :  that  is,  he  dislikes  these 
public  ovations.  He  may  appear  awkward  in  the  midst  of  them, 
but  he  likes  them  nevertheless.  At  least  I've  yet  to  know  of  his 
declining  one.  You  are  fully  aware  of  my  fears' in  all  this.  I 
need  not  state  them. 

NASHVILLE,  Feb.  i,  1864. 

.  .  .  News  from  Knoxville  is  uninteresting.  So  says  General 
Foster,  commanding  there.  Scouts  of  General  Dodge  report 
great  commotion  among  the  enemy  in  front  of  Chattanooga. 
They  are  moving  troops  from  Dalton  south  on  the  Mobile  road, 
either  for  Mobile  or  Meridian.  This  is  consequent  no  doubt  on 
the  movement  of  Sherman  eastward  from  Vicksburg  and  of  the 
cavalry  southeast  from  Memphis,  which  I  mentioned  in  previous 
letters.  If  we  had  supplies  and  the  reenlisted  regiments  were 
back  from  furlough,  we  could  now  strike  such  a  blow  as  it  would 
be  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  recover  from.  We  are  doomed, 
however,  to  wait,  I  fear,  till  the  enemy  recovers  from  the  injuries 
he  received  at  Chattanooga  and  becomes  once  more  a  strong  man 
in  the  fight. 

Hundreds  fleeing  from  conscription  are  coming  into  our  lines 
daily;  great  dissatisfaction  exists  because  the  rebel  government 
is  conscripting  men  who  have  already  sent  substitutes  into  the 
army.  This  is  regarded  by  the  people  as  an  act  of  great  injustice, 
but  what  can  they  do  against  an  organized  despotism  ?  Literally 
nothing.  Should  this  discontent  seriously  infect  the  army,  we 
may  hope  something  from  it,  because,  as  at  the  recent  battle  of 
Chattanooga,  they  will  not  fight  with  the  determination  that  has 
characterized  them  in  all  the  other  battles  I  have  been  in  or 
known  anything  about.  .  .  . 

If  there  is  anything  I  can  do  for  your  friends  at  Vicksburg, 
not  inconsistent  with  the  good  of  the  service,  I  will  do  it  cheer- 


394  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

fully.  I  desire  you  to  say  this,  not  more  on  account  of  their 
friendship  to  you  than  because  of  their  uniform  kind  treatment 
of  me  and  of  the  general  regard  shown  by  them  to  the  military 
authorities,  whatever  may  have  been  their  feelings. 

General  Grant  has  not  got  back  from  St.  Louis  yet,  but  is 
on  his  way  and  will  be  here,  I  suppose,  to-morrow  evening.  I 
am  really  anxious  for  his  return,  although  everything  has  gone 
on  smoothly  in  his  absence  and  the  public  service  has  not  suffered. 
Still  here  is  his  place,  and  when  he  is  about  I  feel  much  easier 
in  mind.  .  .  . 

The  next  day  he  adds : 

NASHVILLE,  Feb.  3,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  reached  Louisville  yesterday  afternoon 
and  despatched  me  he  would  not  come  on  here  till  Friday  unless 
it  was  absolutely  necessary.  I  replied  to  him  that  important  mat 
ters  demanded  his  attention  here,  to  which  I  have  received  no 
answer,  and  infer  he  is  on  his  way.  The  train  is  behind  time, 
and  will  not  arrive  before  twelve  o'clock  to-night.  Here  is  his 
proper  place,  and  his  country  and  friends  may  rest  assured  he 
will  never  be  absent  by  any  counseling  of  of  mine,  while  I  main 
tain  my  present  official  relations  to  him. 

I  received  last  evening  an  answer  from  the  Honorable  E.  B. 
Washburne  to  my  letter  to  him  dated  2Oth  ultimo,  in  which  he 
says,  after  speaking  of  the  efforts  he  made  to  see  me  while  in 
New  York:  "It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  have 
made  my  congratulations  to  you  and  your  wife  personally.  I 
communicate  them  to  you  now  and  through  you  to  Mrs.  Rawlins. 
I  would  always  be  willing  to  underwrite  for  a  Connecticut  girl 
at  a  very  small  rate  of  premium."  He  adds :  "The  bill  creating 
a  Lieutenant  Generalcy  is  sure  to  become  a  law  and  that  General 
Grant  will  be  the  hero  honored  with  the  rank  thus  created."  If 
so,  I  may  if  I  desire  it  no  doubt  obtain  a  prominent  position  in 
the  army,  but  as  I  now  view  things  I  shall  seek  for  no  situation 
in  that  direction.  To  be  at  home  with  wife  and  children  is  the 
highest  ambition  of  my  life. 

.  .  .  Everything  is  quiet,  no  reports  of  alarm  or  threatened 
movements  of  the  enemy  from  any  part  of  our  long-extended  lines 
to-day.  Major  General  Schofield,  late  of  the  Department  of  Mis 
souri,  has  been  assigned  to  command  the  Department  of  the  Ohio. 
He  relieved  General  Foster,  and  I  hope  he  may  prove  competent 


APPENDIX  395 

for  his  new  place.  Knoxville  is  his  headquarters  and  his  posi 
tion  is  the  most  difficult  of  any  in  the  country.  He  went  forward 
to-day. 

Adjutant  General  Lorenzo  Thomas,  whom  you  met  at  Vicks- 
burg,  and  one  of  his  sons,  also  passed  on  from  here  to-day  for 
Knoxville.  He  did  not  congratulate  me  on  my  new  relations.  I 
suppose  he  is  past  the  age  of  thinking  of  these  civilities.  He  is, 
however,  the  first  of  many  of  my  army  acquaintances,  who  had 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  that  overlooked  this  civility.  The 
General  was  very  cordial  in  his  greetings,  however,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  it  was  meeting  so  many  here  that  caused  him  to  neglect 
the  matter  alluded  to. 

On  February  4  he  wrote : 

NASHVILLE,  February  4,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  arrived  this  evening  and  is  in  excellent 
health.  His  non-arrival  last  night  made  me  nervous,  and  you 
will  not  be  surprised  to  know  that  it  caused  me  to  break  over 
my  resolution  not  to  swear.  I  feared  everything  was  not  as  it 
should  be  with  him,  but  his  appearance  has  agreeably  disap 
pointed  me,  and  for  once  I  have  done  him  injustice  in  my 
thoughts.  He  left  Mrs.  Grant  in  St.  Louis  with  Fred,  who  is 
slowly  recovering,  but  is  a  mere  skeleton.  I  have  had  no  talk 
with  him  yet  about  the  supper  given  him  at  the  Lindell  House, 
business  being  first  in  order. 

To-day  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Colonel  McCallum  and 
of  assigning  him  to  duty  as  General  Manager  of  railways  in  the 
Military  Division  and  relieving  Mr.  Anderson,  whose  inefficiency 
has  paralyzed  the  operations  of  this  army  very  considerably,  in 
my  opinion.  However,  I  may  be  wrong.  In  Colonel  McCallum 
we  look  for  more  energy,  greater  efficiency,  and  more  cordial 
subordination  to  the  military  authorities.  In  other  words,  he 
will  work  for  the  interests  of  the  army  and  feel  that  he  belongs 
to  and  is  not  independent  of  it,  as  did  Mr.  Anderson. 

On  the  6th  he  says : 

NASHVILLE,  February  6,  1864. 

.  .  .  This  is  the  second  anniversary  of  the  fall  of  Fort  Henry. 
How  little  I  dreamed  then  the  war  would  continue  this  long.  But 
so  it  is,  and  no  clear  sight  is  yet  had  of  its  close.  No  break  in 


396  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  blood-bearing  clouds  of  war  reveals  to  us  the  sky  of  Peace 
beyond.  In  faith  and  patriotism  we  are  still  strong  and  hope  ere 
long  to  welcome  the  return  of  peace,  and  join  our  wives  and 
children  in  their  happy  homes  and  enjoy  with  them  the  remainder 
of  our  days,  the  fruits  of  our  toil  and  suffering  in  the  cause  of 
right  and  liberty,  as  did  our  fathers  after  the  successful  termina 
tion  of  the  War  of  Independence.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  7,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  has  determined  to  go  himself  in  command 
of  the  forces  to  operate  against  Longstreet,  and  we  shall  leave 
here  for  Knoxville  within  ten  or  twelve  days.  I  feel  he  should 
go.  It  is  too  important  a  matter  to  trust  entirely  to  others,  how 
ever  competent  they  may  be,  for  should  they  fail  the  country 
will  ask  why  he  was  not  there. 

So  far  as  any  news  is  received,  all  is  quiet  in  our  front  to-day. 
Captain  Leet  is  home  on  furlough.  I  don't  know  whether  I  men 
tioned  it  in  my  previous  letters.  He  is  a  fine  officer,  and  I  flatter 
myself  for  procuring  his  promotion  from  a  private  in  the  ranks 
to  the  position  he  now  fills  so  well.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  8,  1864. 

...  I  am  delighted  to  know  that  my  friends  both  in  the  city 
and  country  are  so  kind  to  you,  and  also  to  hear  that  so  many 
are  my  friends.  I  have  ever  tried  to  pursue  an  upright,  honor 
able  course  through  life,  that  I  might  always  be  enabled  to  look 
those  whom  I  may  meet  full  in  the  face  without  fear  of  discover 
ing  in  the  countenance  or  looks  of  any  an  expression  of  "You 
have  done  wrong,"  either  in  my  personal  treatment  of  them  or 
in  my  failure  to  discharge  my  duty,  my  whole  duty  to  my  country 
to  the  utmost  of  my  ability.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  9,  1864. 

...  I  have  written  to  no  one  at  Washington  to  look  after  my 
confirmation  nor  sought  to  influence  any  one  to  that  end,  being 
content  to  discharge  my  duty  in  any  position  and  with  any  rank 
the  authorities  see  fit  to  confer  upon  me  to  the  best  of  my  abilities 
at  all  times.  I  doubt  not  my  confirmation,  however.  Standing  as 
I  do  in  the  near  relation  to  General  Grant,  and  the  wholesome 
influence  I  am  supposed  to  exercise  for  his  good,  which  is  not 
unknown  personally  to  several  gentlemen  of  great  influence  in 
Washington,  and  who  are  to  be  found  both  in  Congress  and  in 


APPENDIX  397 

the  War  Department  and  belonging  to  both  political  parties,  I 
do  not  fear  the  result.  If  I  am  not  confirmed  I  will  necessarily 
go  out  of  the  service  or  fall  back  to  my  rank  as  assistant  adjutant 
general  with  the  rank  of  major,  my  lieutenant-colonelcy  being 
assignable  rank  only.  My  impression  is  that  a  failure  in  con 
firmation  will  leave  me  a  civilian.  In  that  event  I  shall  at  least 
visit  "dear  wife  and  children"  before  seeking  another  position 
in  the  army.  I  have  never  sought  promotion,  but  on  the  contrary 
declined  a  colonelcy  when  it  was  offered  to  me  and  accepted  a 
majority.  To  be  put  out  of  service  with  no  fault  or  seeking  of 
my  own  could  attach  to  me  no  stain  of  dishonor  or  semblance 
of  faltering  in  this  hour  of 'darkness  and  peril.  I  am  therefore 
without  anxiety  as  to  the  action  of  the  Senate  in  my  case.  I 
enclose  my  proper  address. 

I  shall  begin  to-morrow  in  connection  with  Colonel  Bowers  to 
copy  up  General  Grant's  official  report  of  the  battles  of  Chatta 
nooga.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  10,  1864. 

...  A  division  of  General  Logan's  troops  moves  to-morrow 
from  near  Scottsboro  to  Chattanooga  to  take  the  place  of  troops 
ordered  from  the  latter  place  to  Knoxville;  thus  the  ball  begins 
to  roll,  and  before  many  weeks  pass  the  conflict  between  the 
Federal  and  Confederate  forces  in  East  Tennessee  will  commence 
for  the  mastery  of  that  section.  I  have  great  confidence  in  our 
ability  to  succeed,  first,  because  we  will  have  the  superior  force 
unless  theirs  is  greatly  underestimated,  and,  second,  because  our 
line  of  supplies  will  be  well  established,  insuring  us  against 
danger  and  a  deficiency  of  supplies.  Thus  with  the  most  men, 
and  them  well  supplied,  and  a  just  cause,  victory  must  incline  to 
perch  on  our  banners,  as  in  times  past.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  n,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  John  D.  Stevenson,  the  gentleman  who  presented 
me  a  fine  saddle  at  Vicksburg,  is  here  on  his  way  to  Pulaski,  and 
I  am  of  the  opinion  that  he  will  want  a  change  made  in  his 
order,  and  on  the  strength  of  his  friendship  for  me  and  my 
reciprocation  of  it  will  expect  to  succeed,  but  in  this  he  is  mis 
taken.  I  would  do  anything  in  the  world  for  the  General,  con 
sistent  with  the  public  service,  but  I  think  in  command  of  Pulaski 
he  will  do  better  than  at  any  other  place. 

I  am  much  better  with  my  cough  to-night  than  I  was  yester- 


398  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

day  and  hope  soon  to  be  well.  We  will  go  to  Chattanooga  in  a 
few  days ;  troops  are  on  the  move  from  Scottsboro  to  that  place, 
and  those  to  go  from  the  latter  place  to  Knoxville  will  start  Mon 
day  next.  To-day  General  Grant  received  a  fine  horse  as  a 
present  from  a  gentleman  in  Cincinnati. 

The  news  from  the  front  is  "all  quiet."  Despatches  from  Gen 
eral  Schofield  dated  7th  instant  state  that  he  had  assumed  com 
mand  at  Knoxville.  Many  of  the  ladies  here  are  desirous  of 
going  South,  and  the  General  has  promised  to  permit  them  to 
do  so  on  a  certain  day  in  the  future,  via  Decatur.  I  shall  use  my 
influence  to  prevent  it  if  possible,  for  I  do  not  believe  either  in 
sending  persons  through  our  lines  by  compulsion  or  permission. 

NASHVILLE,  February  13,  1864. 

.  .  .  This  is  my  thirty-third  birthday.  In  looking  back  to  my 
earliest  remembrance  of  events,  how  full  of  anxiety  and  fears, 
of  cherished  but  disappointed  hopes  my  life  has  been,  and  still 
withal  how  fortunate  in  the  realization  of  my  most  extravagant 
youthful  dreams !  In  some  things  I  flatter  myself  I  have  held 
my  own.  I  entered  life  poor,  and  am  in  that  position  now.  I 
had  the  warm  love  of  my  parents,  and  have  now,  never  having 
for  a  moment  estranged  them  from  me.  In  my  young  heart  of 
high  hopes  they  inculcated  principles  of  virtue,  honesty  and 
patriotism.  In  the  light  of  these  I  have  sought  ever  to  walk, 
but  that  I  have  many  times  deviated,  it  were  sinful  to  deny.  Yet 
beyond  the  reach  of  their  pure  rays  and  the  whispering  of  con 
science  I  have  never  wandered.  In  youth  I  had  many  friends, 
who  in  numbers  and  warmth  of  affection  have  multiplied  as  the 
sphere  of  my  acquaintance  has  extended.  With  only  such  an 
education  as  a  sparsely  settled  country  afforded,  I  passed  cred 
itably  from  manual,  to  mental  labor,  from  the  plough  to  the  bar, 
and  from  civil  to  military  life,  thereby  exchanging  the  sweets 
of  peace  for  the  bitterness  of  war.  I  have  attained  in  rank  the 
highest  grade  but  one  in  the  army,  and  been  honorably  connected 
with  the  most  important  successes  of  our  arms,  passing  unharmed, 
although  exposed  in  person,  through  the  battles  of  Belmont,  Fort 
Donelson,  Shiloh,  the  siege  of  Corinth,  the  battles  in  the  cam 
paign  and  siege  of  Vicksburg,  and  in  those  about  Chattanooga. 
In  my  domestic  relations  I  have  been  peculiarly  fortunate  and 
most  happy,  not  without  sorrow,  however,  death  having  entered 
and  for  a  while  cast  a  gloom  of  sadness  over  my  home.  This 


APPENDIX  399 

was  the  loss  of  my  first  wife  whom  I  loved  so  well  for  her 
amiability  of  manner,  gentleness,  sweetness  of  disposition  and 
virtue.  Few  of  earth's  daughters  were  so  lovely ;  none  in 
Heaven  stands  nearer  the  throne.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  14,  1864. 

...  I  have  received  the  photographs.  Mine  is  miserable;  I 
look  in  it  sad  and  deathlike,  yet  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  it  is 
not  a  correct  picture,  for  perhaps  it  is.  I  never  sat  for  one 
that  did  not  contain  that  same  sad  sorrowful  expression.  It 
may  be  that  I  appear  to  others  as  my  pictures  show  me  to 
myself.  If  so,  how  miserable  I  must  be  deemed.  But  am  I 
miserable  and  unhappy?  No,  I  am  not.  Your  sweet  and  beauti 
ful  picture  daguerreotypes  the  feelings  of  my  heart.  I  am 
happy  in  my  wife  and  my  children's  love,  and  in  great  numbers 
of  friends  who  are  ever  willing  to  serve  me.  So  keep  not  the 
picture  of  me,  dearest.  It  is  false  to  my  heart,  though  it  may 
be  true  to  my  face.  Retain  that  of  yourself  and  in  your  warm, 
loving  imagination  invest  it  with  all  the  virtues  the  original 
possesses,  and  say  this  reflects  truly  my  husband's  heart  and 
soul.  He  loves  me  and  confides  in  me  all  things.  .  .  . 

NASHVILLE,  February  15,  1864. 

.  .  .  General  Grant  talks  some  of  going  to  Chattanooga  this 
week.  I  don't  know  whether  he  will  or  not,  but  if  he  goes  I 
shall  go  also. 

Colonel  Bowers  and  I  are  very  busily  engaged  of  evenings  on 
the  General's  official  report  of  the  battles  of  Chattanooga,  which 
I  assure  you  is  a  very  unpleasant  and  I  might  say  thankless  under 
taking,  for  the  General  is  very  tenacious  of  the  claim  that  he 
writes  his  own  reports,  and  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  follow 
the  text  as  nearly  as  possible.  With  the  transposition  of  sen 
tences,  even  pages,  and  the  writing  out  too  of  the  very  plans 
of  the  battles,  this  is  difficult. 

My  cough  still  continues  but  I  think  I  am  improving.  For 
a  while  I  gained  strength  but  have  not  done  so  for  several 
days  past.  If  I  could  take  a  trip  South,  I  think  it  would  be  of 
great  service  to  me,  but  the  doctors  say  there  is  no  danger. 
They  ought  to  tell  me  the  truth  and  I  hope  do.  A  cough,  how 
ever,  from  the  loth  of  October  to  the  i$th  of  February  is  not 
to  be  slightly  treated.  .  .  . 


400  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

NASHVILLE,  February  16,  1864. 

.  .  .  What  I  owe  is  in  the  army,  but  you  shall  have  a  full 
statement  soon.  Don't  think  for  one  moment,  dearest,  that  I 
have  ever  foolishly  expended  money  or  recklessly  got  in  debt. 
I  entered  the  army  owing  between  three  and  four  thousand 
dollars,  nearly  all  of  which  I  have  paid,  besides  supporting  my 
self  and  family,  and  the  support  of  my  family  has  been  quite 
expensive,  more  so  than  it  is  now. 

No  news  of  importance  from  the  front  except  that  General 
Thomas  is  ready  for  a  move  on  Dalton,  and  will  perhaps  start 
to-morrow.  .  .  . 

LOUISVILLE,  March  6,  1864. 

...  I  have  just  returned  from  the  theatre,  not  at  all  delighted 
with  having  gone,  but  the  General  would  go,  and  I  deemed  it 
at  least  courteous  to  go  with  him  ...  I  sat  with  the  General 
and  other  officers  of  rank  in  a  private  box,  and  witnessed  the 
play  of  Jane  Short  or  the  Royal  Favorite.  During  its  perform 
ance  I  was  supremely  disgusted  .  .  .  with  the  eagerness  or  will 
ingness  rather,  of  him  we  love  to  say  is  so  modest  and  unassum 
ing  to  acknowledge  the  notice  people  are  taking  of  him.  In 
one  who  had  less  reputation  for  modesty  it  would  be  pardonable. 
Oh,  greatness,  how  dost  thou  lift  up  ...  those  whom  thou 
favorest!  I  feel  that  to  go  with  them  is  ascending  heights  too 
far  above  the  level  of  my  plebeian  birth ;  beyond  the  reach  of 
any  influence  I  can  exert  for  my  country's  good.  A  few  short 
weeks  will  determine  this.  And  believe  me,  dearest,  should 
my  sad  forebodings  be  realized,  and  I  can  find  an  honorable 
way  in  which  to  retire  from  a  service  in  which  my  usefulness 
is  questionable,  I  shall  do  so.  I  write  this  not  from  anything 
that  has  occurred  between  the  General  and  me,  for  let  me 
assure  you,  he  was  never  more  kind  and  mindful  of  me  than 
now.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  him  on  the  subject  of  General 
Wilson's  letter,  as  we  came  from  Nashville,  and  he  agrees  with 
me  in  every  particular  .  .  . 

I  talked  to  him  upon  the  importance  of  an  able  and  accom 
plished  corps  of  staff  officers,  should  he  be  the  recipient  of  the 
high  honor  in  connection  with  which  his  name  is  mentioned, 
namely,  the  Lieutenant-Generalcy,  and  before  we  get  to  Wash 
ington  I  shall  assure  him  of  my  readiness  to  withdraw  from 
his  staff  in  order  to  enable  him  to  fill  my  place  with  an  educated 


APPENDIX  401 

and  finished  soldier.  As  Lieutenant-General  he  will  be  the 
first  in  military  position  in  the  United  States,  and  my  military 
education  is  not  such  as  to  fit  me  for  his  chief  of  staff,  hence 
it  becomes  me  to  withdraw  and  allow  one  who  is  fitted  for  it 
to  take  the  place.  True,  were  I  vain  enough  I  might  claim  to 
retain  the  place,  for  I  have  been  with  him  throughout  his  thus 
far  brilliant  career ;  have  been  his  stay  and  support  in  his  darkest 
hours,  and  never  I  trust  his  injudicious  friend.  I  have  shared 
with  him  the  hardships  of  the  camp,  borne  with  him  the  fatigues 
of  the  march,  and  braved  with  him  the  dangers  of  battle  from 
the  bloody  plain  of  Belmont  to  the  crimson  fields  of  Chatta 
nooga.  In  all,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  I  have  served  my 
country  and  him ;  and  trust  my  beloved  wife  and  children  will 
never  blush  at  the  mention  of  my  name.  But  I  grow  dizzy  in 
looking  from  the  eminence  he  has  attained  and  tremble  at  the 
great  responsibility  about  to  devolve  upon  him. 

We  leave  here  in  the  morning  by  boat  for  Cincinnati.  .  .  . 
Do  not  forget  me  in  your  prayers,  but  forget  me  rather  than 
the  cause  of  my  country  to  which  I  have  given  the  best  years 
of  my  life.  .  .  . 

OHIO  RIVER,  4  p.  M.,  March  6,  1864  .  .  .  We  shall  reach 
Cincinnati  between  this  and  to-morrow  morning,  in  time  for 
the  cars,  and  shall  go  direct  to  Washington.  Colonel  Corn- 
stock  joined  us  at  Louisville,  very  much  elated  at  having  been 
ordered  to  go  with  the  General,  and  he  credits  me  fully  as  having 
had  the  General  make  the  order. 

I  hope  by  the  time  you  get  this  you  will  have  had  a  nice 
horse  back  ride,  and  that  as  a  gallant,  in  the  absence  of  your 
husband,  you  will  have  found  Colonel  Bowers  the  excellent 
gentleman  I  said  he  was  when  I  put  you  in  his  charge.  .  .  . 

General  Grant  is  getting  on  very  quietly  and  I  have  hopes 
he  will  get  on  to  Washington  without  a  great  deal  of  parade, 
which  is  more  than  I  thought  yesterday  evening. 

General  William  F.  Smith  and  wife  are  with  us.  She  is 
feeling  terribly  over  the  loss  of  her  child.  Coming  through 
Louisville  seemed  to  have  revived  or  opened  anew  the  wounds 
of  her  heart.  How  I  sympathize  with  them  in  their  severe  af 
fliction. 

BALTIMORE,  MD.,  March  8,  1864.  .  .  .  We  arrived  here  at 
12  M.  to-day,  and  leave  at  3.15  P.  M.  for  Washington.  I  shall 


402  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

be  heartily  glad  when  we  reach  our  destination,  although  I 
cannot  say  I  have  had  an  unpleasant  trip,  for  to  me,  the  hearty 
and  enthusiastic  manner  in  which  the  people,  ladies,  gentlemen 
and  children,  all  greet  the  General  is  truly  gratifying,  knowing 
as  I  da  how  he  has  triumphed  over  those  who  were  his  enemies. 
Heaven  has  blessed  him  with  a  disposition  of  self-satisfaction, 
that  takes  from  these  demonstrations  of  the  people  that  annoy 
ance  I  am  sure  that  they  would  be  to  me,  unless  I  were  engaged 
in  politics.  Among  other  of  Heaven's  blessings  to  him,  he  can 
not  make  a  speech.  If  he  could  the  temptation  would  be  so 
great,  he  could  not  resist,  and  yielding,  unless  he  far  transcended 
in  politics  and  merit  all  others  who  have  tried  the  dangerous 
experiment,  he  would  surely  say  that  which  would  be  construed 
to  his  injury. 

The  General  received  a  despatch  from  General  Halleck  in 
forming  him  that  his  commission  as  Lieutenant  General  had 
been  made  out  and  signed  and  would  be  delivered  to  him  on 
his  arrival  at  the  War  Department.  General  Halleck  congratu 
lates  him  on  his  well  merited  promotion  and  evinces  in  his 
congratulations  the  warmest  sincerity. 

I  spoke  to  the  General  on  the  subject  of  his  staff  to-day 
again,  and  told  him  frankly  I  desired  it  organized  without  regard 
to  me,  that  I  feared  my  health  at  any  rate  would  require  me 
to  leave  the  service,  that  should  I  get  no  better  when  warm 
weather  comes,  I  should  have  a  respite  to  enable  me  to  recover. 
So  of  course  that  ended  further  talk.  No  man  perhaps  in  the 
country  is  so  great  a  friend  to  me,  and  to  feel  that  I  have  this 
friendship  is  a  great  satisfaction. 

We  should  have  been  in  Washington  before  this  time,  but 
for  the  fact  of  falling  behind  time  at  Harrisburg,  and  having 
to  come  from  there  on  the  accommodation  train.  I  hope  to 
return  to  Nashville  very  soon.  What  may  be  the  General's 
orders,  however,  we  cannot  yet  divine.  Should  they  be  such 
as  to  detain  him  East,  I  shall  have  to  remain  with  him.  In  that 
case  I  very  much  desire  your  return  to  our  Western  home.  .  .  . 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  March  9,  1864.  .  .  .  We  arrived  here 
yesterday  evening,  called  at  General  Halleck's  office,  found  he 
had  gone,  proceeded  to  his  residence  on  Georgetown  Heights ; 
he  was  not  there;  returned  to  the  President's  house  where  a 
grand  levee  was  being  held,  and  oh  what  enthusiasm  prevailed. 


APPENDIX  403 

The  General  was  certainly,  last  night,  more  than  President  in 
the  hearts  of  the  immense  concourse  of  ladies  attending  the 
White  House.  It  would  have  filled  Mrs.  Grant  with  delight. 
After  the  Levee,  we  visited  the  Secretary  of  War. 

To-day  the  General  received  and  accepted  his  commission  as 
Lieutenant  General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  He  talks 
of  going  out  to  visit  the  army  of  the  Potomac  to-morrow,  but 
whether  he  will  or  not  I  am  unable  to  say.  I  am  doing  all 
I  can  to  get  him  away  from  here.  To-night  he  dines  with  Mr. 
Seward,  Secretary  of  State.  I  shall  accompany  him  though 
it  is  not  my  pleasure  to  do  so.  You  know  where  I  am  wine  is 
not  drunk  by  those  with  whom  I  have  any  influence.  Were 
it  otherwise  I  should  consult  my  pleasure.  The  new  order 
of  things  will  necessitate  breaking  up  our  little  home  at  Nash 
ville,  but  not,  I  trust,  before  I  see  you  again.  .  .  . 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  22,  1864.  .  .  .  We  arrived  here, 
all  but  General  Grant,  Mrs.  Grant  and  Captain  Leet,  this  evening. 
The  General  and  Mrs.  Grant  went  by  Philadelphia,  to  enable  Mrs. 
Grant  to  make  some  additions  to  her  wardrobe.  Captain  Leet 
stayed  over  at  Pittsburg  to  see  Mrs.  Leet.  Notwithstanding  two 
nights'  ride  in  the  cars,  I  feel  much  better  than  when  I  kissed 
you  good  night  at  Cincinnati.  The  General  and  Mrs.  Grant 
seem  more  attentive  to  me  than  ever  before.  I  cannot  tell  the 
reason  why  unless  it  was  that  they  thought  my  recent  separa 
tion  from  you  entitled  me  to  sympathy.  I  certainly  feel  very 
kindly  to  them  for  their  marked  interest  in  my  welfare.  Be 
assured,  there  is  nothing  the  General  can  do  for  me  but  he 
will  do.  I  have  great  hopes  of  being  able  to  withstand  the 
coming  campaign  and  not  be  compelled  to  take  a  leave  of 
absence.  To  be  present  at  the  battle  that  must  decide  the  fate 
of  Richmond,  and  that  battle  a  successful  one  too,  would  be 
the  height  of  my  ambition.  .  .  . 

We  will  go  forward  without  delay  to  Culpepper  Court  House, 
where  headquarters  of  the  armies  will  be  established  for  the 
present,  and  I  am  pleased  to  know,  we  shall  have  a  house  in 
which  I  can  have  a  room,  and  thereby  be  relieved  from  going 
into  a  tent  which  I  so  much  feared  because  of  my  health.  .  .  . 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  23,  1864.  •  •  •  To-day  the  General 
has  been  in  consultation  with  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
President.  I  know  of  no  plans  agreed  upon  by  them  as  to  the 


404  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

coming  campaign,  but  suppose  all  will  be  left  to  the  General. 
An  order  for  the  reorganization  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
by  breaking  up  the  First  and  Third  Army  Corps  and  attaching 
the  troops  composing  them  to  other  corps,  has  been  issued  by 
the  War  Department.  With  this  order  I  am  not  wholly  pleased. 
I  fear  it  may  be  the  cause  of  hard  feeling  in  the  corps  broken 
up,  for  it  is  but  natural  that  these  corps  should  be  proud  of 
their  former  history,  and  desire  to  maintain  their  organization 
rather  than  to  be  attached  to  any  they  have  sought  to  rival 
in  the  race  of  glory.  I  may  be  mistaken  and  I  trust  I  am. 

General  Grant,  Comstock  and  myself  go  out  to  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  in  the  morning,  and  will  not  return  here  again, 
so  far  as  headquarters  are  concerned.  I  hope  our  former  suc 
cess  in  the  West  will  be  with  us  here.  .  .  . 

I  send  you  a  paper  containing  a  biographical  sketch  of  General 
Grant.  It  was  written  by  a  personal  friend  of  mine,  Mr.  J.  N. 
Morris  of  Illinois,  formerly  a  member  of  Congress.  He  is 
in  favor  of  the  General  for  the  Presidency.  So  am  I,  if  we 
win  here,  but  this  is  confidential.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  March  24,  1864.  .  .  .  From  the  ad 
dress  of  this  you  see  we  have  arrived  at  our  destination  and  oh 
how  glad  I  am.  We  have  a  very  nice  house  for  headquarters. 
One  room  for  an  office,  one  for  the  General  and  one  for  myself. 
My  room  contains  a  nice  feather-bed  and  fireplace,  and  looks 
delightfully  comfortable.  .  .  . 

March  25,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  unusually  stormy;  we 
have  had  both  at  once  and  also  in  turns  rain  and  snow.  I  have 
not  ventured  out,  but  in  the  resolve  to  regain  my  health,  have 
remained  quietly  in  doors,  and  shall  continue  to  so  remain  ex 
cept  when  the  weather  is  favorable  to  my  going  out,  unless  the 
necessity  for  doing  otherwise  shall  be  very  great. 

General  Grant  is  fully  installed  in  his  new  command  of  all 
the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and  from  the  ring  of  his  orders 
and  the  attention  he  is  giving  to  the  concentration  of  his  forces 
at  points  where  they  may  be  available  for  cooperative  action,  I 
have  greater  hopes  than  ever  for  the  triumph  of  our  arms  in  the 
coming  campaign.  The  order  breaking  up  two  of  the  army  corps 
of  this  army  and  attaching  them  to  others,  I  spoke  of  in  my  let 
ter  of  the  23rd,  seems  to  be  as  satisfactorily  received  as  could 
be  expected,  and  will,  I  have  great  hopes,  strengthen  the  army 


APPENDIX  405 

very  considerably.  Three  corps,  of  which  this  army  is  now 
composed,  will  be  more  easily  handled  than  five.  The  danger  of 
making  the  change  was,  as  I  mentioned,  in  the  dissatisfaction  it 
might  produce.  Such  danger  is  not  now  apprehended.  General 
Meade  was  here  to-day.  He  is  delighted  with  General  Grant's 
establishing  his  headquarters  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

He  believes  in  the  ability  of  his  army  to  cope  successfully  with 
that  of  Lee,  and  this  is  the  proper  spirit  for  the  attainment  of 
the  desired  end,  namely,  victory  and  Richmond.  With  the  feel 
ing  of  confidence  this  produces,  this  entire  army  and  the  dis 
positions  of  other  troops  which  I  am  sure  General  Grant  can  and 
will  make,  I  have  the  highest  hopes  of  success  and  that  too  "ere 
many  moons  wax  and  wane/' 

Our  horses  and  baggage  will  arrive  to-morrow  afternoon. 
They  are  now  at  Washington.  No  review  of  the  troops  has  yet 
taken  place,  nor  will  one  take  place.  The  General  will  see  them  in 
line  simply,  in  front  of  or  near  their  corps  encampments.  This 
will  be  far  better  than  a  grand  parade  and  review,  too  many  of 
which  have  already  been  had  on  the  crimson  soil  of  Virginia. 
We  are  here  to  try  for  the  successes  that  were  ours  to  enjoy  in 
the  West,  and  if  the  same  Good  Providence  that  gave  us  vic 
tories  there,  does  not  frown  upon  us  here,  the  country  will  soon 
witness  the  dawning  of  the  Day  of  Peace.  .  .  . 

March  26,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  cloudy,  with  high 
winds.  The  snow  has  entirely  disappeared,  except  from  the 
slopes  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  which  strange  to  say  is  plainly  visible 
from  here  though  twenty  miles  distant.  Unless  more  rain  or 
snow  falls  the  roads  here  will  soon  be  in  good  condition.  I  feel 
much  better  of  my  cough  and  when  I  see  you  again  I  hope  to  be 
entirely  recovered  from  it.  Nothing  new  here.  No  information 
comes  from  the  enemy's  lines  to  break  the  dull  monotony  that 
seems  to  prevail  throughout  this  entire  army.  It  is  greatly  dif 
ferent  I  assure  you  from  what  it  was  out  West.  There  we  were 
always  getting  some  information  that  kept  up  an  excitement  and 
made  it  seem  that  we  were  doing  something.  I  trust,  however, 
that  this  monotony  will  soon  be  broken  by  the  movement  of  the 
unbroken  columns  of  this  splendidly  equipped  and  well  fed  army 
of  veterans  against  the  famed  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  For  if 
it  fights  as  it  feels,  success  must  attend  its  next  advance  towards 
Richmond.  Every  day  gives  me  hope  of  triumph  to  our  country 


406  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

in  the  impending  conflict.     One  decisive  victory  here  will  go  far 
towards  the  consummation  of  the  Patriot's  hope. 

The  General  goes  in  the  morning  to  Washington  but  will  re 
turn  the  next  day  and  the  talk  is  now  that  on  Wednesday  of  the 
coming 'week,  he  and  I  will  visit  the  army  of  General  Butler. 
Colonel  Bowers  and  all  the  members  of  the  staff  except  Colonel 
Duff  and  Captain  Badeau  have  arrived.  Our  horses  and  bag 
gage  came  through  safely.  Mrs.  Grant  was  to  visit  the  White 
House  to-day.  Captain  Badeau,  who  is  familiar  with  Washing 
ton  society  and  manners,  remained  to  accompany  her.  I  have 
no  doubt  she  will  be  greatly  delighted.  I  send  you  enclosed  a 
photograph  of  Colonel  T.  S.  Bowers,  with  his  autograph.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  March  27,  1864.  •  •  •  Yesterday  Mrs. 
Grant  called  upon  Mrs.  Lincoln  accompanied  by  Colonels  Badeau 
and  Duff  of  General  Grant's  staff.  She  was  received  with  great 
cordiality.  Her  stay  was  short  and  in  this  manifestation  of  good 
sense  Colonel  Badeau  says  she  will  without  doubt  make  friends 
in  Washington.  Her  inexperience  is  excusable  in  her  simplicity 
of  manner.  In  this  she  is  not  dissimilarly  situated  from  her  il 
lustrious  husband  .  .  .  He  will  be  back  to-morrow. 

By  the  way  as  I  have  seen  it  alluded  to  though  incorrectly  in 
some  of  the  papers,  that  "U.  S."  are  not  the  real  initials  of  Gen 
eral  Grant's  name.  In  order  to  put  you  in  possession  of  the 
facts,  I  will  tell  you  his  original  Christian  name  and  how  it  came 
to  be  changed  to  what  it  is  now.  He  was  christened  "Hiram 
Ulysses,"  and  by  that  name  he  was  recognized  and  known  until 
his  appointment  to  West  Point.  He  was,  however,  usually  called 
Ulysses  and  had  a  brother  named  Simpson,  hence  when  his 
father  made  application  to  the  Honorable  Mr.  Hamer,  representa 
tive  in  Congress,  from  the  district  in  which  the  family  then  re 
sided,  he  simply  asked  Mr.  Hamer  to  have  his  son  Ulysses  ap 
pointed  to  West  Point.  Mr.  Hamer  being  somewhat  acquainted 
with  the  family,  got  the  names  of  the  General  and  his  brother 
Simpson  confused,  and  gave  in  the  name  of  his  appointee  as 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  which  the  General  on  going  to  West  Point 
sought  to  get  corrected,  but  for  some  cause  his  application  for 
the  correction  of  the  name  was  not  attended  to  and  he  graduated 
and  received  his  commission  as  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  By  that  name 
and  the  initials  U.  S.  he  has  ever  since  been  known  and  called. 
Thus  you  have  what  few  persons  know,  the  correct  version  of 


APPENDIX  407 

the  change  of  the  General's  Christian  name.  This  is  in  no  man 
ner  whatever  confidential,  and  you  are  at  liberty  to  speak  of  it 
when  and  where  you  think  it  of  interest  to  your  company  ...  I 
had  the  General  night  before  last  give  me  the  statement  in  detail, 
as  I  have  here  written  it  to  you  .  .  . 

I  am  still  improving;  have  a  good  appetite,  and  a  sound  sleep 
every  afternoon.  I  don't  know  what  it  is  makes  me  sleepy,  but 
sleepy  I  am.  Every  afternoon,  immediately  after  dinner  I  get 
so  sleepy  I  can  hardly  keep  awake  if  I  would,  and  as  the  doctor 
says  it  is  a  good  sign  in  my  case,  and  that  sleep  will  do  me  good, 
I  yield  most  cheerfully  to  the  soothing  invitation.  I  begin  to  feel 
my  real  self,  more  than  ever  since  you  became  acquainted  with 
me.  My  hopes  and  purposes  of  life  are  higher  and  brighter  than 
ever  before,  and  why  should  they  not  be?  .  .  . 

March  28,  1864.  .  .  .  To-day  has  been  mild  and  cloudy,  threat 
ening  rain.  Everything  is  quiet  along  our  lines,  but  in  our  camps 
is  a  burning  desire  for  something  to  be  done  which  will  break 
the  monotony  prevailing  in  this  vicinity,  and  the  only  fear  I 
entertain  is  that  the  General's  restlessness,  and  the  spirit  animat 
ing  the  troops  will  make  him  commence  operations  before  he  is 
sufficiently  prepared.  You  know,  /  believe  more  in  the  infalli 
bility  of  numbers  than  in  the  infallibility  of  generals,  no  matter 
how  great  their  reputation. 

Everything  we  hold  dear  as  patriots  and  pride  ourselves  in  as 
Americans,  is  staked  more  certainly  upon  the  impending  cam 
paign  than  upon  any  which  has  preceded  it.  We  are  close  upon 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  year  of  the  war  and  notwithstanding 
all  our  successes  in  the  West  and  South,  our  National  Capital 
is  still  beleaguered  by  a  formidable  and  unbroken  army  of  the 
enemy.  Unless  this  army  of  foes  is  defeated  and  broken,  and 
our  Capital  relieved  of  its  fierce  frowns,  we  cannot  hope  that  the 
recognition  of  the  rebel  government  will  be  much  longer  post 
poned  by  European  Governments,  a  recognition  which  while  it 
would  not  necessarily  precipitate  us  into  a  war  with  the  powers 
making  it,  would  tend  to  raise  the  hopes  of  our  enemy.  And 
worst  of  all,  it  would  tend  much  towards  the  further  prostration 
of  our  national  finances.  In  this  view  of  the  case  no  steps  should 
be  taken  that  would  in  the  least  possible  way  promise  anything 
less  than  certain  success. 

I  believe  a  victory,  great  and  decisive,  is  within  our  grasp — 


408  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

that  we  have  men  enough  which  may  be  spared  from  other 
points,  to  be  brought  here,  to  increase  our  numbers  to  so  far  be 
yond  those  of  the  enemy,  do  all  he  can,  as  to  ensure  victory.  In 
other  words,  we  may  in  this  manner  "organize  victory,"  and  this 
is  the  only  way  to  organize  it. 

General  Grant  returned  this  afternoon  from  Washington  much 
disgusted  with  the  news  from  General  Banks,  who  was  to  have 
been  at  Alexandria  on  the  Red  River  by  the  i/th  instant,  but 
instead  of  being  there  was  on  the  i8th  instant  still  at  New  Or 
leans,  while  the  forces  from  Sherman  had  promptly  reached 
Alexandria  in  pursuance  of  orders,  but  will  have  to  wait  there 
for  weeks  for  the  tardy  and  I  might  say  immovable  Banks.  This 
delay  of  his  may  delay  greatly  our  spring  operations. 

This  proves  to  me  that  politicians  cannot  be  soldiers  and  en 
trusted  with  great  and  responsible  commands.  It  may,  however, 
be  providential,  for  it  opens  the  General's  eyes  to  the  character 
of  men  he  has  to  command,  and  fixes  in  a  measure  the  limit  to 
which  he  may  trust  them.  Thank  God  there  are  generals  whom 
he  knows  and  can  trust  implicitly  to  carry  out  his  orders,  and 
that  promptly.  .  .  . 

March  29,  1905.  .  .  .  To-morrow  the  General  goes  to  General 
Butler's  Department.  Colonel  Comstock  and  I  will  accompany 
him.  This  may  possibly  prevent  my  writing  to  you  for  two 
days.  .  .  . 

March  30,  1864.  .  .  .  Did  not  get  off  to  Butler's  Department, 
but  will  go  to-morrow  .  .  .  Everything  here  still  and  quiet.  De 
serters  from  Lee's  army  say  there  is  a  rumor  in  their  camps  that 
General  Lee  said  recently  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  has 
been  long  enough  at  Culpepper  and  that  he  intended  to  start  it 
from  there  soon.  They  keep  rations  constantly  on  hand  for  a 
march,  but  whether  he  designs  to  attack  us  here  or  simply  to  be 
in  readiness,  should  we  move  to  attack  him,  is  not  known.  Prob 
ably  the  latter.  .  .  . 

I  send  herewith  the  answer  to  the  letter  I  sent  General  Grant 
in  rear  of  Vicksburg,  which  you  will  please  take  special  pains 
to  preserve.  .  .  -1 

FORT  MONROE,  VA.,  April  2,  1864.  .  .  .  We  arrived  here  yes 
terday  about  9  A.  M.  The  General  transacted  his  business  with 

1  This  letter  has  not  been  found,  and  no  member  of  the  Rawlins  family 
knows  what  became  of  it. 


APPENDIX  409 

Major  General  Butler;  reviewed  some  of  the  colored  troops 
camped  near  by ;  visited  the  ruins  of  Hampton ;  ran  down  to 
Norfolk,  but  the  rain  setting  in  just  as  we  reached  the  landing 
prevented  our  going  ashore.  We  returned  here  with  the  inten 
tion  of  leaving  for  Washington  at  12  o'clock  last  night,  but  the 
increased  violence  of  the  storm  rendered  the  navigation  of  the 
bay,  with  the  class  of  steamers  to  which  ours  belongs,  so  danger 
ous  that  the  Captain  did  not  venture  out,  and  we  are  still  here, 
and  the  storm  still  raging.  When  it  will  cease  I  know  not,  but  of 
course  like  everything  else,  and  all  the  storms  of  this  world,  will 
end  some  time. 

Had  my  wishes  governed,  instead  of  reviewing  troops,  visiting 
ruins,  or  running  down  to  Norfolk,  I  should,  when  through  with 
the  conference  with  General  Butler,  have  gone  back  to  Wash 
ington.  As  it  is,  we  may  be  here  for  two  days  yet.  This  much 
for  having  one's  wife  with  him.  If  Mrs.  Grant  had  remained 
in  Washington,  we  would  not  have  mixed  with  this  trip  any 
curiosity  or  pleasure  not  strictly  in  the  line  of  duty.  It  is  true, 
had  not  this  storm  arose  no  time  would  have  been  lost,  nor  do  I 
imagine  the  public  interests  will  suffer  as  it  is.  Still,  I  like  of 
all  things,  to  see  every  one  at  his  post.  I  am  sure  my  dearest 
wife  will  never  desire  to  be  with  me  when  it  might,  by  any  pos 
sibility,  seem  to  influence  my  judgment  in  what  I  should  do  in 
the  line  of  duty  unless  that  influence  is  to  hasten  me  in  its  per 
formance.  When  a  man's  wife  is  with  him  he  can't  help  bending 
a  little  to  the  desire  of  pleasing  her,  even  against  her  protesta 
tions  .  .  . 

General  W.  F.  Smith  is  assigned  to  duty  in  this  Department 
and  will  have  a  very  large  command  when  the  spring  campaign 
opens.  This  is  a  place  of  great  interest,  Fortress  Monroe  being 
second  to  no  place  in  the  United  States  in  point  of  importance 
or  strength,  and  was  to  the  officers  of  the  old  army  prior  to  the 
rebellion,  a  sort  of  paradise,  in  which  they  all  sought  to  be  or 
dered  on  duty.  It  is  in  this  respect,  however,  greatly  changed 
and  the  fine  and  elegantly  furnished  officers'  quarters  are  oc 
cupied  by  the  volunteers  who  have  leaped  ahead  of  them  in  rank, 
and  in  many  instances,  in  the  race  of  glory.  In  this  I  mean  no 
disparagement  to  them  for  no  more  loyal  or  devoted  men  can  be 
found  anywhere  than  can  be  found  among  the  regular  officers — 
a  loyalty  a  devotion,  which  the  advantages  of  a  military  education 
at  West  Point  has  enabled  them  to  render  signal  service  in  this 


410  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

our  day  of  severest  trial.  I  am  one  who  admires  the  men  of  the 
old  army,  who  have  stood  firm,  and  not  one  of  those  who  would 
malign  them. 

Mrs.  Grant  is  accompanied  by  Mrs.  General  Robinson  and  an 
other  lady  whose  name  I  do  not  remember.  General  Robinson, 
Mr.  Washburne  and  Colonel  Comstock  are  also  along.  All  are 
tired  and  praying  for  the  abatement  of  the  storm,  notwithstand 
ing  the  courtesy  of  General  and  Mrs.  Butler  to  every  one.  I  hope 
we  shall  be  able  to  start  back  between  this  and  to-morrow  morn 
ing  so  as  to  reach  Culpepper  by  Monday's  train.  .  .  . 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  4,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  this  mo 
ment  returned  from  Fortress  Monroe  and  go  directly  forward 
to  Culpepper  .  .  . 

I  see  by  the  papers  a  large  number  of  confirmations  of  briga 
dier  generals  and  among  them  several  General  Grant  has  recom 
mended.  My  name  is  not  in  the  published  list  and  I  begin  to  think 
there  is  a  probability  that  I  will  not  be  confirmed.  I  cannot  say 
I  should  seriously  regret  this  were  it  not  on  your  account.  If  I 
am  not  confirmed  you  will  have  to  give  up  all  hope  of  going  home 
this  summer,  and  make  up  your  mind  to  a  more  plain  and  eco 
nomical  life  than  you  would  perhaps  otherwise  lead  ...  I  shall 
find  out  soon  my  true  status  in  this  matter  of  confirmation,  and 
have  mentioned  the  subject  here  only  that  you  might  be  pre 
pared  for  whatever  may  be  in  store  for  us.  ... 

WASHINGTON,  April  4,  1864.  ...  I  have  written  you  before 
to-day  and  mentioned  in  my  letter  doubts  of  my  confirmation, 
which  doubts  still  exist  in  my  mind,  but  knowing  your  desire  to 
see  and  hear  everything  good  of  me,  in  the  opinions  of  my 
friends  I  send  you  a  letter  from  the  Honorable  E.  B.  Wash 
burne  to  me,  and  a  copy  of  one  written  by  General  Grant  to  the 
Honorable  H.  Wilson,  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Military  Com 
mittee.  These  letters  were  both  written  without  request  on  my 
part.  The  former  shows  friendship  for  me  personally,  I  cannot 
fail  to  appreciate,  and  the  latter  a  confidence  in  me  I  scarcely 
could  have  hoped  for.  This  letter  of  General  Grant's  you  may 
copy  in  your  own  hand  and  send  to  your  parents  if  you  wish. 
Preserve  the  copy  with  care,  however,  for  our  children.  A 
higher  testimonial  I  would  not,  could  not  have.  I  will  add  that  the 
Secretary  of  War  says  I  must  be  confirmed.  The  only  question  is, 
I  am  a  staff  officer,  which  he  says  must  not  be  made  an  objection  in 


APPENDIX 

my  case  .  .  .  The  General  Wilson  mentioned  in  Mr.  Washburne's 
letter  is  Senator  Wilson  and  not  our  General  Wilson.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  5,  1864.  ...  It  has  rained 
throughout  the  entire  day.  The  last  four  days  have  been  days  of 
storm.  The  only  consolation  to  be  drawn  from  it,  is  perhaps 
that  while  such  weather  continues  the  weeds  of  mourning  are 
kept  from  beneath  the  roof  of  many  homes,  whence  the  inmates 
look  out  hopefully  towards  the  camps  of  contending  armies  for 
the  return  of  sons,  husbands  and  fathers,  who  after  the  conflict 
has  closed,  will  be  looked  for  on  earth  no  more.  Oh,  that  the 
wisdom  of  angels  governed  in  the  affairs  of  men,  we  then  should 
never  have  been  called  upon  to  experience  the  horrors  and  suf 
ferings  we  have  in  the  last  three  years.  When  the  struggle  will 
cease  and  Peace,  now  affrighted,  come  back  and  hover  with  gentle 
wings  and  sweetness  of  spirit  over  our  beautiful  land,  he  who 
holds  the  destiny  of  nations  in  his  hands  alone  knoweth  .  .  . 

It  is  the  love  of  liberty  and  the  affection  for  the  work  of  our 
fathers,  in  securing  it  to  us,  and  the  admiration  of  their  achieve 
ments  on  the  battle  field,  that  bids  us  struggle  on  hopefully  for 
its  maintenance.  If  we  suffer  now  they  suffered  then.  Through 
their  suffering  was  purchased  for  a  few  generations  of  their 
descendants,  peace,  prosperity  and  the  privileges  of  free  men. 
By  our  sufferings  we  hope  to  perpetuate  these  blessings,  "down 
to  the  latest  syllable  of  recorded  time." 

I  have  been  thinking  if  I  might  not  make  it  interesting  to  you 
by  writing  a  series  of  letters,  commencing  back  with  my  first 
recollections  and  earliest  impressions  of  life  and  following  them 
up  to  the  present  time,  if  time  can  be  had  to  pursue  the  same  to 
this  point.  This  narrative  should  contain  all  that  made  decided 
and  lasting  impressions  on  my  mind ;  my  boy  loves,  and  first  in 
stinctive  (as  it  were)  but  ever  unspoken  impressions  of  slavery, 
how  these  impressions  were  smothered,  in  my  heart,  and  made 
subordinate  to  what  I  conceived  and  still  conceive  to  be  the  true 
construction  of  our  constitution.  Say,  do  you  think  you  would 
like  me  to  begin  writing  you  as  indicated?  Of  course  I  should 
continue  to  send  you  the  current  news  of  the  day,  and  still  assure 
you  and  reassure  you  of  my  love. 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  6,  1864.  .  .  .  The  only  clear  day 
for  some  time.  I  have  hopes  that  the  weather  will  continue  so  un- 


412  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

til  the  roads  become  fitted  for  campaigning,  and  that  they  then  con 
tinue  in  such  condition  until  we  try  title  with  Lee,  for  Richmond. 
Richmond  ours,  and  all  will  be  well.  Nothing  after  the  defeat 
of  Lee  and  the  capture  of  Richmond  by  our  armies  can  success 
fully  make  head  against  our  onward  sweep  through  the  remain 
ing  states  in  rebellion. 

Nothing  of  any  interest  or  worthy  of  note  to-day.  Troops  are 
slowly  but  constantly  coming  to  the  front  from  furlough,  grad 
ually  swelling  our  ranks  and  increasing  our  strength  for  the 
coming  conflict.  Oh,  that  we  may  be  as  successful  in  this  new 
field  as  in  the  West. 

And  I  must  say  that  everything  looks  more  favorable  to  suc 
cess  in  the  coming  campaign  than  it  did  at  Chattanooga.  From 
the  most  deplorable  condition  of  affairs,  we  came  out  most  glori 
ously  there.  With  everything  looking  so  favorable  here  and  the 
General  exerting,  as  he  is,  his  whole  powers,  with  the  immense 
means  he  has  at  his  command  too,  I  cannot  but  hope  strongly 
that  all  will  end  well. 

The  greatest  fear  now  is  that  General  Banks  may  be  tardy  in 
his  movements.  But  the  glory  that  can  be  secured  to  him  only 
by  activity  on  his  part,  and  the  rich  prize  held  out  to  him  in  the 
orders  sent  him,  I  trust  will  spur  him  on. 

The  General  has  made  up  his  staff  and  sends  forward  their 
names  to-morrow  to  be  published  in  orders  for  the  War  Depart 
ment.  I  have  a  little  anxiety  to  know  whether  they  will  announce 
me  as  chief  of  staff  as  the  General  has  requested  they  should. 
My  anxiety  is  caused  by  the  position  to  which  General  Halleck  is 
assigned.  But  I  have  very  little  doubt  that  the  General's  wishes 
will  be  complied  with.  I  have  thought  it  possible  my  confirma 
tion  was  secretly  opposed  by  some  friends  of  General  Halleck 
through  the  very  plausible  objection  that  I  am  already  a  staff 
officer.  Certainly  "two  chiefs  of  staff"  to  one  general  is  beyond 
all  that  precedent  has  established  in  this  war. 

But  I  suppose  I  do  General  Halleck  injustice  by  the  thought. 
He  has  done  so  much  for  his  country  notwithstanding  some  fail 
ures,  and  the  abuse  of  the  press,  that  his  fame  is  secure,  and 
nothing  can  be  added  to  it  by  his  being  on  the  staff  of  one  so 
recently  his  subordinate,  unless  one  were  ungenerous  enough  to 
suppose  that  he  might  desire  the  position  with  a  view  to  sharing 
with  the  General  any  honors  that  may  be  hereafter  won,  if  won 
they  are. 


APPENDIX  413 

To-day  is  the  second  anniversary  of  the  first  day's  fight  at 
Shiloh.  At  this  hour,  10.30  o'clock  p.  M.,  I  was  sleeping  in  a  field 
hospital  with  the  dead  and  terribly  wounded.  Into  this  hospital  I 
had  managed  to  escape  from  the  most  terrible  of  storms,  after 
having  become  thoroughly  saturated  with  the  falling  flood.  Yet 
I  went  to  sleep  that  night  notwithstanding  the  fierceness  of  that 
day's  terrible  conflict,  full  of  the  hope  of  a  glorious  victory  on 
the  morrow.  I  realized  the  fullest  consummation  of  that  hope 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day  when  the  enemy  beaten  at  all 
points  retreated  towards  Corinth,  and  had  General  Buell  and  his 
officers  concurred  with  General  Grant  in  the  propriety  of  pursuit 
that  day,  the  memorable  siege  of  Corinth  had  never  found  a 
place  in  history. 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  8,  1864.  .  .  .  With  General  Grant 
and  several  members  of  his  staff,  I  visited  Cedar  Run  Mountain, 
twelve  miles  distant  from  here.  On  the  way  there,  at  Mitchell's 
Station,  the  General  reviewed  Leonard's  brigade  of  General  Rob 
inson's  Division,  5th  Corps,  and  was  greatly  pleased  with  it. 
Cedar  Run  Mountain  was  made  historic  as  the  scene  of  the  battle 
fought  by  our  forces  under  General  Banks  of  General  Pope's 
army  and  the  Confederates  under  General  Stonewall  Jackson, 
in  the  summer  of  1862.  The  view  from  the  mountains  is  among 
the  finest  I  have  ever  seen  and  in  times  of  peace  I  have  no  doubt 
would  afford  one  the  liveliest  pleasure.  It  rises  from  the  Valley 
of  Virginia  and  from  its  summit  in  any  direction  you  may  turn 
the  eye,  it  is  met  by  once  finely  improved  plantations  and  forests 
which  stretch  off  till  they  meet  the  highlands  that  seem  to  almost 
surround  it.  These  plantations  are  now  despoiled  of  fencing  and 
everything  of  value  that  industry  of  man  had  added.  No  hus 
bandman  ploughed  the  fields,  except  beyond  the  Rapidan  where  a 
few  spots  of  cultivated  land  are  discernible.  The  enemy's  camps, 
one  division,  are  plainly  visible,  but  the  river  separates  our 
pickets  from  theirs.  I  have  seen  the  enemy's  camps  be 
fore  this  and  from  other  points  of  view,  and  in  every  instance 
heretofore  have  been  with  the  advance  of  the  triumphant  columns 
that  entered  them,  and  my  heart's  prayer  is  that  the  same  for 
tune,  perhaps  I  should  say  kind  Providence  which  has  attended 
us  heretofore  will  still  be  with  us  and  that  before  many  weeks 
have  passed  it  will  be  safe  for  one  of  our  army  to  pass  through 
the  ground  where  now  are  picketed  the  tents  of  treason.  .  .  . 


414  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  9,  1864.  .  .  .  Rain.  The  ride  of 
yesterday  was  too  much  for  me  and  has  excited  my  cough. 

Read  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount — "the  Lord's  prayer  lifted  the 
gloom  from  my  soul." 

To-day's  information  is  that  Lee  has  but  thirty-five  thousand 
infantry  in  our  front,  with  15,000  more  at  Lynchburg  under 
Longstreet,  or  50,000  in  all,  exclusive  of  cavalry  and  artillery. 
The  rebel  conscription  has  brought  but  few  men  to  their  ranks. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  Lee's  force  is  much  larger  than  is 
stated  above,  but  this  statement  does  not  vary  much  from  the 
estimate  made  by  Generals  Meade  and  Butler. 

Enclosed  I  send  you  what  I  had  written  Enos  Ripley  in  De 
cember,  1862,  from  Oxford,  Miss.  It  is  hurriedly  written  but 
gives  my  impression  of  affairs  at  the  time.  It  was  never  finished 
or  sent,  but  please  preserve  it,  for  it  may  some  time  be  of  benefit 
to  me  2  .  .  .  I  send  you  also  a  general  order  issued  by  General 
McPherson.  You  will  see  the  point  of  interest  in  it;  also  the 
order  from  the  adjutant  general's  office  announcing  General 
Grant's  staff,  in  which  you  will  not  fail  to  see  my  name.  I  sent 
you  the  other  day  for  preservation,  without  note  or  comment,  a 
copy  of  a  letter  written  by  me  to  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  from 
the  rear  of  Vicksburg,  also  General  Grant's  original  order  to  his 
troops  after  the  battle  of  Port  Gibson. 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  n,  1864.  ...  I  did  not  write 
yesterday  because  the  bridges  over  Bull  Run  and  Cedar  Run 
were  carried  away  and  the  mails  delayed. 

...  I  found  finally  the  note  from  General  Wilson  accompany 
ing  the  present  which  the  General  and  staff  sent  to  you,  and  will 
at  once  draft  the  reply  you  desire  .  .  . 

It  is  refreshing  to  read  letters  from  officers  like  Sherman  in 
reference  to  their  preparations  for  the  coming  campaign.  He 
writes  so  cheerfully,  so  full  of  hope  of  success  that  it  makes  one 
feel  that  all  must  be  well.  You  know  my  high  opinion  of  him. 
He  is  one  of  the  first  men  of  this  or  any  country.  In  all  the 
points  of  character  as  soldier  or  statesman,  he  has  among  our 
military  men  no  superior.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  13,  1864.  ...  I  have  not  been 
well  to-day,  owing  to  the  large  doses  of  medicine  I  have  taken 
for  my  cough  .  .  .  The  quantity  of  opium  has  affected  my  whole 

2  Not  found. 


APPENDIX  415 

system  inasmuch  as  to  produce  a  sensation  of  numbness  and 
drowsiness  and  given  me  a  bad  headache.  I  have  slept  the  whole 
day  as  it  were,  and  feel  considerably  better  now,  but  am  most 
miserable.  I  have  seen  the  doctor  and  he  directs  me  to  diminish 
the  dose. 

General  Wilson  is  here.  He  has  been  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  a  cavalry  division  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  I  hope 
it  may  secure  his  confirmation.  As  for  my  own,  I  have  little 
hope.  The  Senate  is  holding  it  over  until  the  papers  of  another 
staff  officer,  General  Ingalls,  are  examined.  If  his  are  all  right, 
mine  may  possibly  go  through.  If  not,  his  will  be  passed  over 
ostensibly  because  of  his  being  a  staff  officer,  but  really  because 
his  accounts  are  wrong,  and  mine  will  meet  the  same  fate. 

This  is  a  beautiful  story,  that  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
will  make  the  confirmation  of  any  officer  depend  upon  the  char 
acter  of  another.  It  is  all  idle  talk.  I  will  not  be  confirmed 
simply  because  there  are  such  officers  as  Kilby  Smith  for  whom 
places  must  be  kept.  He  has  been  confirmed  of  course.  I  did 
not  seek  my  appointment  nor  have  I  asked  any  living  man  to 
try  to  influence  my  confirmation.  All  who  know  me  are  aware  of 
my  devotion  to  my  country.  The  only  poignant  grief  that  pierces 
my  heart  is  the  effect  a  failure  of  my  confirmation  may  have 
upon  your  mind.  If  I  go  out  of  the  service  it  is  to  strike  hands 
with  poverty  and  wrestle  with  existence.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  13,  1864.  •  •  •  What  I  wrote  yes 
terday  of  my  confirmation  is  perhaps  true,  but  the  declared  rea 
sons,  from  a  subsequent  conversation  with  General  Wilson,  I  am 
satisfied  are  not  the  correct  ones  .  .  .  The  investigation  will  af 
fect  only  the  officer  named  as  the  subject  of  it.  They  have  passed 
over  the  confirmation  of  other  staff  appointments  for  the  present, 
simply  to  enable  them  to  get  through  the  investigation  of  this 
case  in  quiet  ...  I  see  nothing  wrong  in  this  at  all.  As  I 
wrote,  however,  it  is  more  on  your  account  than  my  own  that  I 
should  feel  badly. 

The  General  will  be  back  from  Annapolis  to-morrow.  This 
will  finish  up  his  visits  to  points  of  rendezvous  for  the  troops, 
until  he  has  tried  with  Lee  the  merits  of  their  respective  armies. 
You  see,  I  have  no  doubt,  much  in  the  newspapers  as  to  the  plan 
of  coming  campaigns.  For  these  of  course  we  care  little,  but 
you  know  my  opinion  of  General  William  F.  Smith,  who  has 


416  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

altogether  a  different  plan  from  that  of  the  General,  and  feels 
very  badly  that  Grant  don't  fall  into  his  views  .  .  .  We  have  not 
communicated  his  plans  to  either  General  Wilson  or  General 
Smith.  Of  one  thing  the  country  can  be  assured,  the  General 
does  not.  mean  to  scatter  his  army  and  have  it  whipped  in  detail. 
No  such  calamity  as  this  will  happen  to  us,  I  am  certain.  If  I 
have  ever  been  of  signal  service  to  General  Grant,  it  has  been 
in  my  constant,  firm  advocacy  of  massing  large  forces  against 
small  ones,  in  other  words,  of  always  having  the  advantage  of 
numbers  on  our  side.  Such  is  the  General's  notion  of  battles.  .  .  . 

He  wrote  from  Culpepper  C.  H.,  April  14,  1864,  as  fol 
lows: 

.  .  .  Spring  seems  really  to  be  here,  but  it  has  brought  with  it 
no  ploughman  to  "turn  the  glebe  afield."  All  is  barrenness 
and  desolation.  The  houses  of  the  happy  people  who  once  en 
joyed  their  possessions  here,  stand  solitary  and  alone.  No 
fences  surround  them  to  turn  aside  the  horseman  from  his  path 
of  pleasure  or  of  war.  How  blessed  are  the  people  of  the 
North  compared  to  these.  Of  this  you  have  had  personal  experi 
ence.  Would  to  God  that  the  lessons  war  teaches  a  people  whom 
it  visits  could  be  truly  appreciated  by  those  who  have  not  seen 
its  footprints  on  their  own  farms.  They  could  then  better 
understand  what  we  are  fighting  for,  and  would  with  greater 
alacrity  rally  to  the  support  and  maintenance  of  the  Govern 
ment  left  them  by  Washington  and  his  compeers. 

Be  assured,  I  am  not  one  of  earth's  gloomy  children,  look 
ing  ever  to  the  dark  clouds.  I  am  among  the  most  hopeful. 
When  a  boy  none  pictured  life  more  fair  and  full  of  pleasure, 
none  looked  forward  to  hope  for  happiness,  with  more  eager 
ness  or  boyish  glee,  than  I.  In  all  this  I  have  not  changed. 
The  pleasures  of  home  and  the  happiness  to  be  found  in  the 
bosom  of  my  family  alone  I  estimate  above  all  earthly 
goods.  .  .  . 

Enclosed  I  send  you  the  telegraphic  despatch  from  the  Hon 
orable  E.  B.  Washburne,  informing  me  of  my  confirmation  by 
the  Senate.  It  is  just  received,  and  I  have  no  doubt  will  make 
your  heart  glad.  I  assure  you  it  pleases  me,  for  while  I  never 
sought  the  rank,  yet  after  having  had  it  conferred  upon  me  by 
appointment,  I  should  have  felt  badly  if  I  had  been  rejected 
by  the  Senate,  especially  when  I  have  striven  with  whatever 


APPENDIX  417 

ability  I  possess  to  serve  my  country.  You  can  see  in  all  this 
Mr.  Washburne's  warm  friendship  for  me.  Enclosed  also  I 
hand  you  two  letters  from  him  to  me,  one  dated  December  2ist, 
1861,  in  reference  to  General  Grant,  and  one  written  January 
6th,  1862,  in  reply  to  mine  answering  his  of  December  2ist.3 
My  letter  was  a  detailed  statement  on  the  subject  to  which  his 
alludes.  These  letters  you  will  not  fail  to  preserve.  ...  I  con 
fide  in  you  everything.  The  General  is  still  in  Washington,  but 
telegraphs  he  will  be  here  to-morrow.  I  am  much  better  than 
for  two  or  three  days  past,  but  not  yet  well.  My  appetite  is 
returning,  and  when  it  is  good  I  am  generally  in  fair  health.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  15,  1864.  .  .  .  The  General 
returned  this  afternoon  from  his  Annapolis  visit.  The  rail 
road  guards  at  one  of  the  stations  between  this  and  Washing 
ton  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  the  enemy,  whom  they  re 
pulsed  a  few  minutes  before  the  arrival  of  the  train  the  Gen 
eral  was  on.  So  you  see  his  good  luck  still  sticks  to  him.  I 
have  not  yet  talked  with  him  of  the  result  of  his  visit  to  Burn- 
side.  We  have  received  bad  news  from  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
and  will  continue  to  receive  just  such  to  cheer  us,  while  timid 
Generals,  who  have  been  time-serving  politicians,  are  retained 
in  command.  I  hope  soon  to  see  such  changes  made  as  will 
give  at  least  confidence  that  all  will  be  done  that  can  be  with 
the  forces  given  to  keep  matters  quiet  on  the  Mississippi  River. 
I  am  not  one  of  those  who  think  it  probable  that  we  will  be 
able  to  give  perfect  peace  along  the  banks  of  that  great  river 
until  we  have  entirely  defeated  the  rebel  armies  elsewhere.  .  .  . 

General  Grant's  official  report  of  Chattanooga  is  being  pub 
lished  all  over  the  country,  and  is  receiving  the  most  favorable 
notice  in  all  the  leading  papers.  You  know  I  told  you  it  would 
do  much  for  his  reputation.  And  you  know,  too,  the  manner 
in  which  I  labored  for  weeks  with  Bowers  on  that  report  to 
make  it  show  the  real  truths,  the  plans  and  conceptions  which 
matured  into  the  splendid  victory  of  Chattanooga.  .  .  .  En 
closed  I  send  you  what  the  New  York  Times  says  of  it.  The 
General  fully  appreciates  the  services  of  Bowers  and  myself 
in  this  matter.  He  writes  his  own  reports,  but  they  need  a 
great  deal  of  comparing  with  orders  and  much  rearranging  to 
make  them  the  complete  reports  that  are  shown  in  his  reports 

3  These  letters  have  not  been  found. 


4i8  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  Vicksburg  and  Chattanooga.     Few  men  write  with  greater 
terseness  that  which  fills  their  minds  than  Grant.  .  .  . 

April  16,  1864.  ...  I  have  been  very  busy,  so  much  so  that 
up  to  this  hour,  10  p.  M.,  I  have  just  found  a  moment  to  write 
to  yotr,  and  while  I  write  Colonel  Bowers  is  waiting  for  my 
assistance  in  fixing  up  General  Grant's  old  report  of  the  battle 
of  Belmont,  Mo.,  for  his  new  record  book,  and  I  have  no  idea 
of  getting  to  bed  before  one  or  two  A.  M.  You  see  I  am  never 
where  work  is  not  referred  to  me.  Among  the  letters  I  wrote 
to-day  was  an  official  letter  to  General  Butler  on  the  subject 
of  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  It  requires  a  full  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  validity  of  the  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  paroles, 
and  a  release  to  us  of  a  number  of  officers  and  men  equal  to 
those  we  captured  and  paroled  at  those  places,  before  another  one 
of  theirs  will  be  exchanged,  and  also  exacts  the  same  treatment 
for  colored  soldiers  while  prisoners  and  the  same  conditions 
in  their  exchange  and  release  as  for  white  soldiers.  I  wrote 
this  document  with  great  care,  I  assure  you,  and  although  it 
is  plain  and  clear  in  its  meaning  and  seems  to  be  written  with 
out  labor,  yet  I  measured  it  with  my  best  judgment.  I  expect 
it  to  end  further  exchanges  for  the  present. 

I  am  recovering  from  my  recent  very  sick  turn  slowly,  and 
hope  in  a  few  days  to  feel  as  well  as  I  did  just  preceding  it.  ... 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  17,  1864.  ...  I  do  hope  soon 
for  settled  weather  and  the  commencement  of  active  operations. 
I  begin  to  feel  that  quite  now  is  more  advantageous  to  the 
enemy  than  to  us.  Already  there  are  indications  that  Lee's 
army  will  be  strengthened  from  Johnston's.  One  battalion  and 
one  regiment  of  regulars  have  already  gone  from  the  latter 
to  the  former.  If  such  is  the  case  it  will  be  the  policy  of  Lee 
to  take  the  initiative  and  defeat  this  army  before  Sherman  is 
able  to  move  against  Johnston.  Unless  he  does  this,  his  re- 
enforcing  his  army  from  Johnston's  would  only  expose  the 
latter  to  certain  defeat  by  Sherman.  At  any  rate  I  am  anxious 
for  a  move  as  soon  as  the  roads  will  permit  it.4 

Oh,  how  terribly  our  Government  stands  in  its  own  light  in 
not  enforcing  the  conscription  law.  If  it  had  done  this  last 
January  we  should  now  have  at  least  200,000  additional  men 
in  the  field,  and  an  army  would  be  at  General  Grant's  com- 

4  On  the  Chattanooga- Atlanta  line. 


APPENDIX  419 

mand  that  could  not  be  successfully  opposed  in  any  quarter. 
But  why  talk  over  these  things?  Plain  as  they  are,  they  have 
been  unheeded,  and  to-day  we  have  no  more  force  than  the 
enemy  is  able  to  oppose  to  us,  and  our  liberties  are  still  left 
to  be  decided  by  the  skill  of  contending  Generals  instead  of 
by  the  great  superiority  of  our  resources  in  materials  and 
more  especially  in  men.  God  has  been  most  merciful  to  us 
as  a  people.  He  has  preserved  us  this  far,  in  spite  of  our 
selves,  from  overthrow  and  utter  ruin.  We  certainly  have  not 
helped  ourselves  as  we  might  have  done.  In  God  therefore 
patriots  must  put  their  trust.  I  have  great  and  abiding  faith 
in  our  final  triumph.  I  believe  General  Grant's  plans  in  the 
coming  campaign  will  win.  Still  it  might  have  been  put  beyond 
the  possibility  of  doubt  by  enforcing  the  draft.  .  .  . 

My  cough  is  still  getting  better  and  my  appetite  is  being  re 
stored.  Unless  I  do  get  much  better  I  cannot  think  of  trying 
to  remain  here,  for  I  had  better  quit  the  service  than  to  perma 
nently  injure  my  health.  Permanent  injury  of  my  lungs  would 
of  course  be  certain  death;  this,  however,  I  do  not  seriously 
apprehend.  .  .  . 

April  18,  1864.  .  .  .  The  General  has  been  reviewing  troops 
to-day.  I  did  not  go  out  with  him,  but  shall  to-morrow. 

By  the  latest  information  in  the  papers  it  would  appear  that 
the  enemy  is  moving  troops  from  Johnston's  army  to  that  of 
Lee.  If  so,  you  may  expect  battle  here  before  we  are  prepared 
to  bring  it  on.  Yet,  strong  as  we  are,  we  hope  to  be  able  to 
whip  the  enemy  whenever  he  chooses  to  attack.  I  would  much 
prefer  their  waiting  for  us  to  take  the  initiative.  There  is 
always  a  moral  strength  given  the  attacking  party  that  nothing 
but  strong  fortifications  can  resist.  No  news  from  our  front. 
The  Richmond  papers  have  it  that  Macgruder  has  whipped 
Banks  near  Shreveport  badly.  This  can  hardly  be  so.  Our 
forces,  if  Banks  is  obeying  the  orders  sent  him,  should  ere 
this  be  returning  from  the  Red  River.  This  would  naturally 
give  foundation  for  such  a  report.  The  fact  is  Banks  ought 
now  to  be  back  in  New  Orleans,  but  I  fear  he  will  be  tardy 
in  his  movements. 

I  tell  you  I  shall  ever  look  with  distrust  upon  any  man  who 
ever  in  the  whole  course  of  his  life  could  conjure  up  the  contin 
gency  and  give  expression  to  it  in  which  he  would  "let  the  Union 


420  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

slide."     Such  men  are  not  the  ones  to  trust  too  much  to,   I 
assure  you. 

The  surgeon  was  here  to-day  (two  of  them)  and  sounded 
my  lungs  thoroughly  and  is  satisfied  nothing  is  the  matter  with 
them.  They  say  nothing  ails  me  but  the  chronic  bronchitis, 
which  I  will  recover  from  with  proper  care  of  myself.  They 
also  say  that  I  have  from  over-exertion  greatly  prostrated  my 
whole  physical  organization  and  that  I  need  rest  and  good 
living.  They-  have  prescribed  Codliver  Oil  as  my  principal 
medicine,  and  I  shall  follow  their  prescription  -  most  faith 
fully.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  20,  1864.  .  .  .  The  news  is 
that  Longstreet  has  at  last  reached  Lee  and  that  thirteen  thou 
sand  troops  are  on  the  way  from  Mobile  to  join  Lee.  There 
is  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  this  information.  General  Banks 
has  been  badly  defeated  near  Shreveport,  we  learn  through  the 
press,  but  no  official  intelligence  has  yet  been  received  from 
him.  The  fact  is,  he  has  permitted  his  expedition  to  straggle 
in  detachments  up  the  Red  River,  instead  of  moving  in  mass, 
so  as  to  be  able  to  meet  the  enemy  in  force  should  he  venture 
an  attack.  Finding  him  advancing  in  this  loose  and  desultory 
manner,  they  concentrated  heavily  against  Banks's  advance, 
and  severely  defeated  it,  with  a  loss  of  2,000  men. 

Among  the  killed  I  notice  Cyrus  E.  Dickey,  captain  and 
assistant  adjutant  general  to  General  Ransom.  He  was  a  brave 
and  noble  soldier  and  worth  a  dozen  of  the  Banks  Union  Slid 
ing  Generals.  General  Ransom,  also  a  personal  friend  of  mine, 
was  severely  wounded.  I  hope  this  blunder  of  Banks  may 
place  him  where  he  really  belongs — in  retirement. 

The  success  of  our  Republican  institutions  depends  upon  our 
defeating  the  armies  of  the  rebellion  in  battle,  and  while  the 
God  of  humanity  and  of  liberty  is  on  our  side,  He  will  not 
permit  us  to  triumph  except  through  honest,  patriotic,  unselfish 
men.  Banks  is  in  the  wrong  place.  I  pray  God  different  for 
tune  may  attend  him  hereafter  than  heretofore.  Much,  very 
much,  depends  upon  the  faithful  execution  of  the  orders  en 
trusted  to  him  in  the  coming  campaign.  May  he  lose  sight  of 
self  and  for  once  become  imbued  with  the  true  spirit  that  ever 
insures  success.  Up  to  this  time  he  seemed  to  have  studied  how 
to  make  his  Government  responsible  for  his  failures,  and  he 


APPENDIX  421 

certainly  reads  military  instructions  with  a  view  to  giving  them 
a  different  construction  from  that  which  their  author  intended. 
I  measure  the  man  aright,  you  can  be  assured. 

The  enemy  is  reported  to  be  massing  a  heavy  force  on  our 
left  near  Fredericksburg,  some  suppose  with  a  design  to  attack 
us.  For  my  part,  I  do  not  believe  he  means  any  such  purpose, 
especially  in  that  direction.  We  are  fast  assembling  a  large 
army  here,  and  perhaps  ere  you  read  what  I  am  now  penning, 
especially  if  it  takes  my  letters  as  long  to  reach  you  as  it  does 
yours  to  reach  me,  a  terrible  battle  will  be  fought  and  the  cam 
paign  in  this  quarter  ended.  I  pray  for  victory  to  our  arms ; 
I  know  the  same  prayers  go  up  daily  from  your  pure  heart  and 
that  our  prayers  meet  in  Heaven  far  separated  as  we  are. 
Should  I  meet  my  fate  in  the  conflict,  know,  dearest,  that  one 
at  least  has  fallen  whose  every  heart's  pulsation  was  for  his 
God,  his  country's  honor  and  the  welfare  of  his  dear  wife  and 
children.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  22,  1864.  .  .  .  We  have  been 
reviewing  the  Second  Corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  General 
Hancock  commanding.  It  was  the  finest  display  of  troops  I 
ever  witnessed  at  one  review,  twenty-two  thousand  men  in  all, 
in  one  clear,  open  field,  with  their  glittering  arms,  their  banners 
(many  of  them  battleworn)  and  bands  of  music,  all  conspired 
to  fill  one  with  emotions  of  pride  that  he,  too,  was  an  American 
soldier  fighting  for  the  perpetuation  of  the  principles  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  for  our  Republican  form  of  Government. 
Never  on  but  one  occasion  before  have  I  seen  so  many  men 
at  one  view,  and  that  was  not  on  review.  It  was  in  the  second 
day's  fight  at  Chattanooga.  The  whole  of  Thomas's  army, 
numbering  nearly  twenty-five  thousand  men,5  moved  upon  the 
enemy's  works  across  an  open  plain  much  like  the  field  we 
were  on  to-day,  but  how  different  were  my  feelings  from 
what  they  were  to-day.  As  regiment  after  regiment  of  the 
brave  men  moved  by  I  could  but  feel  that  many  a  one  with 
proud  and  elastic  step  was  marching  to  the  end  of  time,  the 
very  farthest  verge  of  which  they  had  already  reached,  and 
such  was  the  case.  How  eagerly  my  mind  contrasted  the 
pageantry,  the  grandeur  of  to-day  with  that  of  actual  conflict 
at  Chattanooga,  and  the  mind  would  run  along  the  lines  of 

6  Probably  considerably  in  excess  of  25,000. 


422  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

the  not  distant  future  and  picture  these  brave  men  amid  the 
din  and  heat  of  the  coming  terrible  conflict.  How  different 
will  they  then  appear  to  those  whom  Heaven  spares  to  see 
them.  They  are  full  of  hope  and  confidence,  and  in  their  buoy 
ancy  of  spirit,  their  cheerful  soldierly  satisfaction  I  place  the 
fullest  confidence.  They  feel  that  they  can  whip  Lee.  This  is 
much  in  our  favor.  I  believe  they  can  and  will.  Every  effort 
is  being  made  to  concentrate  troops  from  all  sections  here,  and 
much  has  already  been  accomplished.  From  New  York  City 
alone  we  get  three  thousand  men,  or  thereabouts,  that  have 
been  for  months  virtually  dead  to  the  service.  In  all  the  North 
ern  States  are  many  troops,  kept  mainly  that  some  of  our  major 
generals  might  have  commands  in  Peace  Departments  com 
mensurate  with  their  rank.  These  are  all  being  gathered  up 
and  brought  to  the  front.  I  assure  you  nothing  is  left  undone 
that  should  be  done  to  give  us  victory.  Victory  here  is  what 
would  be  of  much  service  to  us.  The  Red  River  expedition 
appears  to  have  been  a  terrible  failure.  Porter  has  his  gun 
boats,  several  of  them  far  up  towards  Shreveport,  with  the 
river  falling  so  that  he  is  prevented  by  sand-bars  from  either 
going  forward  or  returning,  and  is  waiting  for  rain  and  a  rise 
in  the  river.  I  feel  much  anxiety  for  him. 

You  ask  me  if  General  McClellan  is  to  have  a  command.  He 
is  not,  for  the  present  at  least.  You  also  ask  me  what  kind  of 
a  general  General  Meade  is.  He  is  a  man  of  real  sterling 
worth,  and  is  evidently  the  best  general  who  has  yet  been  hon 
ored  with  the  command  of  this  army.  He  is  well  liked  by  both 
men  and  officers,  and  no  change  is  demanded  by  them.  This 
you  can  rest  assured  is  true,  anything  in  the  newspapers  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  23,  1864.  .  .  .  Clear,  dry 
weather.  .  .  . 

Burnside's  corps  commenced  moving  up  from  Annapolis  to 
day  to  join  this  army.  The  moment  it  arrives  we  will  be  ready 
for  action.  Reports  from  Sherman,  Butler  and  Sigel  are  all 
as  cheering  as  we  could  hope  for  under  the  circumstances.  The 
enemy  have  attacked  Plymouth  in  Butler's  Department  and 
been  repulsed.  This  initiatory  move  of  theirs  will  delay  Butler 
somewhat  in  his  preparations  for  cooperation  with  the  move 
ments  of  this  army.  Sherman  and  Sigel  will  both  be  in  readi- 


APPENDIX  423 

ness  without  doubt  at  the  appointed  time,  as  will,  we  trust,  Gen 
eral  Butler,  notwithstanding  this  attack  at  Plymouth.  In  Sher 
man,  Meade  and  Butler,  General  Grant  has  three  Generals,  all 
in  important  commands,  whom  he  can  trust.  They  are  all  three 
loyal  to  their  country,  friends  of  the  General,  and  consequently 
with  no  ambitions  to  be  gratified  that  look  not  to  the  success 
of  our  arms  in  obedience  to  and  in  accordance  with  his  orders 
and  plans. 

General  Sigel  shows  a  fine  disposition,  and  I  have  great  hopes 
that  he  is  a  much  better  officer  than  General  Pope  gave  him 
credit  for  being.  He  is  active  in  his  preparations  for  the  part 
he  is  to  perform  in  the  coming  campaign,  is  subordinate  as  far 
as  I  am  able  to  judge,  and  has  unquestionably  the  interest  of 
the  country  at  heart. 

As  yet  no  official  report  has  been  received  from  General 
Banks.  General  Grant  has  discharged  his  duty  faithfully  in 
this  matter  by  suggestions  to  the  President  that  Banks  be  re 
lieved  by  General  J.  J.  Reynolds  in  the  command  of  the  Gulf 
Department.  What  the  President  will  do  we  don't  as  yet  know. 
General  Banks  may  be,  and  I  have  no  doubt  is,  a  splendid  man 
on  presentations,  but  certainly  as  a  soldier  he  is  a  failure.  The 
men  under  his  command  are  to  all  intents  and  purposes  dead 
to  the  service.  Private  information  would  indicate  that  we 
have  retrieved  much  that  we  had  lost  in  the  Red  River  affair. 
I  hope  this  may  be  true. 

The  Fort  Pillow  Massacre  is  one  of  the  most  brutal  and  hor 
rible  acts  of  fiendishness  on  record.  If  it  is  true  as  reported, 
and  the  Confederate  authorities  endorse  and  approve  it,  I  hope 
the  tongue  of  every  Northern  person  who  would  speak  in  jus 
tification  of  them  or  their  cause  may  cling  to  the  roof  of  their 
mouths.  This  might  make  dumb  many  who  profess  to  be  my 
friends,  but  certainly  could  not  hush  to  me  the  sweet  voice  of 
the  wife  I  love,  for  at  such  acts  of  cruelty  and  barbarism  her 
noble  and  queenly  nature  will  ever  revolt. 

Reports  from  the  front  are  that  Lee  is  massing  all  his  cavalry 
near  Fredericksburg  with  a  view  to  advance  against  us,  which 
may  be  true,  but  I  doubt  it.  ... 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  24,  1864.  •  •  •  The  trees  are 
beginning  to  put  forth  their  leaves,  and  the  fruit  trees  their 
blossoms;  the  green  grass  is  making  its  appearance,  and  real 


424  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

spring  is  upon  us.  I  rode  out  for  exercise  this  afternoon  and 
could  but  contrast  the  acts  of  our  soldiers  in  fencing  in  and 
caring  for  the  cemetery  near  here,  in  which  is  buried  many  hun 
dreds  of  the  enemy's  dead,  with  the  brutal  massacre  at  Fort 
Pillow.  "  How  full  of  reverence  for  Christianity  is  the  contrast 
in  favor  of  our  brave  but  humane  soldiers.  The  dead  and  those 
who  are  captives  with  our  army  cease  to  be  objects  against 
which  they  war.  All  that  religion  demands  in  reverence  of  the 
one,  and  all  that  humanity  requires  in  kindness  to  the  other,  is 
freely  and  willingly  given  by  those  who  fight  for  our  Democratic 
institutions  beneath  the  bright  banner  of  stripes  and  stars. 

Enclosed  I  send  you  some  lines  written  by  Alfred  B.  Street 
on  the  presentation  of  war  banners  to  the  Legislature  of  New 
York.  I  think  them  decidedly  beautiful  and  hope  you  will  co 
incide  with  me  in  this  opinion.  I  also  send  you  by  to-day's 
mail  a  late  Richmond  paper,  from  which  we  have  the  latest 
news  from  Plymouth,  which  is  that  that  place  was  carried  by 
storm  on  the  2Oth  by  the  enemy,  with  a  loss  to  us  of  full  sixteen 
hundred  men,  besides  armament,  supplies,  etc.  This  place  had 
held  out  stubbornly,  and  we  were  in  hopes  all  would  be  safe 
after  they  had  repulsed  the  first  assaults.  This  comes  of  the 
Government  persistently  urging  the  holding  of  places  for  politi 
cal  effect  on  the  people  in  the  seceding  States  and  abroad,  also 
for  the  protection  of  such  of  the  inhabitants  as  commit  them 
selves  to  our  side.  General  Butler  had  asked  permission  to 
withdraw  the  troops  from  Plymouth  some  time  since,  but  the 
reasons  urged,  as  I  heard  him  state  to  General  Grant,  were  the 
ones  I  have  just  recited.  If  the  force  was  to  stay  at  Plymouth, 
then  capture  will  not  materially  affect  us,  for  they  were  virtually 
dead  to  the  service  while  they  remained  there,  at  any  rate.  I 
hope  that  Policy  will  after  a  while  have  discovered  that  she  can 
only  succeed  through  force  of  arms,  and  that  force  should  be 
made  as  strong  as  possible  and  as  compact,  and  be  directed  with 
energy  against  one  point  at  a  time.  In  this  way  only  can  we 
succeed.  .  .  . 

April  25,  1864.  .  .  .  News  of  the  capture  of  Plymouth  by 
the  enemy  has  also  been  officially  received,  and  does  not  differ 
materially  from  my  statement  of  it  in  yesterday's  letter.  I 
shall  write  you  in  a  day  or  two  the  time  fixed  for  our  move 
ments  here.  This  failure  of  General  Banks  has  greatly  discon- 


APPENDIX  425 

certed  us,  and  will  I  fear  permit  the  enemy  to  bring  forward 
here  or  against  Sherman,  as  they  may  deem  best,  from  twenty 
to  twenty-five  thousand  more  men  than  they  would  were  Banks 
at  the  place  it  was  ere  this  intended  he  should  have  been. 

Mrs.  Grant  is  in  New  York  at  Colonel  Hilyer's.  I  see  by 
the  papers  she  attended  the  great  sanitary  fair  in  that  city  and 
voted  for  General  McClellan  on  the  sword  question.  Now  I  am 
free  to  say  if  she  was  required  to  vote  at  all,  she  voted  right, 
but  I  do  think  her  voting  at  all  is  decidedly  bad  taste,  to  say 
the  least  of  it.  If  she  desired  to  go  to  the  fair  she  could  have 
made  her  donation  in  some  other  manner,  one  less  calculated  to 
get  her  name  in  a  paragraph  of  the  daily  newspapers.  The 
General  feels  considerably  annoyed  about  the  matter;  still,  of 
course,  it  amounts  to  very  little  in  itself.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VAV  April  26,  1864.  •  •  •  General  Grant's 
request  to  have  General  Banks  relieved  from  duty  in  the  field 
the  President  declines  to  accede  to  till  he  has  heard  further 
from  the  Red  River  expedition.  I  trust  in  God  Banks  may 
retrieve  himself.  My  heart  beats  fearfully  for  the  brave  men 
he  commands.  Many  of  them  I  know  personally.  They  are  of 
the  heroes  of  Vicksburg.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  27,  1864.  ...  A  few  more  days 
and  all  will  be  ready  for  the  spring  campaign.  General  Burn- 
side's  corps  has  reached  Washington,  and  the  head  of  his  col 
umn  arrived  at  Fairfax  C.  H.,  some  distance  this  side,  to-night. 
General  Sherman  has  gone  forward  from  Nashville  to  Chatta 
nooga,  not  to  return  till  he  has  tried  with  Joe  Johnston  for  the 
mastery  of  Georgia.  Sigel  is  in  readiness,  and  all  of  Butler's 
troops  but  six  regiments  are  up.  These  forces  will  move  simul 
taneously  at  the  appointed  time,  which  will  be  before  you  receive 
this  letter  unless  other  orders  than  those  out  are  given.  So 
you  see  we  have  not  been  idle. 

Colonel  Bowers  and  myself  finished  yesterday  General 
Grant's  report  of  the  battle  of  Belmont.  It  is  a  very  creditable 
one  and  places  that  engagement  in  its  true  light  for  transmittal 
to  posterity,  so  far  as  could  be  known  to  our  side.  I  have  long 
since  learned  that  an  action  creditable  in  itself  can  be  best  pre 
sented  in  the  garb  of  real  facts.  So  whenever  you  see  any 
report  with  which  I  have  had  anything  whatever  to  do,  depend 
upon  it,  the  historian  who  accepted  it  as  true  will  most  certainly 


426  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

not  deceive  the  searchers  after  truth.  ...  I  entered  the  service 
September  12,  1861.  We  shall  move  from  here  in  a  day  or 
two.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  April  28,  1864.  .  .  .  The  General  and 
I  dined  to-day  with  the  Honorable  John  Minor  Botts,  the  man 
who  presents  the  very  remarkable  phenomenon  of  belonging  to 
no  Government,  although  living  in  the  State  where  he  was  born. 
He  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  men  in  conversation  I  think 
I  have  ever  met,  and  at  heart  I  am  sure  is  a  truly  loyal  man, 
loyal  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  desires  our 
success  above  all  things.  Yet  he  has  managed  to  remain  neutral 
throughout  this  struggle.  I  speak  of  him  thus,  however,  with 
out  approving  his  course.  If  a  man  is  loyal  to  his  government 
he  should  use  whatever  influence  he  possesses  in  aid  of  it. 
There  is  no  excuse  in  my  mind  for  his  doing  otherwise. 

Everything  here  progresses  as  well  as  could  be  hoped  for. 
No  news  of  importance  from  the  front.  I  forgot  to  mention 
in  my  letter  of  yesterday  that  it  was  General  Grant's  forty-sec 
ond  birthday.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  April  29,  1864.  .  .  .  Quite  cold  and  chilly 
to-day.  Rode  yesterday  without  an  overcoat,  caught  cold,  which 
troubles  me  quite  seriously.  I  am  satisfied  from  the  effect  these 
rides  have  upon  me  I  shall  have  to  take  a  leave  of  absence  for 
two  or  three  months  unless  I  get  better  much  faster  than  I 
am  at  present.  Do  not  now  understand  me  to  say  that  I  am  not 
better,  very  much  better  than  I  was  when  I  came  here.  I  shall, 
as  I  have  before  stated,  unless  I  get  well  sooner,  get  leave  of 
absence  the  moment  this  campaign  terminates,  and  whether  I 
spend  it  East  or  West  must  depend  very  much  upon  my  condi 
tion  then  and  the  advice  of  the  physician.  .  .  . 

CULPEPPER  C.  H.,  VA.,  May  2,  1864.  .  .  .  Chilly  with  cold 
rain. 

The  news  from  Sherman  is  satisfactory  in  defeating  the 
rebel  army  in  Georgia.  Should  victory  light  upon  his  eagles, 
he  will  avail  himself  of  every  advantage  of  the  situation,  I 
assure  you.  There  is  a  confidence  in  the  Western  army  of  their 
ability  to  win  that  is  commendable  in  every  army,  and  I  wish 
in  my  heart  all  our  others  possessed  it. 

There  is  a  habit  contracted  among  officers  of  this  army  any- 


APPENDIX  427 

thing  but  praiseworthy,  namely,  of  saying  of  Western  successes : 
"Well,  you  never  met  Bobby  Lee  and  his  boys;  it  would  be 
quite  different  if  you  had."  And  in  speaking  of  the  probabili 
ties  of  our  success  in  the  coming  campaign :  "Well,  that  may 
be,  but,  mind  you,  Bobby  Lee  is  just  over  the  Rapidan,"  when 
if  these  very  same  officers  would  but  look  at  simple  facts  they 
would  find  that  Meade  since  assuming  command  of  this  army 
has  not  only  outgeneraled  General  Lee,  but  has  whipped  him 
badly  in  every  considerable  engagement  they  have  fought.  To 
wit,  at  Gettysburg  compelling  him  to  flee  in  haste  towards  Rich 
mond,  and  also  at  the  crossing  of  the  Rappahannock,  where  a 
division  of  Sedgwick's  corps  captured  two  brigades  of  Lee's 
army. 

It  may  be  answered  by  the  admirers  of  Lee  and  the  defamers 
of  the  Union  Generals  that  Meade  fell  back  towards  Washington 
last  fall,  but  this  was  the  best  thing  General  Meade  could  do, 
for  it  enabled  him  to  have  the  full  benefit  of  the  35,000  troops 
in  that  garrison,  in  case  Lee  gave  battle.  Finding,  however, 
that  Lee  had  apparently  changed  his  mind,  Meade  followed  him 
with  a  large  and  concentrated  force  and  as  rapidly  as  possible 
to  the  south  side  of  the  Rapidan.  Subsequently  Meade  crossed 
the  Rapidan  in  his  face,  and  drove  him  beyond  his  works  at 
Mine  Run,  and  then  returned,  with  but  little  loss  to  his  present 
position.  Here  Lee's  admirers  will  interpose  the  inquiry:  "Why 
didn't  Meade  fight  him  at  Mine  Run?"  which  may  be  just  as 
fairly  answered  as  it  is  put  by  saying:  "Why  didn't  Lee  fight 
Meade  when  he  followed  him  to  Washington?"  No,  the  facts 
are,  since  Meade  took  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
it  has  beaten  the  Army  of  North  Virginia  in  every  considerable 
conflict,  and  truthful  history  will  so  record  it.  The  engage 
ments  have  been  few,  but  all  of  them  have  been  decisive  and 
the  result  not  doubtful.  I  am  full  of  hope  and  trust  in  God 
for  victory. 

This  evening  I  received  a  note  from  a  lieutenant  in  our  army 
saying  there  was  a  Miss  Rawlins  at  Stephensburg,  five  miles 
distant  from  here,  who  was  desirous  of  knowing  if  I  was  in  any 
wise  related  to  Major  Owen,  or  Thomas,  or  John  Rawlins  of 
Missouri,  and  that  they  were  all  her  uncles.  They  are  also 
uncles  of  mine,  but  the  two  last  mentioned  are  dead,  if  I  remem 
ber  correctly.  I  do  not  know  how  a  cousin  of  mine,  a  lady, 
could  get  down  here.  I  know  my  grandfather  was  from  Vir- 


428  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ginia,  but  from  what  part  I  cannot  state.  I  had  supposed  none 
of  my  uncles  resided  in  this  State.  Unless  she  is  the  daughter 
of  my  Uncle  Benjamin,  who  lived  in  Kentucky,  I  cannot  guess 
her  parentage.  To-morrow  if  it  is  clear  and  I  feel  able  to  stand 
a  ride,  I  shall  call  on  her,  for  I  know  it  will  interest  father  very 
much  to  hear  all  the  particulars  and  to  learn  that  she  is  not 
suffering.  I  am  much  better  to-day  and  am  taking  precious 
good  care  of  myself.  Enclosed  find  photograph  of  General 
Augur,  who  commanded  the  defences  at  Washington.  .  .  . 


II 

EXTRACTS    AND    LETTERS 

EXTRACTS  from  an  article  contributed  by  S.  Cadwallader  to 
the  St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat,  dated  Springfield,  Missouri, 
February  10,  1884. 

.  .  .  The  eyes  of  the  nation  are  now  turned  for  the  first  time, 
in  any  extended  sense,  to  the  source  and  inspiration  of  General 
Grant's  brilliant  achievements.  It  has  long  been  known  to  all 
the  intimates  of  both  that  Rawlins  was  the  power  behind  Grant, 
greater  even  than  Grant  himself.  All  the  officers  of  high  rank 
who  had  much  knowledge  of  General  Grant's  headquarters  life, 
or  even  thrown  in  frequent  personal  communication  with  him, 
know  that  I  but  state  the  truth.  Not  one  of  them  but  has  known 
and  been  made  to  feel  that  in  all  public,  military  and  official 
senses  Grant's  was  a  dual  existence,  composed  of  Grant-Rawlins, 
with  the  Rawlins  element  in  all  emergencies  strongly  predomi 
nating.  Not  one  of  them  but  learned  to  wait  for  the  final  de 
cision  in  any  great  event  until  counsel  had  been  taken  with  the 
often  silent  and  seemingly  taciturn  Chief  of  Staff. 

.  .  .  General  Rawlins's  influence  upon  the  personal  habits  of 
General  Grant  commenced  within  a  week  after  his  arrival  at 
Cairo  in  August,  1861,  to  accept  the  appointment  of  Assistant 
Adjutant  General  with  the  rank  of  Captain.  He  found  Gen 
eral  Grant's  office  was  substantially  in  his  hat  or  in  his  pockets, 
as  convenience  prompted,  and  the  camp  story  was  but  slightly 
exaggerated  which  asserted  that  half  his  general  orders  were 


APPENDIX  429 

blowing  about  in  the  sand  and  dirt  of  the  streets  of  Cairo.  All 
was  soon  reduced  to  order,  and  office  habits,  methods  and  forms 
enforced.  He  also  found  much  roystering  and  drinking  at 
headquarters  among  the  staff  officers  and  their  invited  guests. 
Discipline  among  them  there  was  none,  and  as  a  rule  but  little 
deference  to  rank  and  military  custom.  He  soon  foresaw  that 
if  General  Grant  was  to  have  any  future  promotion  all  this 
must  be  changed,  and,  having  cast  in  his  lot  with  him  for  better 
or  for  worse,  he  set  about  the  difficult  and  thankless  job  of 
correcting  their  evils. 

He  obtained  General  Grant's  consent  to  the  issuance  of  an 
order  forbidding  any  open  use  of  liquors  or  public  drinking 
at  headquarters.  This  was  the  first  foundation  stone  upon 
which  the  whole  superstructure  of  Grant's  greatness  was  there 
after  erected.  Having  Grant's  authority  for  this  step,  given, 
perhaps,  with  little  thought  of  the  iron  determination  at  its 
back,  it  was  from  that  day  to  the  end  of  the  war  mercilessly 
enforced.  No  one  ever  saw  any  open  public  drinking  at  Gen 
eral  Grant's  headquarters  from  that  time  forward.  There  was 
much  rebellion  among  the  staff.  Many  of  them  tried  to  ignore 
its  provisions,  but  found  themselves  throttled  by  the  iron  hand 
of  Rawlins. 

Finding  themselves  powerless,  they  next  resorted  to  keeping 
private  stores  of  bottkd  liquors  in  their  own  tents,  inviting 
their  friends  in  there,  dropping  the  flap  of  the  tent  and  some 
times  having  a  carouse.  It  was  soon  noticed  that  these  officers 
lost  caste,  were  ordered  to  their  regiments,  or  in  some  way 
removed  from  headquarters.  Later  on  it  was  no  secret  that 
any  staff  officer  who  offered  the  General  a  glass  of  liquor,  or 
drank  with  him,  or  in  any  way  whatever  connived  at  his  taking 
so  much  as  a  single  drink,  would  be  disgracefully  dismissed  and  | 
actually  degraded  in  rank  as  soon  as  it  could  be  brought  about. 
There  was  much  indignation  expressed  at  first  against  this 
arbitrary  authority  exercised  by  Captain,  Major  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Rawlins,  as  he  reached  these  promotions,  by  the  full 
Colonels  on  the  staff,  who  claimed  the  prerogatives  of  superior 
rank.  But  General  Grant  maintained  his  Adjutant,  and  re 
spected  him  the  more  for  the  stand  he  took,  because  he  knew  it 
to  be  a  turning  point  in  his  own  life. 

It  would  be  impossible  in  one  communication  to  enumerate 
one  in  a  hundred  of  the  instances  in  which  the  high  vantage 


430  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ground  of  right,  first  seized  and  occupied  by  Rawlins,  became 
Grant's  own,  reluctantly  at  first,  from  which  his  greatest  tri 
umphs  were  afterwards  directed  and  secured.  In  the  daily 
routine  of  business  Rawlins  seemed  endowed  with  an  extra 
sense.  He  instinctively  discerned  fraud  and  corruption,  and 
kept  it  at  a  distance.  No  rogue  ever  got  a  chance  to  make  him  a 
dishonest  proposal.  In  the  official  correspondence  of  the  office 
he  was  a  fine  judge  of  the  force  and  interpretation  of  language. 
A  noted  illustration  of  this  occurred  during  the  interchange  of 
notes  leading  to  Lee's  surrender.  The  latter  demanded  finally 
what  terms  would  be  accorded  him  provided  he  surrendered. 
Grant  promptly  named  them,  despatched  them  to  Lee  by  Gen 
eral  Seth  Williams,  and  then  with  his  staff  trained  along  at 
the  head  of  Meade's  column,  in  Lee's  rear,  all  Saturday  after 
noon,  April  8,  expecting  their  acceptance. 

He  was  at  last  obliged  to  stop  at  a  deserted  house  for  the 
night,  twenty-five  miles  from  his  own  headquarters'  train.  The 
only  bed  in  the  house  was  upstairs,  and  was  occupied  by  Grant 
and  Rawlins.  Late  in  the  night  a  despatch  was  brought  from 
Lee  desiring  Grant  to  meet  him  next  morning  at  a  designated 
place  to  arrange  "terms  of  peace."  Grant  was  elated,  and  pro 
posed  doing  so.  Rawlins  objected,  because  "terms  of  peace" 
not  being  under  discussion,  it  was  a  complete  change  of  the 
terms  of  the  correspondence,  purposely  made  to  gain  time. 
Grant  contended  Lee  meant  precisely  the  same  thing — that  they 
could  settle  it  all  in  fifteen  minutes.  But  Rawlins  carried  his 
point,  and  Lee's  succeeding  note,  sent  in  great  haste  next  morn 
ing,  was  an  unconditional  acceptance. 

In  planning  campaigns  it  was  a  common  thing  for  Rawlins 
to  interpose  many  objections  of  major  or  minor  importance. 
Grant  would  consider,  for  instance,  that  his  force  was  now  suffi 
cient.  Rawlins,  who  always  favored  the  utmost  concentration, 
would  say: 

"Well,  we  have  possibly  troops  enough;  but  here  is  such  a 
brigade,  division  or  corps  (naming  them)  that  has  not  marched 
a  mile  for  months.  We  will  bring  them  within  supporting  dis 
tance,"  etc. 

It  was  always  done  and  they  were  generally  used.  The  last 
year  of  the  war  the  West  was  stripped  of  troops  to  reenforce 
Schofield  and  Sherman  in  the  Carolinas.  Rosecrans  complained 
that  he  had  no  force  to  withstand  General  Price,  who  was 


APPENDIX  431 

overrunning  Missouri,  and  that  he  could  not  keep  him  out  of 
St.  Louis  if  he  chose  to  come  there.  The  War  Department 
finally  listened  to  the  extent  of  calling  Grant's  attention  to  it. 
He  came  to  Rawlins  for  specific  information,  and,  upon  looking 
the  matter  over,  admitted  it  was  scarcely  fair  to  Rosecrans. 
Rawlins  took  the  ground  that  the  war  had  to  be  fought  out  in 
the  East;  that  whether  Price  captured  St.  Louis  or  not  cut  no 
figure  whatever  in  the  grand  drama  which  would  be  ended  in 
the  spring  on  the  Southeastern  seaboard.  Grant  yielded,  and 
Rawlins  kept  on  drawing  from  other  departments  till  the  end 
came.  After  the  war  Grant  became  involved  with  General 
Buell  in  a  newspaper  controversy  concerning  the  latter's  marches 
towards  Shiloh.  Rawlins  summarily  ended  that. 

About  the  same  time  Grant  and  Sherman  began  an  unofficial 
correspondence  concerning  reconstruction,  as  two  "old  cronies" 
in  private  life  might  properly  do.  One  of  Grant's  habits  was  to 
make  rough  drafts  of  all  letters  of  much  length,  and  have  them 
copied  by  a  clerk,  when  he  would  sign  them  and  leave  them  to 
be  mailed.  Rawlins  had  long  before  made  a  cast-iron  rule  that 
no  scrap  of  correspondence  should  ever  leave  the  office  until  it 
had  passed  under  his  personal  supervision.  One  of  Grant's 
letters  was  quietly  pigeon-holed  till  inquired  for.  Rawlirjs 
apologized  for  detaining  it  by  saying  there  was  too  much  poli 
tics  in  it.  Grant  did  not  think  it  had  any  political  significance, 
but  he  revised  the  whole  letter,  had  it  recopied  when  it  was 
again  pigeon-holed  by  Rawlins.  This  time  General  Grant  said 
he  thought  he  was  competent  to  manage  his  own  private  cor 
respondence  and  ought  to  be  allowed  to  do  so.  But  Rawlins 
laughed  him  out  of  it,  carried  the  point,  and  that  particular  let 
ter  was  never  sent. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  General  Grant  never  transmitted  a  line 
of  official  correspondence,  nor  made  an  official  report  until  Raw 
lins  had  examined  it  carefully  and  given  it  his  full  approval.  It 
is  equally  certain  that  he  never  adopted  the  plan  for  a  campaign, 
nor  moved  an  army,  nor  changed  a  corps,  a  corps  commander, 
nor  any  commissioned  officer,  without  the  full  consent  of  Gen 
eral  Rawlins.  If  for  any  reason  Rawlins  objected,  the  matter 
was  taken  under  advisement,  and  the  proposition  so  amended, 
modified  or  altered  as  to  remove  his  objections,  or  it  was  wholly 
abandoned.  He  had  such  implicit  faith  in  Rawlins's  judgment 
that  he  distrusted  his  own  plans  if  they  did  not  also  commend 


432  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

themselves  to  General  Rawlins.  His  dependence  upon  him  in 
some  of  these  ways  was  marvelous.  It  was  also  the  most 
touching  and  convincing  proof  of  genuine  esteem  and  affection. 
Nor  was  this  friendship  between  these  men  one-sided.  Rawlins 
gave  himself  absolutely  to  Grant's  service,  and  the  latter  never 
questioned  it.  The  combined  ingenuity  of  all  the  men  in  the 
United  States  could  never  have  disturbed  their  confidence  in 
each  other.  It  was  never  demonstrative,  but  formed  the  under 
current  in  both  their  lives. 

During  the  war  Grant  wrote  no  political  letters,  expressed  no 
purely  political  opinions,  and  the  country  was  for  two  or  three 
years  in  doubt  whether  he  was  a  Democrat  or  a  Republican. 
The  drafts  of  many  such  letters  were  made  in  response  to  re 
peated  and  pressing  inquiries,  but  the  persistent,  unyielding 
opposition  of  Rawlins  to  any  such  a  committal  by  Grant  was 
always  respected  by  the  great  commander.  It  was  only  when 
Rawlins's  own  health  broke  down  and  he  made  a  trip  to  Cali 
fornia  that  the  politicians  got  hold  of  Grant  to  the  extent  of 
putting  him  in  training  for  the  Presidency,  to  secure  their  own 
selfish  purposes. 

Another  fact  but  faintly  understood  in  the  past  will  become 
as  patent  as  the  noonday  sun.  The  war  produced  no  man 
who  was  General  Rawlins's  superior  in  strategy.  He  had  no 
military  education  whatever,  in  the  tactical  sense.  He  could 
not  have  drilled  a  squad,  perhaps,  but  he  had  the  capacity  to 
plan  great  campaigns,  and  could  have  led  any  of  our  great 
armies  from  victory  to  victory.  It  is  too  much  to  expect  that 
the  military  martinets  of  to-day  will  readily  concede  this.  Nor 
will  some  having  assured  military  reputations  relish  the  idea. 
They  may  even  attempt  some  slight  disparagement  of  Rawlins's 
great  capacity. 

General  Sherman  is  credited  with  pronouncing  Rawlins  a 
"fierce  man"  whereas  his  normal  characteristic  was  that  of  the 
gentlest  of  men.  That  he  was  "fierce"  sometimes  is  undeniable, 
but  it  was  the  fierceness  of  maternal  instinct  exhibited  in  wild 
animals  that  leads  them  to  dare  anything  and  rush  to  certain 
destruction  in  defense  of  those  dependent  upon  them.  When 
ever,  if  ever,  General  Sherman  endangered  General  Grant,  that 
he  would  be  fiercely  antagonized  by  General  Rawlins  goes  with 
out  saying  to  all  who  knew  the  man. 

These  letters  of  Rawlins,  given  to  the  public  by  Boynton,  are 


APPENDIX  433 

genuine.  I  know  the  history  of  each,  and  was  an  important 
factor  in  that  of  the  first  one.  But  they  are  only  two  out  of 
a  large  trunk  full  of  invaluable  letters,  papers,  despatches  and 
public  and  private  documents  which  General  Rawlins  kept  in 
his  private  bedchamber  when  we  lived  together  at  the  head  of 
Montgomery  Street,  Georgetown.  .  .  .  Should  the  present  cus 
todian  of  these  letters  bring  them  all  to  light,  much  of  the 
personal  history  of  the  late  war  will  have  to  be  rewritten,  many 
men  now  esteemed  great  will  find  their  reputations  badly 
smirched,  the  stature  of  others  will  be  dwarfed  to  more  nat 
ural  proportions,  and  the  country  then  learn  the  debt  of  grati 
tude  to  one  of  the  purest  patriots,  ablest  military  minds,  and 
finest  type  of  a  heroic,  self-sacrificing  friend  ever  born  on  its 
soil — General  John  Aaron  Rawlins. 

Letter  from  John  A.  Rawlins  to  E.  B.  Washburne,  January 
30,  1864. 

On  my  return  from  the  North,  I  was  pleased  to  find  your 
very  welcome  and  interesting  letter  of  the  3Oth  ult,  and  I  hasten 
to  assure  you,  your  friendship  for  the  General,  your  devotion  to 
our  common  country  and  heroic  manifestation  of  interest  in  the 
welfare  and  success  of  our  army  here,  through  evil  as  well  as 
good  report,  in  the  dark  of  the  Nation's  despondency  as  well 
as  in  the  light  of  its  victories  are  truly  and  honestly  appreci 
ated,  and  to  you,  more  than  to  any  one  in  congress,  the  great 
heart  of  this  army  warms  with  gratitude  as  the  true  represen 
tative  and  bold  and  uncompromising  defender.  ...  So  give 
yourself  no  concern  in  the  matter  of  the  Cavalry  regiment  you 
speak  of,  for  the  general  fully  understands  your  motives,  and 
knows  them  to  be  prompted  solely  by  a  desire  for  the  public 
service  and  in  friendship  to  him. 

...  I  see  by  the  papers  the  bill  creating  a  lieutenant-gen- 
eralcy  is  still  undisposed  of.  As  far  as  Gen.  Grant  may  be 
regarded  in  connection  with  it,  I  only  say  that  if  the  conferring 
of  the  distinguished  honor  on  him  would  be  the  taking  him  out 
of  the  field  or  with  a  view  to  the  superseding  of  Gen.  Halleck, 
he  would  not  desire  it,  for  he  feels  that  if  he  can  be  of  service 
to  the  government  in  any  place  it  is  in  command  of  the  army  in 
the  field,  and  there  is  where  he  would  remain  if  made  a  lieuten 
ant-general;  besides  he  has  great  confidence  in  and  friendship 


434  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

for  the  general-in-chief  and  would,  without  regard  to  rank,  be 
willing  at  all  times  to  receive  orders  through  him. 

The  advocacy  of  the  New  York  Herald  and  other  papers  of 
the  general  for  the  presidency,  gives  him  little  concern;  he 
is  unambitious  for  the  honor  and  will  voluntarily  put  himself 
in  no  position  nor  permit  himself  to  be  placed  in  one  he  can 
prevent  that  will  in  the  slightest  manner  embarrass  the  friends 
of  the  government  in  their  present  grand  effort  to  enforce  its 
rightful  authority  and  restore  the  Union  of  the  states.  Of  his 
views  in  this  matter  I  suppose  he  has  fully  acquainted  you. 

The  presence  of  Longstreet  in  East  Tennessee  is  much  to  be 
regretted.  Had  Gen.  "Grant's  orders  been  energetically,  and 
with  a  broader  judgment,  executed  by  Gen.  Burnside,  Long- 
street  would  have  been  forced  to  continue  his  retreat  from 
Knoxville  to  beyond  the  Tennessee  line.  The  General's  official 
report  will  show  the  facts  and  orders  and  will  be  satisfac 
tory,  I  have  no  doubt,  to  the  government.  Our  forces  in  the 
Holston  Valley,  east  of  Knoxville,  have  been  compelled  by 
Longstreet  to  fall  back  toward  Knoxville.  Whether  he  intends 
to  again  undertake  the  capture  of  that  place,  or  simply  to  ex 
tend  his  forage  ground,  is  not  as  yet  known.  In  either  design, 
he  must  be  foiled.  Gen.  Grant,  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith,  and  myself 
go  forward  to-morrow  to  Chattanooga  that  the  General  may 
be  enabled  to  give  his  personal  attention  to  affairs  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Knoxville. 

Extract  of  letter  from  U.  S.  Grant  to  E.  B.  Washburne, 
August  30,  1863. 

Rawlins  and  Maltby  have  been  appointed  brigadier-generals. 
These  are  richly-deserved  promotions.  Rawlins,  especially,  is  no 
ordinary  man.  The  fact  is,  if  he  had  started  in  this  war  in  the 
line  instead  of  in  the  staff,  there  is  every  possibility  he  would 
be  to-day  one  of  our  shining  lights.  As  it  is,  he  is  better  and 
more  favorably  known  than  probably  any  other  officer  in  the 
army,  who  has  filled  only  staff  appointments.  Whilst  others 
give  respectability  to  the  position,  Rawlins  is  in  the  latter  class. 
My  kind  regards  to  the  citizens  of  Galena. 

Extract  of  letter  from  U.  S.  Grant  to  A.  Lincoln,  July  19,  1864. 

In  my  opinion  there  ought  to  be  an  immediate  call  for,  say 
300,000  men,  to  be  put  in  the  field  in  the  shortest  possible  time. 


APPENDIX  435 

The  presence  of  this  number  of  reinforcements  would  save  the 
annoyance  of  raids  and  would  enable  us  to  drive  the  enemy 
back  from  his  present  front,  particularly  from  Richmond,  with 
out  attacking  fortifications. 


Ill 


ADDRESS    OF    GENERAL    RAWLINS,     FIRST     PRESIDENT,    SOCIETY 

ARMY    OF    THE    TENNESSEE,    AT    CINCINNATI,     NOVEMBER 

I4,    1865 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  TENNESSEE  : 

Permit  me  to  thank  you  for  the  honor  you  have  conferred 
upon  me  in  selecting  me  as  your  first  President. 

In  the  success  of  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
and  the  promotion  of  the  objects  it  has  in  view,  our  interests 
are  in  common.  It  concerns  us  all  alike.  If  it  succeeds  as  well 
as  the  Army,  from  which  it  derives  its  name  and  existence, 
succeeded  in  its  purposes  and  destiny,  we  will  have  realized  our 
highest  expectations. 

In  April,  1861,  the  nation  was  startled  by  the  sound  of  hostile 
cannon,  the  thunder  of  a  storm  that  had  been  gathering  for 
some  time  in  the  South  and  Southeast,  threatening  our  national 
existence. 

The  people  of  the  great  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  who  gave  to 
the  country,  with  other  armies,  that  of  the  Tennessee,  consult 
ing  their  maps  found  that  the  United  States  of  America  con 
sisted  then  of  thirty-four  States,  besides  Territories,  and  com 
prised  all  that  portion  of  the  Western  Continent  lying  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans  and  between  the  49th  and  26th 
degrees  of  North  latitude;  that  the  people  of  eleven  of  these 
States,  in  which  slavery  existed,  comprised  all  that  portion  of 
this  vast  extent  of  country  south  of  Washington  on  the  Poto 
mac  river  and  Wheeling,  on  the  Ohio  river,  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  westward  to  Forts  Donelson  and 
Henry,  on  the  Cumberland  and  Tennessee  Rivers  and  to  the 
Kentucky  and  Missouri  State  lines  on  the  Mississippi  river,  had 
some  of  them  already  denied  allegiance  to  the  United  States, 


436  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

refused  obedience  to  its  laws,  organized  State  governments  in 
hostility  to  its  authority  and  confederated  together  under  the 
name  and  style  of  the  "Confederate  States  of  America,"  to 
maintain  their  independence  of  the  United  States ;  and  that  the 
people  of  the  others  were  following,  as  rapidly  as  possible  to 
join  them,  while  in  the  remaining,  or  three  principal  slave- 
holding  states,  every  effort  was  made  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Rebellion  in  the  other  states,  and  by  some  of  their  own  most 
prominent  and  influential  men  and  officials,  to  compel  them  to 
cast  their  lot  with  those  already  in  or  rapidly  going  into  rebel 
lion.  So  successful  were  they  that  thousands  of  men  were 
recruited  for  the  rebel  armies,  large  amounts  of  supplies  ob 
tained,  and  the  people  so  divided  in  their  sentiments  of  loyalty 
and  disloyalty  that,  throughout  the  long  war  which  followed,  it 
required  quite  as  great  vigilance  to  protect  our  lines  of  com 
munications  through  these  States  as  in  the  States  in  actual 
rebellion.  It  was  not  long  either  before  the  people  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  Valley  found  the  Cumberland  and  Tennessee  rivers,  one 
rising  way  up  in  Kentucky  and  the  other  in  the  mountains  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  both  of  them  pouring  their  flood 
of  waters  into  the  Ohio,  in  danger  of  being  closed  at  Paducah, 
while  they  were  shut  out  from  the  great  Mississippi  itself,  and 
all  its  tributaries  below  Cairo. 

Turning  from  the  map  to  the  flag  of  their  country,  they  found 
a  constellation  of  thirty-four  stars,  each  star  of  equal  bril 
liancy,  and  each  representing  a  State  equal  in  all  its  rights  to 
any  other  State  in  the  Union  of  States  represented  by  that  con 
stellation.  Then  opening  the  Constitution  of  their  country  and 
placing  it  upon  the  map  in  the  concentrated  light  of  that  con 
stellation,  they  read:  "We  the  people  of  the  United  States  in 
order  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure 
domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote 
the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  our 
selves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitu 
tion  for  the  United  States  of  America."  They  saw  that  it,  and 
the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  was  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding.  That  new  States  might  come 
into  the  Union,  but  there  was  no  way  provided  for  any  State  to 
go  out.  They  saw  what  the  .United  States  could  do,  and  what 
States  could  not  do.  They  saw  the  rights  of  the  general  Gov- 


APPENDIX  437 

ernment  clearly  defined,  and  their  interest  as  citizens  in  main 
taining  and  enforcing  these  rights,  and  not  only  did  they  see 
that  it  was  their  interest  to  do  so,  but  that  it  was  their  duty— 
a  duty  enjoined  upon  them  by  the  blood  of  their  Revolutionary 
sires — a  duty  the  performance  of  which  was  invoked  by  all  the 
interests  of  their  posterity. 

There,  too,  was  the  authority  for  calling  forth  militia  to  exe 
cute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrection  and  repel 
invasions.  And  in  the  meridian  blaze  of  this  contellation,  with 
swelling  hearts  they  lifted  their  eyes  to  Almighty  God — the  God 
of  their  ancestors — and  resolved  that  sooner  than  surrender 
one  of  these  national  rights,  bought  by  the  blood  and  secured  by 
the  wisdom  of  their  fathers,  they  would  give  up  life  itself  ; 
that,  as  heretofore,  the  constellation  upon  their  flag  had  lighted 
all  the  ways  upon  the  seas  and  upon  the  land,  by  which  the 
nation  had  advanced  to  greatness  and  power,  so  it  should  con 
tinue  to  do  in  the  future;  that  no  hostile  power  should  remain 
upon  any  foot  of  the  soil  of  the  United  States  of  America 
longer  than  it  was  possible  to  replace  the  flag  there,  and  that 
no  power  should  strike  from  that  flag  one  of  its  stars  or  dim 
the  luster  of  one.  In  this  resolve  they  rallied  to  the  call  of  the 
nation's  chieftain,  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  the  nation's  defense. 

Cairo,  Illinois,  was  occupied  by  us  April  23,  1861.  On  the 
28th  of  August  following,  General  (then  Brigadier  General) 
U.  S.  Grant,  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  District  of 
Southeast  Missouri,  and  on  the  4th  of  September  following 
established  his  headquarters  at  Cairo,  Illinois. 

From  this  time,  it  may  be  properly  said,  commenced  the 
growth  and  organization  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  under 
General  Grant.  He  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  had 
served  with  distinction  in  the  actual  command  of  men  in  battle 
in  the  Mexican  war  and  was  thoroughly  versed  in  the  details 
and  practical  workings  of  the  departmental  and  staff  corps  of 
the  army.  His  command  consisted  of  volunteers,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  one  officer,  General  E.  A.  Paine,  who  also  had  the 
advantage  of  a  West  Point  education,  but  had  resigned  the 
service  soon  after  graduating.  The  men  and  volunteer  officers 
that  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  inspired 
solely  by  the  love  of  country  and  a  desire  for  the  success  of  the 
national  arms,  believed  that,  all  things  else  being  equal,  a  mili 
tary  education  and  actual  experience  in  the  command  of  troops 


438  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

was  of  advantage  to  their  possessor,  and  as  there  was  no  one 
under  General  Grant  possessing  these  requisites  in  the  same 
degree,  he  stood  without  a  rival.  This  for  the  country  and  for 
himself  was  most  fortunate.  A  disposition  to  the  greatest  de 
gree  of  subordination  prevailed  throughout  his  district. 

On  the  5th  of  September  he  learned  that  the  enemy  were 
moving  on  Paducah,  Kentucky,  and  on  the  evening  of  that  day, 
with  a  force  of  two  regiments  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  he  left 
Cairo,  accompanied  by  two  gun  boats,  and  the  next  morning, 
September  6th,  took  possession  in  advance  of  the  enemy,  and 
secured  to  us  the  Ohio  river.  General  Grant  returned  to  Cairo, 
leaving  General  Paine  in  command  of  Paducah.  On  the  7th 
General  C.  F.  Smith,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  commandant 
of  cadets  when  Grant  was  there,  was  placed  in  command  of 
Paducah,  with  orders  to  report  directly  to  General  Fremont. 

In  reconnoissances  towards  Columbus,  Belmont  and  Charles 
ton  and  in  the  erection  of  fortifications  at  Cairo  and  its  de 
pendencies,  under  orders  from  General  Fremont,  General  Grant 
kept  the  forces  under  him  pretty  constantly  employed. 

On  the  i6th  of  October,  in  pursuance  of  a  despatch  from 
General  Fremont,  he  sent  a  force  towards  Pilot  Knob,  which, 
in  conjunction  with  a  force  from  Ironton  on  the  2ist,  attacked 
and  defeated  Jeff.  Thompson,  at  Fredericktown.  This  was  the 
first  affair,  dignified  by  the  name  of  battle,  in  which  any  of  the 
troops  under  General  Grant  had  been  engaged,  and  they  were 
welcomed  back  by  their  comrades-in-arms  as  heroes  indeed. 

In  obedience  to  orders  from  Department  Headquarters,  on 
the  4th  of  November,  General  Grant  started  a  force,  under  Col 
onel  R.  J.  Oglesby  for  Indian  Ford  on  the  St.  Francis  river, 
where  Jeff.  Thompson  was  said  to  be  reassembling  his  defeated 
forces. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  November,  Grant,  with  five 
regiments  of  infantry,  some  of  whom  had  had  arms  issued  to 
them  for  the  first  time  only  two  days  before — a  section  of 
artillery,  and  squadron  of  cavalry — attacked  the  enemy  in  posi 
tion  near  Belmont,  Missouri,  and  in  a  combat,  scarcely  excelled 
in  fierceness,  drove  him  steadily  back  more  than  a  mile  into  and 
through  the  open  space  protected  on  the  land  side  by  fallen  for 
est  trees,  in  which  his  tents  were  pitched,  opposite  Columbus, 
capturing  a  six-gun  battery,  many  prisoners,  and  all  his  camp 
and  garrison  equipage,  and  the  little  band  of  heroes,  much  re- 


APPENDIX  439 

duced  from  what  it  was  when  it  started  as  the  nucleus  around 
which  was  to  gather  the  grand  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  It 
stood  upon  the  bank  of  the  great  Mississippi,  and  in  the  tri 
umphant  shout  of  victory,  hushed  as  it  were  by  the  hoarse  thun 
ders  and  screaming  shells  from  the  guns  of  Columbus.  In  their 
first  fight  they  witnessed  the  confusion  consequent  on  victory. 
Orders  were  at  once  issued  for  the  destruction  of  the  property 
and  munitions  of  war  they  could  not  take  with  them,  and  to 
commence  the  return  march  to  the  transports.  These  orders 
were  but  scarcely  executed  and  the  head  of  the  column  put  in 
motion,  when  the  enemy  made  his  appearance  between  them 
and  their  boats.  At  this  moment  it  was  communicated  to  Gen 
eral  Grant  that  we  were  surrounded.  "Well,"  he  replied,  "we 
must  cut  our  way  out  then,"  and  this  was  the  order  that  passed 
along  the  lines;  and  never  did  men  return  more  bravely  to  the 
fight,  and  a  second  time  they  beat  their  antagonists,  gained  their 
transports,  and  embarked  without  serious  hindrance,  under  cover 
of  the  gun  boats.  The  Union  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing 
was  four  hundred  and  eight-four,  that  of  the  enemy,  according 
to  his  own  historian,  was  six  hundred  and  thirty-two. 

Without  saying  anything  about  the  purposes  of  this  battle, 
whether  wise  or  unwise,  or  its  result  upon  the  then  military 
situation,  there  was  this  fact — the  great  majority  of  men  and 
officers  engaged  in  it  felt  that  they  were  the  victors. 

This  battle,  too,  confirmed  General  Grant  in  his  views,  that 
where  neither  of  the  belligerents  have  a  disciplined  army,  but 
rely  upon  volunteers  or  conscripts,  nothing  is  gained,  especially 
by  the  one  which,  from  the  nature  of  things  would  necessarily 
have  to  take  the  offensive  before  its  objects  could  be  accom 
plished,  by  delay  for  the  purpose  of  drilling  and  disciplining  the 
men,  for  the  other  would  very  naturally  use  the  delay  for  the 
same  purpose,  and  at  the  end  of  any  given  time  their  relative 
strength  would  be  the  same.  Hence  General  Grant  was  always 
ready  whenever  he  had  what  he  thought  a  sufficient  number  of 
men,  without  regard  to  the  number  of  days,  they  had  had  arms 
in  their  hands,  to  give  battle. 

On  the  2ist  of  November,  General  Grant  received  General 
Halleck's  orders,  assuming  command  of  the  Department  of  £he 
Missouri,  and  soon  after,  orders  changing  the  name  of  his  com 
mand  to  the  District  of  Cairo,  extending  it  to  include  Paducah 
and  leaving  off  Cape  Giradeau,  Mo. 


440  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

In  January,  1862,  in  pursuance  of  orders  from  General  Hal- 
leek,  Grant  moved  a  force  from  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point,  via 
Fort  Jefferson  and  Blandville,  and  one  from  Paducah  via  May- 
field,  threatening  Columbus  and  the  enemy's  line  between  there 
and  Bowling  Green  as  far  as  Fort  Henry  with  a  view  to  aiding 
some  movement  General  Buell  was  said  to  be  about  making. 
These  movements  lasted  about  a  week  and  were  very  hard  on 
the  men,  from  the  heavy  fall  of  both  rain  and  snow.  But  they 
have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  while  they  were  thus 
engaged  on  their  end  of  the  line,  on  the  I9th  of  January,  Gen 
eral  George  H.  Thomas  was  covering  himself  and  his  command 
with  glory  at  Mill  Springs  on  the  other  end  of  the  line,  and  that 
the  information  brought  back  by  General  C.  F.  Smith,  as  to  the 
feasibility  of  taking  Fort  Henry  induced  General  Grant  and 
Admiral  Foote,  on  the  28th  of  January,  to  telegraph  General 
Halleck  for  permission  to  take  and  occupy  it ;  to  which  General 
Halleck  replied,  January  3Oth:  "Make  your  preparations  to 
take  and  hold  Fort  Henry.  I  will  send  you  written  instructions 
by  mail." 

In  stating  these  facts  I  do  not  desire  to  be  understood  as  set 
ting  up  any  special  claim  in  General  Grant,  Admiral  Foote  or 
General  C.  F.  Smith,  as  originators  of  this  movement,  as  against 
any  claim  any  one  else  may  have  to  that  honor.  In  General 
Smith's  report  of  his  reconnoissance  of  Fort  Henry,  on  the 
22nd  of  January,  he  stated  that  he  thought  two  iron-clad  gun 
boats  would  make  short  work  of  it.  Grant,  true  to  his  soldierly 
instincts,  said.  "Well,  if  it  can  be  taken  it  should  be  taken  with 
out  delay."  Once  there  we  could  operate  either  east  or  west. 
Admiral  Foote  favored  it  because  he  could  attack  from  down 
stream,  and  if  any  of  his  vessels  should  become  disabled,  they 
would  be  carried  from  the  batteries  by  the  current,  not  on  to 
them;  besides  he  could  fight  to  better  advantage  up  stream  than 
down. 

On  Saturday  morning,  February  1st,  1862,  the  gifted  and 
noble  McPherson,  then  Lieutenant  Colonel  on  General  Halleck's 
staff,  reported  to  General  Grant  for  duty  as  chief  engineer  of 
the  expedition,  bringing  with  him  General  Halleck's  instructions 
to  General  Grant. 

On  the  2nd  Grant  left  Cairo  and  on  the  6th,  while  the  land 
forces  (General  McClernand's  division  and  Colonel  Cook  with 
one  brigade  of  General  Smith's  division)  pushed  forward  on 


APPENDIX  441 

the  east  side  of  the  river  to  the  rear  of  Fort  Henry,  to  cut  off 
the  retreat  of  the  garrison,  and  (General  Smith  with  the  other 
two  brigades  of  his  division)  moved  up  the  west  side  to  attack 
Fort  Hickman,  the  navy,  under  Admiral  Foote,  attacked  Fort 
Henry  and  after  a  severe  fight  of  over  an  hour,  compelled  its 
surrender.  But  the  garrison,  save  a  company  of  artillerists,  had 
escaped.  Thus,  within  one  week  from  the  time  it  was  authorized 
by  General  Halleck,  was  the  much  vaunted  rebel  line  pierced, 
and  our  gunboats  went  through  to  Florence,  Alabama. 

At  Fort  Henry  there  was  a  delay  of  a  few  days  on  account  of 
heavy  rains  and  the  rise  in  the  Tennessee  river.  On  the  nth 
troops  arriving  on  transports  from  below  were  ordered  to  re 
turn  and  follow  the  gunboats  up  the  Cumberland,  landing,  under 
their  cover,  as  close  to  Fort  Donelson  as  practicable;  and  the 
troops  under  General  McClernand  moved  out  three  and  four 
miles  on  the  two  roads  leading  to  Fort  Donelson;  and  early  on 
the  I2th  were  in  rapid  motion,  followed  by  three  brigades  of 
General  C.  F.  Smith's  division,  for  Fort  Donelson.  About  12 
M.  they  struck  the  enemy's  pickets,  two  miles  from  the  Fort. 
These  were  rapidly  driven  in  and  by  dark  Fort  Donelson  was 
closely  invested  from  a  point  on  Hickman  Creek  on  our  left,  to 
well  around  towards  Dover  on  our  right — McClernand  holding 
the  right  and  Smith  the  left. 

On  the  I3th  our  lines  were  still  further  extended  to  the  right 
and  an  attempt  was  made  to  capture  a  battery  of  the  enemy, 
commanding  the  ridge  road  on  which  we  moved.  The  gun 
boats  and  troops  commenced  arriving  in  the  Cumberland,  below 
Fort  Donelson,  and  the  communication  was  opened  with  them. 

On  the  I4th  General  Lew  Wallace,  with  a  brigade  of  Smith's 
Division,  reported  from  Fort  Henry  and  was  assigned  to  the 
command  of  a  Division  composed  of  newly  arrived  troops,  and 
took  position  in  the  center  of  our  line.  McArthur's  brigade 
of  Smith's  Division  was  moved  to  the  extreme  right. 

In  the  afternoon  the  navy  attacked  the  river  batteries  and, 
after  a  most  terrible  conflict  of  over  an  hour  and  a  half,  were 
forced  to  withdraw. 

About  2  A.  M.  on  the  I5th,  General  Grant  received  a  note 
from  Admiral  Foote  requesting  that  he  come  and  see  him  as  to 
the  disposition  of  his  vessels,  that  they  were  very  much  disabled ; 
and,  in  response  to  this  note  at  early  dawn,  he  started  for  the 
river. 


442  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

He  had  been  gone  but  a  short  time  when  the  enemy,  massing 
his  forces  in  front  of  McClernand,  passed  out  of  his  works, 
furiously  attacked  our  extreme  right  held  by  McArthur,  rap 
idly  extending  his  attack  towards  our  left,  until  the  whole  of 
McClernand's  division  was  a  hot  participant  in  the  furious 
combat;  and  for  hours  maintained  the  unequal  conflict.  Mc 
Arthur  was  compelled  to  give  way.  Oglesby's  brigade  showed 
signs  of  wavering,  but  held  on  until  Cruft's  brigade  of  Lew 
Wallace's  division  arrived,  when,  owing  to  the  want  of  am 
munition  and  severe  losses,  it  passed  out  of  line  by  regiments, 
from  right  to  left,  to  the  rear,  leaving  a  battery  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  John  A.  Logan's  regiment  was  the  last  to  leave. 
Cruft  became  hotly  engaged,  and  fell  slowly  back  in  the  direc 
tion  of  our  hospitals,  repelling  several  attacks,  and  attacking 
the  enemy  in  turn.  Colonel  W.  H.  L.  Wallace  firmly  held  his 
part  of  the  line  for  some  time  after  the  giving  way  of  the  troops 
to  his  right,  but  with  his  flank  exposed  and  his  ammunition 
failing  he  deemed  it  injudicious  to  attempt  to  hold  it  longer  and 
fell  back  on  the  ridge-road  towards  Lew  Wallace's  position,  for 
about  three-quarters  of  a  mile.  Here  he  met  Thayer's  brigade 
of  Lew  Wallace's  division,  and  immediately  opened  his  lines 
and  allowed  it  to  the  front. 

Thayer  had  but  got  into  position  when  the  enemy  made  his 
appearance.  He  immediately  opened  fire  upon  him  with  both 
artillery  and  infantry.  The  enemy  responded  but  feebly,  and 
fell  back  towards  his  works.  In  the  meantime,  word  having 
been  sent  to  General  Grant,  he  returned  to  the  field,  and  meet 
ing  General  Smith,  learned  from  him  as  far  as  he  knew  the 
condition  of  things,  and  at  once  directed  that  he  get  his  com 
mand  in  readiness  to  assault  the  enemy's  works  in  his  front, 
while  he  went  to  the  right  to  see  Generals  McClernand  and  Wal 
lace.  When  he  reached  there,  the  battle  had  greatly  subsided 
and  the  indications  were  that  the  enemy  was  withdrawing  to 
within  his  works.  He  informed  Generals  McClernand  and 
Wallace  of  the  orders  to  Smith,  and  for  them  to  be  in  readiness 
to  renew  the  battle  the  moment  he  should  make  his  attack. 
General  Grant  returned  to  the  left  and  found  General  Smith 
ready  to  move. 

The  place  selected  for  the  attack  was  in  front  of  Lauman's 
brigade.  The  assaulting  column  was  formed  from  that  brigade, 
the  Second  Iowa,  being  most  accessible,  having  the  lead.  This 


APPENDIX  443 

regiment,  before  giving  the  word  to  advance,  General  Smith 
formed  into  two  lines  of  five  companies  front,  thirty  paces  apart, 
informed  them  what  they  were  to  do,  took  his  position  between 
the  lines  thus  formed,  moved  forward  to  the  assault  and,  under 
a  terrible  fire  of  musketry  and  artillery,  carried  the  enemy's 
lines  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  effecting  a  lodgment  in  his 
entrenchments,  and  secured  the  key  to  Fort  Donelson. 

General  Lew  Wallace,  reenforced  by  Morgan  L.  Smith's 
brigade  of  Smith's  division  and  supported  on  his  left  by  a 
brigade  of  McClernand's,  found  the  enemy  in  position  near  his 
works,  and,  after  a  short  but  spirited  combat,  drove  him  into 
them,  leaving  in  our  possession  the  battle  field,  and  guns  cap 
tured  in  the  morning. 

With  the  early  dawn  of  Sunday,  February  i6th,  1862,  came 
a  communication  from  General  Buckner,  through  General  C.  F. 
Smith,  to  General  Grant  in  these  words : 

"In  consideration  of  all  the  circumstances  governing  the 
present  situation  of  affairs  at  this  station,  I  propose  to  the  com 
manding  officer  of  the  Federal  forces  the  appointment  of  com 
missioners  to  agree  upon  terms  of  capitulation  of  the  forces  and 
post  under  my  command,  and  in  that  view  suggest  an  armistice 
until  twelve  o'clock  to-day." 

Reading  it  himself,  Grant  handed  it  to  Smith,  who  also  read 
it,  saying  as  he  finished:  "No  terms  with  traitors."  General 
Grant  without  seeming  to  have  noticed  what  General  Smith  said 
sat  down  and  wrote: 

"Yours  of  this  date,  proposing  armistice  and  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  settle  terms  of  capitulation,  is  just  received. 
No  terms  except  unconditional  and  immediate  surrender  can  be 
accepted.  I  propose  to  move  immediately  upon  your  works." 

Then,  lifting  his  eyes  to  his  old  Commandant,  as  I  fancied  he 
had  done  many  times  before  at  West  Point,  he  handed  him  what  he 
had  written,  saying  as  he  did  so :  "General,  I  guess  this  will  do." 
At  one  glance  Smith's  soldierly  eye  caught  not  only  its  words 
but  its  spirit  and  with  an  enthusiasm,  that  a  soldier  in  the  im 
mediate  promise  of  victory  only  can  feel,  replied :  "It  could 
not  be  better." 

It  was  sent  to  General  Buckner  and  brought  a  response  from 
him  in  these  words : 

"The  disposition  of  the  forces  under  my  command,  incident 
to  an  unexpected  change  of  commanders,  and  the  overwhelming 


444  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

force  under  your  command,  compels  me,  notwithstanding  the 
brilliant  success  of  the  Confederate  arms  yesterday,  to  accept 
the  ungenerous  and  unchivalrous  terms  which  you  propose." 

In  this  surrender  were  fifteen  thousand  prisoners  of  war, 
sixty-one  pieces  of  artillery,  thousands  of  small  arms,  and  an 
immense  amount  of  quartermaster's  property  and  commissary 
and  ordnance  stores. 

The  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  the  child  of  heroism,  born  in 
battle  and  baptized  in  blood,  stood  forth  an  existent  fact  in  the 
country's  history,  and  U.  S.  Grant,  its  commander,  the  successful 
soldier  of  the  age. 

The  Tennessee  and  Cumberland  no  longer  forced  their  floods, 
like  fugitives,  past  the  guns  of  Fort  Henry  and  Fort  Donelson, 
north  to  the  Ohio,  but  bearing  the  banner  of  the  free,  reflecting 
its  stars  and  bright  colors  on  their  swelling  bosoms,  moved 
majestically  onward  to  mingle  their  grand  destiny  with  the 
waters  of  the  Mississippi  Valley. 

On  the  2 1st  General  C.  F.  Smith  took  possession  of  Clarks- 
ville.  On  the  23rd,  at  the  request  of  a  deputation  of  citizens 
from  Nashville,  he  directed  one  of  the  gunboats  to  proceed  to 
that  place,  to  prevent,  by  its  presence,  its  destruction,  which 
had  been  threatened  by  the  rear  guard  of  Johnston's  army,  but 
on  the  afternoon  of  that  day  the  advance  of  General  Buell's  army 
reached  there.  On  the  24th  General  Smith  received  orders  from 
General  Buell  to  move  his  command  to  Nashville.  Of  this  order, 
General  Smith  advised  General  Grant,  saying  that  he  could  see 
no  reason  for  his  going  to  Nashville,  but  that  he  would  obey  the 
order. 

General  Grant  having  as  yet  received  no  specific  orders  from 
General  Halleck  as  to  the  next  movement,  and  feeling  consider 
able  interest  in  the  retention  of  General  Smith  in  his  own  com 
mand,  if  the  interest  of  the  service  did  not  necessitate  otherwise ; 
besides  inferring  from  what  he  had  received  from  General  Hal 
leck,  and  the  fact  that  Johnston's  army  was  said  to  be  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Nashville,  that  he  would  probably  be  required 
to  cooperate  with  Buell,  on  the  evening  of  the  26th,  ran  up  to 
Nashville  to  see  and  confer  with  him.  But  save  the  return  of 
Smith  to  Clarksville  and  information  obtained  from  sources 
other  than  General  Buell  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  Johnston,  his 
trip  was  barren  of  results. 

General  Grant  returned  to  Fort  Donelson  on  the  night  of  the 


APPENDIX  445 

27th,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  the  2nd  of  March  received 
orders  to  move  his  command  up  the  Tennessee  River.  On  the 
morning  of  the  4th  it  was  en  route  for  Metal  Landing,  on  the 
Tennessee — its  destination — and  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day 
Grant  was  again  at  Fort  Henry. 

The  next  morning  without  one  previous  word  of  disapproba 
tion  of  any  of  his  acts,  and  without  any  opportunity  for  explana 
tion — when  the  affording  of  such  opportunity  would  not  have 
delayed  the  expedition  one  moment — he  received  a  despatch 
from  General  Halleck  directing  him  to  place  Major  General 
C.  F.  Smith  in  command  of  the  expedition,  and  to  remain  him 
self  at  Fort  Henry.  His  offences,  as  alleged,  were  that  his 
neglect,  of  repeated  orders,  to  report  the  strength  and  position 
of  his  command,  had  created  great  dissatisfaction,  and  seriously 
interfered  with  military  plans ;  that  his  going  to  Nashville,  with 
out  authority,  and  when  his  presence  with  his  troops  was  of  the 
utmost  importance,  was  a  matter  of  very  serious  complaint  at 
Washington,  so  much  so  that  General  Halleck  was  advised  to 
arrest  him  on  his  return. 

General  Grant  had  received,  on  the  28th  of  February,  an  order 
to  report  the  strength  and  position  of  his  command,  and  was 
preparing  his  report  as  fast  as  he  could  get  in  returns  from  his 
subordinates,  and  it  was  then  almost  ready  to  forward.  This 
was  the  only  order  he  had  received.  This  explanation  as  to  the 
neglect  of  orders,  and  the  reasons,  as  I  have  stated  them,  for  his 
going  to  Nashville,  were  received  as  satisfactory.  Who  was  the 
author  of  the  charge  of  his  going  to  Nashville  without  authority, 
when  his  presence  was  so  much  needed  with  his  troops?  I  do 
not  know ;  but  to  my  mind  it  was  either  a  personal  enemy  or 
one  who  desired  to  get  rid  of  one  who  had  so  soon  achieved 
military  fame.  Different,  indeed,  was  the  feeling  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  that  shared  with  him  the  glory  of  Donelson 
and  those  two  soldiers,  one  of  whom  had  already,  and  the  other 
of  whom  has  since,  by  their  actual  achievements,  so  interwoven 
their  names  and  their  fames  with  the  history  of  their  country 
that  they  will  remain  a  part  of  it  forever — Generals  C.  F.  Smith 
and  W.  T.  Sherman.  To  show  their  feelings  I  need  but  state 
their  acts.  General  Sherman  succeeded  General  Grant  in  the 
command  of  the  District  of  Cairo,  Grant  having  been  assigned  to 
the  District  of  West  Tennessee.  On  the  I5th  of  February  he 


446  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

wrote  to  General  Grant  informing  him  of  his  instructions  from 
General  Halleck,  and  added: 

I  should  like  to  hear  from  you,  and  will  do  everything  in  my  power 
to  hurry  forward  to  you  reinforcements  and  supplies,  and  if  I  could  be 
of  service  myself,  would  gladly  come  without  making  any  question  of 
rank  with  you  or  General  Smith,  whose  commissions  are  of  the  same  date. 

On  the  same  day  he  again  wrote : 

I  feel  anxious  about  you,  as  I  know  the  great  facilities  they  [the 
enemy]  have  of  concentration,  by  means  of  the  river  and  railroads,  but 
have  faith  in  you.  Command  me  in  any  way. 

On  the  morning  of  March  7th  I  met  him  for  the  first  time  at 
his  headquarters  in  Paducah,  and  handed  him  a  return  of  Gen 
eral  Grant's  forces,  with  the  request  that  he  would  forward  it 
by  first  opportunity  to  General  Halleck.  He  was  busy  in  arming 
and  embarking  his  division  to  join  the  Tennessee  river  expedi 
tion.  I  had  but  a  few  moments'  conversation  with  him.  In  that 
conversation  I  asked  him  if  he  knew  what  was  the  real  trouble 
with  General  Grant  at  Department  Headquarters,  and  if  so,  I 
would  like  to  know,  if  it  was  proper  for  him  to  tell  me.  He 
answered,  "No";  then,  in  apparent  hesitancy,  said:  "I  will  tell 
you,"  breaking  suddenly  off  with,  "it  will  be  all  right  with 
Grant  in  a  few  days.  Tell  him  to  give  himself  no  anxiety."  In 
parting  with  him  I  expressed  to  him  the  many  obligations  I  had 
heard  General  Grant  say  he  was  under  to  him  for  what  he  had 
done,  and  the  interest  he  had  manifested  in  his  success.  He  re 
plied:  "Not  at  all,  not  at  all;  I  would  do  as  much  for  Grant  as 
I  would  for  myself."  Subsequent  history  has  vindicated  the 
sincerity  of  this  declaration,  and  although  it  was  not  the  begin 
ning  of  the  friendship  that  has  since  existed  between  them,  it 
was  one  of  those  not  easily  to  be  forgotten  heart-expressions  of 
sympathy  by  one  soldier  for  another,  over  whom  rested  a  cloud. 

General  Buckner,  on  meeting  General  Smith,  on  the  morning 
of  the  surrender  of  Donelson,  congratulated  him  on  the  gallant 
manner  in  which  he  had  stormed  and  carried  the  works  the 
night  before.  "Yes,"  said  the  General,  "it  was  well  done,  con 
sidering  the  smallness  of  the  force  that  did  it.  No  congratula 
tions  are  due  me;  I  simply  obeyed  orders."  He  set  up  no  claim 
to  honors.  He  knew  if  self  entered  his  mind  at  all,  that  justice 
would  be  done  him;  and  whether  it  was  or  not,  he  knew  that  it 
was  the  way  to  secure  subordination  and  harmony,  and  ensure 
the  triumph  of  our  arms. 


APPENDIX  447 

On  the  I4th  of  March,  in  reply  to  a  note  of  General  Grant  of 
the  nth,  informing  him  that  General  Halleck  had  telegraphed 
him  when  certain  troops  arrived,  that  were  to  be  sent  to  him, 
he  wanted  him  to  take  the  general  direction,  and  adding:  "I 
think  it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  whether  I  shall  accept,  certainly 
not  until  the  object  of  the  expedition  is  accomplished,"  he  added : 
"I  wrote  you  yesterday  to  say  how  glad  I  was  to  find  from  your 
letter  of  the  nth  instant  that  you  were  to  resume  your  old 
command,  from  which  you  were  so  unceremoniously  and  as  I 
think  so  improperly  stricken  down. 

"I  greatly  fear  your  coming  here  will  be  a  matter  of  necessity, 
in  consequence  of  my  lameness.  I  cannot  mount  a  horse.  In 
jumping  into  a  yawl,  two  days  ago,  I  miscalculated  the  distance 
and  the  seat  scraped  my  leg  and  shin  in  a  rude  manner,  hurting 
the  bone.  I  hope  for  the  best,  but  it  is  with  great  difficulty  I 
can  limp  through  the  cabin  from  one  chair  to  another." 

This  wound  of  General  Smith,  described  by  him  as  seemingly 
slight,  resulted  in  his  death  on  the  25th  of  April,  1862.  A  truer 
patriot  had  not  lived  nor  a  better  soldier  been  developed  in  the 
war.  In  the  brightness  of  fame  and  in  the  promise  of  greatest 
usefulness  he  passed  away. 

General  Grant  felt  that  injustice  was  done  him,  but  never 
questioned  the  friendship  of  his  superiors,  and  I  may  here  add 
that  during  the  whole  of  his  military  career,  of  which  I  am 
cognizant,  I  never  knew  him  to  betray  a  want  of  confidence  in 
those  above  him,  nor  be  drawn  into  any  controversy  by  one 
under  him. 

In  consequence  of  General  Smith's  lameness,  and  the  question 
of  rank  raised  by  General  McClernand,  General  Grant  resumed 
the  immediate  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  on  the 
3ist  of  March. 

On  Sunday -morning,  April  6th,  1862,  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee  was  posted  as  follows :  Three  brigades  of  Sherman's 
division  in  advance,  from  Pittsburgh  Landing  towards  Corinth,  at 
Shiloh  Church,  their  right  resting  on  Owl  Creek.  To  Sherman's 
left  and  rear  was  McClernand.  As  far  towards  Corinth  from 
the  Landing  as  Sherman,  and  some  distance  to  the  left  of  Mc 
Clernand,  was  Prentiss.  To  Prentiss's  left  and  covering  the 
crossing  of  Lick  Creek,  was  Stuart's  brigade  of  Sherman's  di 
vision.  Less  than  a  mile  from  the  Landing,  on  the  Hamburg 
and  Pittsburgh  Landing  road,  was  Hurlbut,  with  roads  from  his 


448  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

position  to  Stuart's,  and  to  Prentiss's,  and  through  McCler- 
nand's  to  Sherman's,  and  on  the  ridge  to  the  right  of  the  main 
road,  leading  out  from  Pittsburgh  Landing,  and  extending  from 
near  the  river  to  the  bridge  across  Snake  Creek,  on  the  Pitts 
burgh  and  Crump's  Landing  Road,  was  W.  H.  L.  Wallace's 
(Smith's  old  Division).  At  Crump's  Landing,  and  thrown  out 
on  the  Purdy  road,  and  more  accessible  to  Pittsburgh  Landing, 
should  it  be  required,  than  if  massed  at  Crump's  Landing,  was 
Lew  Wallace's  division.  At  Savannah  were  three  regiments  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  and  Nelson's  division  of  Buell's 
Army,  which  had  arrived  the  day  before. 

Early  on  this  Sunday  morning  began  the  battle  of  Shiloh  or 
Pittsburgh  Landing,  as  you  please  to  call  it.  According  to  our 
own  and  rebel  official  reports,  the  first  shots  were  fired  by  Pren 
tiss's  advance  pickets  into  the  rebel's  advanced  skirmishers. 
Without  entering  into  detail,  however,  to  show  that  this  battle 
was  not,  in  a  military  sense,  a  surprise  to  us — that  already  hav 
ing  been  done  by  one  who  was  in  at  its  beginning  and  competent 
to  judge,  General  W.  T.  Sherman — it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  we 
did  not  expect  to  be  attacked  in  force  that  morning,  and  were 
surprised  that  we  were,  but  we  had  sufficient  notice,  before  the 
shock  came,  to  be  under  arms  and  ready  to  meet  it.  There  was 
no  capturing  of  commands  asleep  in  their  camps  that  morning, 
or  bayoneting  of  men  asleep  in  their  tents. 

General  Grant  was  at  Savannah  where  he  was  to  meet  General 
Buell,  but  hearing  artillery  firing  in  the  direction  of  Pittsburgh 
Landing,  ordered  General  Nelson  to  march  his  command  as 
rapidly  as  possible  to  the  point  on  the  Tennessee  river  opposite 
Pittsburgh  Landing,  and  started  on  his  despatch  boat  for  the 
scene  of  action.  This  was  about  seven  o'clock.  Passing 
Crump's  Landing  he  ran  close  alongside  the  steamer  on  which 
General  Wallace  had  his  headquarters,  directed  him  to  send  out 
and  ascertain  if  the  enemy  might  not  be  making  a  move  on  his 
position,  and  to  be  in  readiness  if  such  was  not  the  case,  to  move, 
on  receipt  of  orders,  to  Pittsburgh  Landing.  General  Wallace 
replied  that  reconnoissances  to  his  front  were  already  out,  and 
that  he  would  be  in  readiness  for  any  orders  that  might  come. 

General  Grant  reached  Pittsburgh  Landing  about  eight  o'clock, 
went  immediately  upon  the  field,  and  found  all  of  Sherman's  di 
vision  at  Shiloh  Church,  and  McClernand's  and  Prentiss's  di 
visions  hotly  engaged.  Hurlbut  was  moving  forward  one  bri- 


APPENDIX  449 

gade,  to  the  support  of  Sherman,  and  two  to  the  left  in  support 
of  Prentiss.  General  W.  H.  L.  Wallace  moved  forward  two 
brigades  to  the  right  of  Prentiss  and  Hurlbut  to  cover,  as  far  as 
practicable,  the  space  between  Prentiss  and  McClernand,  and 
one  brigade  to  the  rear  and  left  of  Hurlbut.  Orders  were  sent 
to  Lew  Wallace  to  move  with  all  despatch  to  Pittsburgh  Land 
ing,  and  also  an  order  hurrying  up  Nelson. 

By  ten  A.  M.  the  battle  had  become  general  among  our  lines, 
and  most,  if  not  all,  our  troops  on  the  field  were  engaged.  Each 
side  fought  with  a  desperation  seldom  evinced — the  enemy  to 
secure  victory  and  its  fruits  before  help  could  reach  us,  and  we 
to  defeat  the  enemy  in  his  purposes  and  hold  our  own  until  help 
came.  All  day  long  the  battle  lasted,  and  the  roar  of  artillery 
and  the  roll  of  musketry  seemed  without  cessation.  The  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  with  varied  fortune  in  different  parts  of  the 
field,  was  driven  back  until  its  line  of  battle,  late  in  the  afternoon, 
stood  at  right  angles  with  the  river,  covering  the  road  from 
Pittsburgh  Landing  to  Crump's  Landing.  From  this  position  our 
reserve  artillery  opened  upon  the  enemy  with  terrible  effect — the 
gunboats  giving  us  a  helping  hand;  and  after  several  ineffectual 
attempts  to  advance  the  enemy  fell  back,  beaten  and  baffled  in 
his  designs,  out  of  range  of  our  guns.  Near  the  close  of  the 
fight  three  regiments  of  General  Nelson's  division  came  on  the 
field,  and  two  went  in  on  the  left  of  the  line,  firing  a  few  rounds 
after  getting  into  position.  General  Lew  Wallace  arrived  after 
dark.  Had  he  got  upon  the  field  with  his  splendid  division  at 
the  time  his  orders  contemplated,  we  might  have  turned  the  tide 
of  battle;  we  certainly  would  have  stayed  it  much  earlier  than 
we  did,  and  would  have  saved  General  Prentiss  and  four  regi 
ments  of  W.  H.  L.  Wallace's  division  with  him  from  capture. 

In  this  day's  battle  the  enemy's  forces  greatly  exceeded  ours. 
Our  men  fought  with  a  valor  they  never  themselves  excelled. 
They  proved  to  the  nation  and  the  world  that  the  claim  set  up  by 
the  South,  of  Southern  superiority  in  courage  and  endurance, 
was  unfounded.  Their  success  fully  vindicated  the  manhood  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  Union  in  their  claims  that,  as  men,  they  were 
the  equals  of  other  men,  but  as  soldiers,  under  the  national  flag, 
they  were  the  superiors  of  any  that  dare  raise  a  hand  against  it. 
General  Grant's  "I  have  not  yet  despaired  of  whipping  them,"  in 
answer  to  General  Buell's  inquiry  as  to  the  preparations,  if  any, 
he  had  made  for  retreat,  was  not  more  characteristic  of  the  man 


450  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

than  expressive  of  the  sentiment  of  his  army  in  that  Sunday's 
battle. 

During  the  night  the  remainder  of  Nelson's  division  and  the 
divisions  of  McCook  and  Crittenden,  of  the  Army  of  the  Ohio, 
got  on  the  field,  and  took  position  to  the  left  and  in  advance. 
Lew  Wallace  went  in  on  the  right.  The  regiments  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  at  Savannah,  were  also  brought  up. 

Early  on  Monday  morning  our  whole  line  moved  to  the  attack. 
Nelson  first  struck  the  enemy,  and  in  a  short  time  the  fighting 
extended  along  our  entire  front.  It  was  evident,  notwithstand 
ing  the  fatigue  of  Buell's  men  from  severe  marching,  especially 
during  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  and  the  exhaustion  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  in  Sunday's  fight,  that  if  the  enemy  had 
superior  numbers  on  Sunday,  the  tables  were  now  turned.  He 
was  attacked  and  driven  from  every  position,  where  he  made  a 
stand,  or  attempted  to  make  one,  and  by  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  was  in  rapid  retreat  for  Corinth. 

Thus  was  fought  and  won,  by  your  persistent  determination 
and  bravery,  on  the  first  day,  aided  by  your  comrades  of  Wal 
lace's  division  and  those  from  Savannah,  and  Buell's  heroic  and 
valorous  Army  of  the  Ohio,  on  the  second,  the  first  great  field 
fight  of  the  war. 

The  Battle  of  Shiloh,  as  was  afterwards  conceded  by  General 
Halleck,  decided  the  fate  of  Corinth  and  the  great  line  of  rail 
road  communication  of  which  it  was  the  strategic  point. 

Among  our  loss  was  that  fine  soldier  and  true  gentleman  W.  H. 
L.  Wallace.  He  fell  in  the  battle's  front,  and  when  it  fiercest 
raged,  mortally  wounded,  about  four  o'clock  on  Sunday  after 
noon.  He  had  seen  service,  under  commission,  in  the  Mexican 
War,  and  was  among  the  first  to  respond  to  his  country's  call. 
He  had  practical  sense,  cool  courage,  and  great  self-possession, 
and  by  his  splendid  fighting  at  Donelson,  had  merited  and  won 
the  admiration  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee;  and  up  to  the 
time  of  his  glorious  but  untimely  death,  no  soldier  bade  fairer  to 
rise  to  higher  eminence.  On  the  same  day  the  enemy  lost  his 
commanding  general  A.  S.  Johnston,  whose  name  inspired  more 
confidence  among  his  soldiery  than  any  other  of  his  generals. 

On  the  I2th  of  April  General  Halleck  arrived  at  Pittsburgh 
Landing,  and  on  the  I3th  assumed  personal  command  in  the 
field.  On  May  1st,  General  Pope  having  arrived  with  the  Army 
of  the  Mississippi,  the  armies  operating  against  Corinth  stood 


APPENDIX  451 

divided  into  right-wing,  center,  left-wing,  and  reserve  as  follows : 

Major  General  Thomas's  division,  transferred  from  the  Army 
of  the  Ohio  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  four  divisions 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  constituted  the  right-wing,  Gen 
eral  G.  H.  Thomas  commanding;  the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  the 
center,  General  D.  C.  Buell,  commanding;  the  Army  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  left-wing,  General  John  Pope,  commanding; 
and  the  divisions  of  Generals  McClernand  and  Wallace,  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  the  reserve,  General  John  A.  McCler 
nand,  commanding. 

General  Grant  retained  the  general  command  of  the  District  of 
West  Tennessee,  including  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  reports 
being  made  to  him  as  theretofore,  but  in  the  movement  then 
making,  he  was  acting  second  in  command  to  General  Halleck. 

In  this  order  was,  thenceforth,  prosecuted  the  siege  of  Cor 
inth,  and  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  taught  what  it  subse 
quently  found  of  such  great  advantage,  the  art  of  constructing 
field  defenses. 

Friday  morning,  May  3Oth,  1862,  the  siege  of  Corinth  termi 
nating  in  the  evacuation  of  the  place  by  the  enemy,  and  our 
entering  and  taking  possession. 

June  loth,  General  Grant  was  returned  to  the  immediate  com 
mand  of  his  District  and  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  Gen 
eral  Thomas,  in  July,  proceeded  with  his  division  to  rejoin  the 
Army  of  the  Ohio. 

From  Corinth  Wallace's  division  of  the  Army  of  the  Ten 
nessee  was  pushed  off  to  Bolivar,  Tennessee,  and  soon  after  a 
part  of  it  to  Memphis,  and  thence  to  Arkansas  to  join  General 
Curtis;  McClernand's  went  to  Jackson,  Tennessee,  and  Sher 
man's  and  Hurlbut's,  via  LaGrange,  to  Memphis;  Davie's  (W. 
H.  L.  Wallace's  old)  division  and  McKean's  (Prentiss's  old) 
division  remained  at  Corinth.  On  the  2 1st,  with  General  Hal- 
leek's  permission  to  make  Memphis  his  headquarters,  General 
Grant  left  Corinth  for  that  place,  and  reached  there  on  the  after 
noon  of  the  24th.  His  reason  for  selecting  Memphis  was,  that 
General  Halleck  said  he  expected  he  would  have  to  give  him  the 
job  of  taking  Vicksburg. 

July  nth,  he  left  Memphis  to  report  to  General  Halleck  in 
person  at  Corinth,  and  July  i6th,  was  assigned  to  the  command 
not  only  of  the  District  of  West  Tennessee,  but  of  all  the  troops 


452  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

in  the  Districts  of  Cairo  and  Mississippi,  and  those  operating  in 
Northern  Mississippi. 

This  included  the  Army  of  the  Mississippi,  under  General 
Rosecrans.  Three  divisions  of  it  were  soon  after  sent  away, 
two  to  Buell  and  one  to  Kentucky,  and  the  remaining  two  were 
afterwards  submerged  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee;  therefore, 
in  speaking  of  any  of  their  achievements  under  General  Grant, 
we  shall  speak  of  them  as  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  We 
know  that  none  of  the  heroes  of  Donelson  and  Shiloh  or  of  New 
Madrid  and  Island  No.  10  will  take  exception  to  this,  for  while 
the  former  were  gathering  laurels  on  the  Cumberland  and  the 
Tennessee,  the  latter  were  winning  honors  on  the  Mississippi. 

General  Halleck,  on  giving  up  the  immediate  command  of 
the  troops  in  the  field,  recounted  their  services  and  thanked 
them  for  the  heroic  manner  in  which  they  had  performed  them. 
His  military  career  in  the  West  was  successful.  When  he  took 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  Missouri,  there  was  an 
enemy  everywhere,  and  the  greatest  lawlessness  and  disorder 
prevailed  throughout  Missouri.  He  soon  restored  comparative 
good  order  in  the  State.  His  troops,  under  Grant,  were  suc 
cessful  on  the  Tennessee  and  Cumberland.  Those  under  Curtis 
beat  the  enemy  in  South-west  Missouri,  and  followed  him  into 
Arkansas,  coming  out  at  Helena.  Those  under  Pope  captured 
New  Madrid  and  Island  No.  10,  and  under  his  own  immediate 
command  drove  the  enemy  from  Corinth.  And  when  he  was 
called  to  the  position  of  General-in-chief  of  the  Armies,  the 
Mississippi  was  open  to  our  navy  from  Cairo  to  Vicksburg,  and 
all  the  territory  north  of  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad 
to  Chattanooga  was  substantially  in  our  possession. 

Impartial  history,  too,  will  find  much  to  commend  in  him  as  a 
General-in-Chief,  and  will  assign  to  him  no  unimportant  or 
unenviable  page. 

From  this  time  forward  the  greatest  activity  prevailed  through 
out  General  Grant's  command.  The  cavalry  in  our  front  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Philip  H.  Sheridan  (now  Major  General 
Sheridan)  was  kept  well  out,  and  came  in  contact  with  that  of 
the  enemy  quite  often,  but  seldom  to  our  disadvantage.  De 
tachments  of  the  enemy  sometimes,  evading  Bolivar,  passed 
north  of  it,  and  these  with  the  local  or  guerilla  companies  of 
West  Tennessee,  threatened  our  line  of  communication  with 
Columbus,  but  they  were  generally  successfully  met  and  driven 


APPENDIX  453 

off.  A  large  cavalry  force  of  the  enemy  threatening  Bolivar 
and  the  line  of  railroad  to  Jackson  were  met  by  two  regiments 
of  infantry  and  a  small  cavalry  force  of  ours  near  Bolivar,  and 
repulsed,  August  3Oth.  A  part  of  this  same  force  attacked  our 
railroad  guards  at  Medon  Station  and  were  repulsed,  August 
3  ist,  and  the  whole  force  was  badly  beaten  in  the  battle  of 
Britton's  Lane,  September  ist.  September  9th,  General  Hurl- 
but's  division  reached  Bolivar  from  Memphis. 

September  ipth  was  fought  and  won  the  Battle  of  luka,  Oc 
tober  3rd  and  4th  was  fought  and  won  the  second  great  and 
decisive  battle  of  Corinth.  Among  our  killed  was  General  P. 
A.  Hackleman,  one  of  the  ablest  of  our  brigade  commanders. 
He  fell  at  the  head  of  his  command  in  the  first  day's  fight. 
General  Rosecrans  was  in  personal  command  here.  He  was 
also  in  immediate  command  of  that  part  of  the  line  that  did 
the  fighting  at  luka.  On  the  5th  was  fought  and  won  the  Battle 
of  the  Hatchie,  General  Ord  commanding,  until  he  was  wounded, 
when  General  Hurlbut  succeeded  him.  After  these  reverses  the 
enemy  concentrated  his  main  force  back  of  the  Tallahatchie,  at 
Abbeville.  He  kept  some  force  at  Holly  Springs  and  LaGrange. 
Lieutenant  General  Pemberton  superseded  Price  and  VanDorn 
in  the  command. 

On  the  1 6th  of  October  General  Grant's  District  was  consti 
tuted  the  Department  of  the  Tennessee.  On  the  24th  the  troops 
under  his  command  were  designated  the  I3th  Army  Corps,  and 
General  Rosecrans  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Depart 
ment  and  Army  of  the  Cumberland. 

Early  in  November  the  forces  at  Jackson,  Corinth  and  Boli 
var,  save  the  necessary  garrisons,  were  concentrated  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Grand  Junction  and  LaGrange.  Frequent  recon- 
noissances  were  made  toward  Holly  Springs,  and  several  severe 
skirmishes  took  place  between  our  own  and  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
resulting  generally  in  our  favor,  and  on  the  I3th  our  cavalry 
entered  Holly  Springs,  Mississippi.  On  the  28th  our  whole 
force,  save  railroad  guards,  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Pem 
berton,  and  the  Tallahatchie.  Their  movement  was  timed  to 
form  a  junction  with  General  Sherman,  who  was  moving  out  to 
the  same  point  from  Memphis.  The  junction  was  formed  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  3Oth,  and  on  the  ist  of  December,  General 
Grant  had  a  conference  with  General  Sherman. 

On  the  same  day  the  enemy  commenced  the  abandonment  of 


454  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

his  heavy  fortifications  on  the  Tallahatchie  and  retreated  on 
Grenada.  His  retreat  was  hastened  by  General  C.  C.  Washburn, 
with  a  force  of  cavalry  from  Helena,  Arkansas,  striking  the  rail 
road  and  telegraph  south  of  him.  Our  cavalry  pursued  as  far 
as  Coffeeville,  and  had  several  severe  skirmishes,  in  which  we 
captured  several  hundred  prisoners.  The  main  army  crossed  the 
Tallahatchie  and  moved  forward  to  Oxford  and  some  distance 
beyond. 

After  Pemberton  fled  from  Tallahatchie,  General  Grant  pro 
posed,  if  he  could  have  the  troops  at  Helena,  to  send  a  force 
under  Sherman,  by  water,  to  attack  and  capture  Vicksburg,  and 
failing  in  this  to  secure  Hains's  Bluff  and  the  Yazoo  River, 
which  was  thought  could  be  easily  done,  while  he  (Grant)  held 
Pemberton  in  his  front  by  continually  threatening  an  attack.  On 
the  7th  General  Halleck  directed  the  movement  on  Vicksburg, 
by  water,  to  be  made,  and  on  the  9th,  Sherman,  with  one  division 
of  his  command,  was  on  his  return  to  Memphis,  and  on  the  2ist, 
with  about  thirty  thousand  men,  left  Helena  for  Vicksburg.  In 
the  meantime,  Grant  pushed  slowly  forward  on  Grenada,  in 
tending  more  active  movements  when  he  should  hear  that  Sher 
man  was  off.  December  nth,  the  enemy  was  beaten  by  Dodge's 
forces  under  Sweeny,  at  Tuscumbia,  Mississippi. 

December  i8th,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  divided  into 
the  1 3th,  1 5th,  i6th  and  I7th  Army  Corps,  commanded  respec 
tively  by  Generals  McClernand,  Sherman,  Hurlbut  and  Mc- 
Pherson. 

Raids  were  made  against  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroad, 
and  considerable  damage  done  to  it.  But  on  the  morning  of  the 
2Oth  of  December,  VanDorn  with  a  large  force  of  cavalry  sur 
prised  and  captured  Holly  Springs,  destroyed  several  trains  of 
cars  and  a  large  collection  of  supplies,  on  which  were  dependent 
our  future  operations.  Forrest  about  the  same  time  got  upon 
the  road  between  Jackson  and  Columbus,  and  destroyed  it  effec 
tually.  VanDorn  did  very  little  destruction  to  the  road.  He 
seemed  more  desirous  of  getting  off  with  his  plunder  than  any 
thing  else.  The  garrisons  of  Cold  Water,  Davies's  Mills  and 
Middleburg,  on  the  line  of  the  road  toward  Jackson,  Tennessee, 
repulsed  his  attacks  most  handsomely.  Forrest  had  pretty  much 
his  own  way  until  December  3ist,  when  he  was  brought  to  battle 
at  Parker's  Cross  Roads,  defeated  and  driven  east  of  the  Ten 
nessee  river. 


APPENDIX  455 

These  raids  on  our  lines  of  communication  forced  General 
Grant  to  fall  back.  This  left  Pemberton  free  to  reenforce  Vicks- 
burg  against  Sherman. 

On  the  2Qth,  Sherman,  not  having  heard  of  the  misfortune  to 
Grant,  made  a  determined  attack  on  the  enemy's  works  at  Vicks- 
burg,  near  Chickasaw  Bayou,  and  was  severely  repulsed.  Disap 
pointed  but  not  disheartened,  he  reembarked  his  men  and  began 
preparations  for  a  movement  on  Arkansas  Post,  on  the  Arkansas 
river.  The  enemy  had  a  force  of  about  five  thousand  there,  and 
were  enabled  to  contest  with  some  success  our  use  of  the  Mis 
sissippi. 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1863,  General  McClernand,  with  or 
ders  from  the  Secretary  of  War  and  subject  to  the  direction  of 
General  Grant,  assumed  the  command  of  the  expedition.  He 
made  no  change  in  General  Sherman's  purpose  of  attacking  Ar 
kansas  Post,  but  proceeded  at  once  to  carry  it  out,  and  on  the 
nth,  in  conjunction  with  the  navy,  Admiral  Porter  commanding, 
attacked  and  after  a  severe  battle  compelled  the  surrender  of 
the  Fort  with  all  its  armament  and  five  thousand  prisoners. 

General  Grant  fell  back  to  the  line  of  the  Memphis  and 
Charleston  Railroad,  which,  under  the  energetic  superintendence 
of  Colonel  George  G.  Pride,  was  soon  in  complete  running  order 
from  LaGrange  to  Memphis.  General  Grant  established  his 
headquarters  in  Memphis,  January  loth,  1863.  It  was  deter 
mined  now  to  reenforce  the  Mississippi  river  expedition,  and 
turn  every  effort  to  the  capture  of  Vicksburg.  McPherson's 
corps  was  ordered  there.  General  Grant  assumed  the  immediate 
command  of  all  the  forces  operating  against  Vicksburg,  January 
3Oth,  and  General  McClernand  assumed  the  immediate  command 
of  his  corps.  After  several  ineffectual  attempts  to  get  below  or 
in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg,  by  canals,  bayous,  and  passes,  in  Febru 
ary  and  March,  it  was  decided  on  the  29th  of  the  latter  month  to 
run  the  Vicksburg  batteries  with  the  gunboats,  and  a  sufficient 
number  of  transports  for  ferrying  purposes,  and  to  march  the 
army  around  by  land. 

The  execution  of  this  plan  was  at  once  commenced.  General 
McClernand,  followed  by  McPherson,  moved  via  Smith's  planta 
tion  for  New  Carthage.  On  the  night  of  the  i6th  of  April  the 
gunboats,  followed  by  three  transports — Henry  Clay,  manned 
and  commanded  by  volunteers  from  the  army,  Silver  Wave, 
manned  by  volunteers  and  commanded  by  her  own  captain, 


456  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Captain  McMillan,  and  the  Forrest  Queen,  manned  and  com 
manded  by  her  own  crew  and  Captain  Conway — under  a  most 
terrible  artillery  fire,  passed  the  Vicksburg  batteries  safely,  save 
the  Henry  Clay.  She  got  on  fire  and  burned  up.  On  the  night 
of  the  22nd  six  more  transports  ran  the  batteries,  and  were  all 
more  or"  less  injured.  One  was  a  total  loss,  the  others  were  soon 
sufficiently  repaired  for  use.  These  were  all  manned  and  com 
manded  by  volunteers. 

On  the  29th  the  Navy,  under  Admiral  Porter,  attacked  Grand 
Gulf,  and  after  a  severe  fight  of  five  and  a  half  hours,  found  it 
could  not  silence  all  the  guns  and  drew  out.  After  a  consulta 
tion  with  Admiral  Porter,  General  Grant  decided  to  run  these 
batteries,  and  did  so  that  night  without  damage. 

While  the  Navy  was  engaging  Grand  Gulf,  Sherman  was 
threatening  Vicksburg  from  the  Yazoo.  After  sufficiently  dem 
onstrating,  to  accomplish  his  ends,  he  withdrew,  and  took  up  his 
line  of  march  for  Grand  Gulf. 

On  April  3Oth,  with  McClernand's  Corps  and  two  divisions 
o;f  McPherson's,  we  crossed  the  Mississippi  to  Bruinsburg. 
There  was  a  good  road  from  there  out  to  the  highlands,  of  which 
information  had  been  given  the  night  before  by  a  colored  man. 
On  May  1st  you  fought  and  won  the  Battle  of  Port  Gibson.  On 
the  3rd  you  drove  the  enemy,  who  had  evacuated  Grand  Gulf, 
across  the  Big  Black  river  at  Hankinson's  Ferry  towards  Vicks 
burg.  On  the  8th  Sherman  got  up.  On  the  I2th  you  fought 
and  won  the  battle  of  Raymond.  On  the  I4th  you  fought  and 
won  the  Battle  of  Jackson,  Mississippi.  On  the  i6th  you  fought 
and  won  the  decisive  battle  of  Champion  Hills.  On  the  I7th  you 
fought  and  won  the  Battle  of  Big  Black  river,  and  on  the  i8th 
you  invested  Vicksburg  and  opened  communications  via  the 
Yazoo  and  Mississippi  with  the  North.  On  the  iQth  and  22nd, 
you  assaulted  the  enemy's  works,  but  were  repulsed  with  heavy 
loss.  Reen forced  by  three  divisions  of  the  i6th  corps  from 
Memphis,  General  C.  C.  Washburn,  commanding  Herron's  di 
vision  of  the  Army  of  the  Frontier,  and  two  divisions  of  the 
9th  corps,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  you  completed  the  investment, 
made  a  front  to  the  rear,  facing  the  threatened  approach  of  Joe 
Johnston,  and  patiently  and  perseveringly  prosecuted  the  siege. 
On  the  i8th  of  June,  1863,  General  Ord  relieved  General  Mc- 
Clernand  in  the  command  of  the  I3th  Army  Corps. 

On  the  4th  of  July,   1863,  after  a  siege  of  forty-six  days, 


APPENDIX  457 

Vicksburg,  with  its  armament  and  garrison  of  thirty-one  thou 
sand  men,  was  surrendered  by  Lieutenant  General  Pemberton  to 
Major  General  U.  S.  Grant,  commanding  the  national  forces, 
and  on  that  day  the  eighty-seventh  anniversary  of  the  one  on 
which  we  had  taken  our  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  and  its  comrades  from  other  armies, 
true  to  the  best  hopes  of  their  ancestors  and  unfaltering  in  their 
allegiance  to  the  Republic,  replaced  the  national  flag  on  the 
ramparts  of  Vicksburg,  never  to  be  hurled  down  again.  On  the 
same  day  the  enemy  was  defeated  at  Helena,  Arkansas. 

Sherman  at  once  set  out  after  Joe  Johnston,  who,  with  a  large 
force,  had  for  some  time  been  promising  relief  to  the  beleagured 
garrison  of  Vicksburg.  He  fell  back  on  Jackson,  Mississippi, 
pushed  so  vigorously  by  Sherman  that  on  the  night  of  the  i6th 
of  July  he  evacuated  the  place,  and  the  capital  of  Mississippi 
was  a  second  time  in  our  hands.  From  Jackson,  Sherman  with 
drew  to  the  west  side  of  the  Big  Black.  The  commander  of 
Port  Hudson,  receiving  information  of  the  fall  of  Vicksburg 
on  the  8th,  capitulated  to  General  Banks,  and  the  great  Mis 
sissippi  went  unvexed  to  the  sea. 

From  the  time  General  Grant  left  Memphis,  in  January,  to 
take  the  immediate  direction  of  the  operations  against  Vicks 
burg  General  Hurlbut's  command,  and  especially  his  cavalry,  and 
the  forces  under  General  Dodge  at  Corinth,  were  kept  busily 
employed. 

On  the  7th  of  April,  Colonel  B.  H.  Grierson,  with  about  two 
thousand  cavalry,  started  from  LaGrange,  Tennessee,  to  raid 
upon  the  enemy's  lines  of  communications  in  Mississippi,  and  on 
the  2nd  of  May  came  out  at  Baton  Rouge.  This  was  among  the 
most  brilliant  cavalry  raids  made  during  the  war. 

General  Halleck  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  General 
Grant's  official  report  of  the  campaign  and  capitulation  of  Vicks 
burg,  wrote  as  follows :  "Your  narrative  of  this  campaign,  like 
the  operations  themselves,  is  brief,  soldierly  and  in  every  respect 
creditable  and  satisfactory.  In  boldness  of  plan,  rapidity  of 
execution  and  brilliancy  of  routes,  these  operations  will  com 
pare  most  favorably  with  those  of  Napoleon  about  Ulm.  You 
and  your  army  have  well  deserved  the  gratitude  of  your  country 
and  it  will  be  the  boast  of  your  children  that  their  fathers  were 
of  the  heroic  army  which  reopened  the  Mississippi  river." 

The  9th  Army   Corps   returned   to  Kentucky;   Herron's   di- 


458  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

vision  of  the  Army  of  the  Frontier  and  the  I3th  Army  Corps 
went  to  the  Department  of  the  Gulf;  Kimball's  division  of  the 
i6th  Corps  went  to  Arkansas,  and  John  E.  Smith's  of  the  I7th 
soon  followed  as  far  as  Helena. 

Major  General  Frederick  Steele  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
and  whose  command  also,  save  the  cavalry,  and  some  of  that 
too,  consisted  mostly  of  troops  of  that  army,  on  the  loth  of 
September,  entered  and  occupied  Little  Rock,  the  capital  of 
Arkansas.  General  Sterling  Price,  its  defender,  fled  before  our 
pursuing  cavalry. 

On  September  27th,  in  obedience  to  orders  from  General 
Halleck,  General  Sherman  left  Vicksburg,  via  Memphis  and 
Corinth,  for  Chattanooga;  with  three  divisions  of  the  I5th 
Corps,  leaving  Tuttle's  division  at  Vicksburg,  and  taking  John 
E.  Smith's  division,  then  at  Helena,  in  place  of  it. 

On  the  loth  of  October  General  Grant  also  started  from 
Vicksburg,  north,  to  meet  orders,  and  on  the  i8th  met  the 
Secretary  of  War  at  Indianapolis  and  proceeded  with  him  to 
Louisville,  where,  on  the  same  day,  he  was  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  and  General 
Sherman  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  Gen 
eral  Logan  succeeded  General  Sherman  in  the  command  of  the 
1 5th  Corps.  General  Grant  assumed  command  in  accordance 
with  his  assignment  and  proceeded  direct  to  Chattanooga,  reach 
ing  there  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd. 

On  the  23rd  of  November,  after  a  long  and  severe  march 
across  the  country  from  Memphis,  General  Sherman  with  three 
divisions  of  the  I5th  Corps  and  Jeff.  C.  Davis's  division  of  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland,  was  encamped  behind  the  hills  oppo 
site  the  mouth  of  the  South  Chickamauga,  ready,  when  night 
came,  to  secure  the  south  bank  of  the  Tennessee  river,  and,  on  a 
pontoon  bridge,  which  was  ready  to  be  put  down,  cross  over  and 
seize  the  north  end  of  Missionary  Ridge,  while  Osterhaus's 
division  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  with  General  Hooker 
at  Brown's  Ferry,  ready  to  climb,  with  one  of  his  divisions,  the 
almost  perpendicular  front  of  Lookout  Mountain. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd,  General  G.  H.  Thomas  began 
the  battle  of  Chattanooga  by  assaulting  and  carrying  Indian  or 
Orchard  Knoll  and  all  the  enemy's  line  of  defenses  on  the  Chat 
tanooga  side  of  Cisco  Creek.  By  one  P.  M.  of  the  24th,  General 
Sherman  held  in  his  strong  grasp  the  north  end  of  Missionary 


APPENDIX  459 

Ridge,  and  Osterhaus's  division,  in  conjunction  with  Greary's 
under  General  Hooker,  passed  with  an  eagle's  swoop  up  the 
steep  front  of  Lookout  Mountain,  the  enemy  though  desperately 
fighting  was  unable  to  successfully  resist  them ;  and  in  the  middle 
of  the  same  afternoon  when  the  clouds  lifted,  they  waved  the 
national  flag  in  triumph  from  the  Chattanooga  face  of  the  moun 
tain  and  were  hailed  with  deafening  shouts  by  their  comrades  in 
the  valley  below.  A  bridge  was  thrown  across  Chattanooga 
Creek  and  troops  sent  by  General  Thomas,  who,  after  some  fight 
ing,  formed  a  connection  with  them.  General  Howard's  corps 
moved  in  between  Thomas's  and  Sherman's,  making  our  line  of 
battle  continuous  from  Lookout  Mountain — our  right,  to  the 
north  end  of  Missionary  Ridge — our  left. 

During  the  night  of  the  24th  the  enemy  abandoned  Lookout 
Mountain,  and  concentrated  his  forces  on  Missionary  Ridge. 
On  the  25th  General  Hooker  pushed  forward  on  the  Rossville 
road,  to  get  on  to  Missionary  Ridge  at  Ross's  Gap  and  from 
there  fight  towards  Sherman.  Sherman  several  times  assaulted 
the  enemy's  works,  carried  and  held  some  of  the  outer  ones,  but 
met  with  repulse  from  others.  This  compelled  the  enemy  to 
concentrate  heavily  in  his  front,  which,  with  the  concentration 
necessary  to  meet  Hooker,  who  got  on  the  ridge  and  turned  to 
wards  Sherman  late  in  the  afternoon,  greatly  weakened  his  cen 
ter.  Taking  advantage  of  this  General  Thomas,  with  four 
divisions,  about  four  p.  MV  stormed  Missionary  Ridge,  carrying 
the  line  of  rifle  pits  at  its  base,  climbed  it  to  its  top,  and  under 
a  terrific  artillery  fire,  carried  his  line  there  and  decided  the  fate 
of  the  day.  The  enemy  fled  panic-stricken,  from  the  field,  fol 
lowed  by  Sherman  until  two  o'clock  next  morning. 

On  the  27th,  on  the  heights  of  Ringgold,  Georgia,  his  rear 
guard  made  a  stand,  and  a  part  of  Osterhaus's  division  attacked 
him,  but  met  with  a  severe  repulse.  This  was  the  end  of  the 
pursuit,  but  not  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee's  marching. 

The  Qth  Corps,  that  had  come  to  Vicksburg  to  help  it,  and 
their  comrades  of  the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  were  besieged  in 
Knoxville.  With  other  troops  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  im 
mediately  hastened  to  their  relief.  After  that  relief  was  af 
forded  it  returned  to  the  neighborhood  of  Scottsville  and  Hunts- 
ville,  Alabama. 

In  February,  General  Sherman,  with  a  large  force  under  Mc- 
Pherson  and  Hurlbut,  moved  from  Vicksburg  to  Meridian  and 


460  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

destroyed  nearly  two  hundred  miles  of  the  important  railroads, 
of  which  it  is  the  center.  This  was  done  with  a  view  of  shutting 
the  enemy  off  from  railroad  communication  with  the  Mississippi 
and  of  crippling  him  in  the  next  spring's  campaign  to  be  made 
from  Chattanooga.  Had  General  W.  S.  Smith,  with  a  force  of 
seven  thousand  cavalry  from  near  Memphis,  Tennessee,  joined 
our  forces  at  Meridian  as  he  was  ordered  to  do,  the  enemy 
would  have  suffered  much  greater  damage,  but  this  officer,  on 
reaching  West  Point,  on  the  Mobile  &  Ohio  railroad,  and  rinding 
the  enemy  in  force  back  of  a  stream,  that  could  only  be  crossed 
at  that  time  by  bridges,  took  up  his  line  of  retreat  on  Memphis. 

Sherman  returned  to  Vicksburg.  From  there  he  sent  about 
ten  thousand  men,  under  General  A.  J.  Smith,  to  aid  General 
Banks  in  the  Red  River  expedition,  and  all  other  forces  that 
could  be  spared  from  the  Mississippi  were  concentrated  with 
their  comrades  in  the  vicinity  of  Huntsville,  Alabama. 

On  the  loth  of  March,  General  Grant  was  appointed  Lieuten 
ant  General  and  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the 
United  States.  General  Sherman  was  made  Major  General  in 
the  United  States  Army,  and  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi  and  General  McPherson  to 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  General  Frank  P. 
Blair,  Jr.,  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  I7th  Corps. 

With  the  Armies  of  the  Cumberland  and  Ohio  you  commenced 
on  the  7th  of  May,  1864,  the  campaign  of  Atlanta  and  by  severe 
fighting  and  a  series  of  strategic  movements,  unexcelled  in  their 
masterly  conception  and  execution,  forced  the  enemy  with  heavy 
loss  in  men  and  war  material,  to  abandon  all  his  great  natural 
positions,  strengthened,  too,  by  his  labors  on  mountains,  in 
gorges  and  on  rivers,  from  Dalton  to  the  Atlanta  side  of  the 
Chattahoochie  which  latter  place  you  occupied  July  loth.  Your 
terrible  and  bloody  repulse  of  the  enemy  at  Dallas,  May  28th, 
and  your  splendid  though  unsuccessful  assault  on  Kenesaw 
Mountain,  June  27th,  attests  the  severity  of  your  righting. 

The  enemy  now  changed  Johnston  for  Hood  and  with  this 
change  came  a  change  of  tactics.  Advancing  from  the  Chatta 
hoochie  on  Atlanta,  on  the  2ist,  you  had  severe  but  successful 
fighting. 

On  the  22nd  you  held  the  left  of  our  line.  About  noon  Hood 
threw  the  main  strength  of  his  army  against  it,  General  Mc 
Pherson,  passing  from  Sherman,  with  whom  he  was  in  con- 


APPENDIX  461 

sultation  when  the  attack  began,  to  the  front,  rode  upon  the 
enemy's  advance.  They  called  out  to  him  to  "surrender,"  but 
as  McPherson  and  the  army  he  commanded  only  knew  the  word 
as  addressed  to  a  foe,  he  answered  with  a  soldier's  salutation, 
and  wheeled  his  horse  towards  his  old  comrades.  One  sharp 
rattle  of  musketry  and  the  noble  McPherson  was  gathered  to 
his  fathers. 

General  John  A.  Logan,  when  the  battle's  breath  was  hottest, 
assumed  command,  and  the  words  "McPherson  and  revenge" 
were  the  battle  cry  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  The  ad 
vantage  of  the  battle  at  times  seemed  to  be  with  the  enemy,  but 
the  old  army  fought  with  all  its  accustomed  bravery  and  appar 
ently  with  more  than  its  usual  determination.  When  night  came 
on,  the  enemy  repulsed  at  all  points,  retired  to  within  his  works, 
leaving  the  battle-field  and  the  dead  and  wounded  in  our  pos 
session.  In  this  battle  there  were,  perhaps,  more  individual 
acts  of  heroism  displayed  than  in  any  other  in  which  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee  was  engaged  during  the  war. 

On  the  26th  General  O.  O.  Howard  was  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
West  Point  and  won  great  distinction  in  the  war.  He  was  a 
Christian  soldier  and  a  most  excellent  man  and  was  frequently, 
and  not  without  reason,  called  the  Havelock  of  the  Army. 

Again  on  the  28th,  near  the  Bell's  Ferry  road,  you  were  at 
tacked  by  the  enemy  in  great  force,  and  after  a  severe  battle  of 
nearly  four  hours,  in  which  he  was  several  times  repulsed  with 
great  loss,  he  was  driven  from  the  field  leaving  the  dead  and 
wounded  in  your  hands.  On  the  3ist  of  August,  near  Jones- 
boro,  the  enemy  again  attacked  you,  but  met  with  his  usual  fate 
— a  bloody  repulse. 

On  the  morning  of  September  2nd,  Atlanta  was  in  the  pos 
session  of  Sherman's  army,  and  as  his  telegram  "Atlanta  is  ours 
and  fairly  won"  flashed  North,  it  revived  the  hopes  of  the  de 
spondent  and  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  through  the  national  heart. 

On  the  ist  of  October,  Hood  started  on  his  Northern  invasion, 
and  on  the  5th  attacked  Allatoona  Pass,  defended  by  General 
Corse,  with  two  thousand  men  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 
He  made  several  desperate  assaults  during  the  day,  but  was 
every  time  beaten  back  with  dreadful  slaughter,  and  when  night 
came  beaten  at  every  point,  he  withdrew  toward  Dallas.  In  the 
old  army's  record  of  victories  there  is  no  brighter  one  than  that 


462  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  Allatoona.  On  the  29th  of  October  you  lost  the  young,  gifted 
and  gallant  Ransom,  near  Rome.  He  died  of  disease  and  not  in 
the  battle's  storm,  where  his  chivalric  soul  loved  to  be. 

General  Sherman  having  decided  upon  his  ever  memorable 
"March  to  the  Sea,"  sent  General  Thomas  back  to  Nashville, 
with  what  he  thought  sufficient  force  to  beat  Hood,  should  he 
continue  northward,  and  concentrated  the  remainder  of  his 
forces,  including  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  at  Atlanta.  On 
the  I4th  of  November  they  took  up  their  line  of  march,  and  on 
the  1 3th  of  December,  Hazen's  division  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  assaulted  and  carried  Port  McAllister,  on  the  Ogechee 
river,  and  established  communication  with  the  sea  and  our  sup 
plies.  Thus,  by  your  valor,  one  more  river  went  undisturbed  by 
the  rebel  morning  or  evening  guns  to  the  sea.  On  the  2ist 
Sherman  entered  Savannah.  Hardee,  with  its  garrison,  retreat 
ing  across  the  Savannah  river  northward. 

What  were  your  comrades  under  A.  J.  Smith  doing  all  this 
while,  and  those  that  remained  on  the  Mississippi?  Where  was 
the  old  1 3th  Corps? 

General  A.  J.  Smith,  on  his  way  to  join  General  Banks,  as 
saulted  and  captured  Fort  DeRussey,  on  Red  River,  on  the  I4th 
of  March  and  on  the  i8th  entered  Alexandria,  where  a  few  days 
after,  General  Banks  arrived  with  his  main  army,  consisting  of 
the  iQth  Corps  and  the  old  I3th  Corps.  In  this  unfortunate 
campaign  the  representatives  of  the  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
maintained  their  high  reputation  for  courage,  for  patience  and 
endurance;  and  in  their  devotedness  to  the  navy  when  in  its 
greatest  distress  and  their  labors  to  extricate  it,  when  by  the 
falling  of  the  water  it  was  about  being  entrapped  in  the  Red 
River,  proved  that  they  could  never  forget  those  with  whom,  in 
common  they  had  braved  the  dangers  of  battle  and  shared  the 
honors  of  victory. 

General  A.  J.  Smith,  with  his  command,  returned  to  Memphis, 
just  after  the  defeat  of  General  Sturgis,  near  Guntown,  Mis 
sissippi,  June  loth,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  try  his  hand 
against  the  same  force,  and  met  and  defeated  it,  July  I4th,  near 
Tupelo,  Mississippi.  Returning  again  to  Memphis,  he  proceeded 
to  Missouri  and  aided  in  driving  Price  out  of  that  State.  From 
Missouri  he  repaired  with  his  command  to  Nashville  and  joined 
Major  General  Thomas.  In  the  battle  of  Nashville,  December 


APPENDIX  463 

1 5th,  he  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  and  participated  in  the  pur 
suit  of  the  enemy. 

To  cooperate  with  Banks  in  the  Red  River  expedition,  the 
forces  under  Steele  in  Arkansas  moved  out  via  Arkadelphia  and 
Elkin's  Ferry  to  Camden,  which  place  they  reached  after  de 
feating  the  enemy  in  several  severe  skirmishes,  on  the  i6th  of 
April,  1864.  Learning  there  of  the  retreat  of  General  Banks, 
besides  losing  one  of  their  own  trains,  they  fell  back  upon  the 
line  of  the  Arkansas.  On  the  3Oth  of  April,  while  crossing 
the  Saline  river,  they  were  attacked  by  the  enemy,  whom  they 
repulsed  after  a  severe  conflict.  They  reached  the  Arkansas, 
May  2nd. 

In  February  General  A.  J.  Smith  with  his  command  of  the 
old  Army  of  the  Tennessee  went  to  the  Department  of  the 
Gulf,  and  was  in  the  campaign  and  capture  of  Mobile,  April 
I2th.  The  I3th  Corps  shared  too  in  this  triumph.  It  also  par 
ticipated  in  the  capture  of  Forts  Gaines  and  Morgan,  in  Mobile 
Bay,  August  8th  and  23rd,  1864.  From  Mobile  they  went  to 
the  Rio  Grande. 

In  the  latter  part  of  December  Grierson  made  a  successful 
and  most  damaging  raid  to  the  enemy,  on  the  lines  of  the  Mo 
bile  and  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Central  railroads,  starting  from 
Memphis  and  coming  out  at  Vicksburg.  You  had  your  repre 
sentatives  in  the  cavalry  force  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Nashville 
and  pursuit  of  Hood  and  also  in  the  splendid,  and  to  the  enemy, 
terribly  disastrous  raid  of  Wilson's,  which  brought  up  in  the 
capture  of  Jeff  Davis. 

From  Savannah  on  the  1st  of  February,  1865,  Sherman  took 
up  his  line  of  march  for  North  Carolina,  with  the  ultimate  de 
sign  of  forming  a  junction  with  Grant  in  front  of  Richmond. 
The  hopes  and  wishes  of  the  Western  armies,  especially  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  seemed  about  to  be  realized.  They  had 
long  desired  to  confront  the  men  that  had  so  long  resisted  the 
heroism  and  prowess  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac;  but  in  this 
they  were  disappointed.  Before  their  arrival  Richmond  had 
fallen  and  the  old  army  of  the  Potomac  with  its  comrades,  had 
received  the  surrender  of  the  army  that  had  so  long  defended  it. 

On  the  1 7th  of  February  you  occupied  Columbia  and  on  the 
1 2th  of  March  Fayetteville,  on  the  Cape  Fear  river.  In  the 
meantime  the  remnant  of  Hood's  army  had  united  with  Hardee's 
forces,  with  Joe  Johnston  again  in  command.  On  the  I5th  you 


464  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

resumed  your  march  on  Goldsboro.  On  the  i8th  the  whole  of 
Johnston's  force  attacked  General  Slocum  at  Bentonville.  You 
hastened  to  his  relief  and  assisted  in  defeating  the  enemy.  Your 
presence  defeated  any  further  effort  on  the  part  of  the  enemy 
to  disturb  the  march  to  Goldsboro,  which  was  reached  by  Sher 
man  on  the  22nd.  On  the  loth  of  April  you  set  out  from  Golds 
boro  for  Raleigh  and  on  the  26th  Sherman  received  from  John 
ston  the  surrender  of  the  army  bearing  your  name,  an  army 
which  had  been  driven  from  every  field  or  forced  from  every 
position  where  you  had  participated  against  it. 

On  the  loth  of  May  you  took  up  your  march  from  Raleigh 
for  the  National  Capital,  passed  en  route  through  Richmond, 
late  the  capital  of  the  rebel  authorities  and  on  the  igth  reached 
Alexandria,  Virginia.  On  the  same  day  General  Logan  relieved 
General  Howard  in  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
General  Howard  having  been  appointed  Chief  of  the  Freedman's 
Bureau.  Major  General  W.  B.  Hazen  succeeded  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  1 5th  Corps. 

On  the  24th,  in  front  of  the  White  House,  in  Washington, 
you  were  reviewed  by  the  President  and  Lieutenant  General,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Cabinet  officers,  Foreign  Ministers  and  dis 
tinguished  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  tens  of  thousands 
of  your  countrymen  that  lined  the  great  avenues  of  the  Capital. 
From  Washington  you  went  to  Louisville,  Kentucky,  and  there 
passed  out  of  existence  as  an  army  organization,  and  returned 
to  your  homes. 

General  U.  S.  Grant,  foremost  among  the  military  men  of 
the  age,  your  first  commander,  accords  to  your  fidelity,  to  your 
skill,  to  your  courage  and  prowess,  his  world-wide  reputation — 
a  reputation  that  raised  him  from  the  command  of  an  army  to 
the  command  of  armies,  thence,  with  increase  of  reputation  and 
rank,  to  the  command  of  all  the  military  forces  of  the  United 
States,  where  his  reputation  still  increased  and  honors  still 
thickened  around  his  brow,  but  none  shines  so  bright  as  Vicks- 
burg. 

Lieutenant  General  W.  T.  Sherman,  master  of  the  art  and 
science  of  war,  whose  fame  as  a  military  leader  and  strategist 
is  not  excelled  in  the  annals  of  warfare — your  second  com 
mander — he,  too,  accredits  to  you  a  reputation  that  raised  him 
to  the  command  of  armies,  with  increase  of  reputation,  of  rank 
and  of  honors.  The  loved  and  lamented  Major  General  James 


APPENDIX  465 

B.  McPherson,  individualized  in  his  country's  history,  and  up 
to  the  time  of  his  glorious  death  among  the  foremost  of  its 
illustrious  defenders — your  third  commander — achieved  his 
great  military  reputation  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee ;  and  al 
ways  seemed  to  share  it  with  every  soldier  in  it.  These  soldiers 
while  they  live  will  take  care  of  his  memory,  and  our  country's 
history  will  never  be  so  abridged  as  to  exclude  his  name  and 
fame.  He  was  the  only  army  commander  on  the  National  side 
who  fell  in  battle.  He,  too,  was  raised  to  a  higher  command — 
a  higher  than  Grant  or  Sherman — to  the  command  of  that  army 
of  Immortals,  the  spirits  of  our  martyred  dead.  Their  white 
tents  are  pitched  in  and  around  the  Celestial  City.  Reputations 
do  not  suffer  there,  nor  honors  ever  fade. 

That  illustrious  soldier,  Major  General  O.  O.  Howard — your 
fourth  commander — had  achieved  a  national  reputation  for  his 
splendid  fighting  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  as  commander 
of  the  nth  Corps  in  the  West,  before  he  came  to  command  you. 
You  kept  bright  his  military  fame,  and  he  cheerfully  accredits 
to  his  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  his  advancement 
to  a  Brigadier  General  in  the  United  States  army.  His  humane 
and  Christian  character,  his  high  reputation  as  a  soldier,  and 
the  confidence  he  would  inspire  throughout  the  country,  pointed 
to  him  as  eminently  fitted  for  the  head  of  the  Bureau  of  Refu 
gees,  Freedmen  and  Abandoned  lands,  and  to  this  position  he 
was  called. 

Major  General  John  A.  Logan,  that  daring  and  intrepid  sol 
dier  of  volunteers,  who  carved  his  name  with  his  sword  as  high 
up  on  the  column  of  fame,  to-  be  as  long  read  there  as  any  com 
mander  of  the  war,  was  your  fifth  and  last  commander.  He  was 
emphatically  one  of  yourselves,  and  was  with  you  from  the 
fiery  fight  of  Belmont  to  your  muster  out.  When  McPherson 
fell,  he  succeeded  temporarily  to  the  command,  and  fought  the 
day's  battle,  just  as  McPherson  would  have  done  had  he  lived. 
With  the  same  pride  you  point  to  him  as  one  of  your  representa 
tive  commanders;  he  accords  to  your  bravery  and  courage  his 
high  military  reputation.  With  the  end  of  the  war  and  the  ad 
vent  of  peace  he  went  with  you  into  civil  life. 

In  the  siege  of  Corinth,  the  "Right  Wing"  of  the  National 
forces,  comprising  all  but  two  divisions  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  may  boast  the  honor  of  being  commanded  by  that 
distinguished  soldier  Major  General  George  H.  Thomas.  His 


466  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

military  reputation  is  as  solid  as  the  fact  of  the  great  rebellion 
itself,  and  will  endure  as  long. 

Major  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  the  hero  of  Stone  river, 
achieved  a  reputation  in  the  command  of  troops  of  the  Army 
of  the  .Tennessee  at  luka  and  Corinth  that  gave  him  increase  of 
rank,  and  lifted  him  to  the  command  of  the  grand  old  Army  of 
the  Cumberland. 

Major  General  E.  O.  C.  Ord,  commander  of  the  Army  of  the 
James  in  the  battles  and  campaigns  that  ended  in  the  surrender 
of  Lee,  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  command  of  troops  of 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

Sheridan  who  stands  in  the  front  rank  of  the  world's  heroes 
with  none  in  advance  of  him  if  he  did  not  belong  to  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  he  served  with  it  under  its  first  commander. 
The  English  press  style  him  the  Desaix  of  the  Civil  War.  But 
we  style  him  a  more  than  Desaix.  Desaix  brought  upon  the 
field  of  Marengo  six  thousand  men  and  with  them  turned  defeat 
into  victory,  while  to  the  field  of  Cedar  Creek,  Sheridan's  horse 
brought  only  Sheridan,  whose  genius  alone  retrieved  the  disaster 
of  the  day,  and  from  defeat  snatched  victory. 

In  no  army  did  the  soldier  enjoy  greater  liberty,  consistent 
with  military  discipline,  than  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and 
in  none  were  his  rights  and  his  life  more  carefully  guarded. 
Newspapers,  whether  they  supported  the  Administration  or  op 
posed  it  were  alike  permitted  to  circulate  among  the  men.  Cor 
respondents  of  the  press,  without  regard  to  the  political  char 
acter  of  the  papers  they  represented,  had  the  same  privileges 
granted  them.  Soldiers  traveling  on  furlough  were  protected 
from  the  payment  of  exorbitant  prices  for  transportation  that 
were  frequently  sought  to  be  imposed  upon  them.  The  mails 
from  the  time  we  left  Cairo,  kept  up  with  us,  and  were  dis 
tributed  with  almost  as  much  regularity  as  in  our  large  cities. 

Up  to  the  time  of  its  greatest  triumph  the  death  penalty  had 
not  been  inflicted  in  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  Men  had  been 
tried  for  desertion,  and  other  offenses,  the  penalty  for  which 
was  death,  and  found  guilty  and  sentenced  accordingly,  but 
from  various  causes  the  sentences  were  not  carried  into  execu 
tion.  The  discipline  of  the  army  was  good,  and  there  were  no 
more  desertions  from  it  than  from  other  armies,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  no  man  had  been  made  an  example  of,  by  shooting 
in  the  presence  of  his  comrades. 


APPENDIX  467 

The  subordination  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  to  the  poli 
cies  and  acts  of  the  government  affecting  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  is  worthy  of  the  highest 
commendation.  You  had  no  policy  of  your  own  to  propose,  but 
went  forth  as  expressed  by  the  Legislative  Branch  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  to  do  battle  in  no  spirit  of  oppression,  or  for  any  pur 
pose  of  conquest  or  subjugation,  or  purpose  of  overthrowing 
or  interfering  with  the  rights  or  established  institutions  of  the 
States  in  rebellion;  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the  supremacy 
of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  with  all  dignity, 
equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired. 

In  this  purpose  and  spirit  you  fought,  interfering  in  no  wise 
with  the  institution  of  slavery,  save  to  maintain  as  free  those 
who,  with  the  consent  of  his  master  or  lawful  agent,  might  be 
found  in  arms  or  in  the  performance  of  any  military  service 
against  the  Government. 

September  22nd,  1862,  President  Lincoln  issued  his  prelimi 
nary  proclamation  of  emancipation.  You  accepted  this  as  a 
means  to  the  maintenance  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  preservation  of  the  Union  with  all  the  dignity,  equality 
and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired,  and  fought  on. 
January  ist,  1863,  the  great  proclamation  of  emancipation  was 
issued.  In  March  following  began  the  organization  of  negroes 
in  the  military  service.  Whatever  prejudice  may  have  existed 
against  their  being  elevated  to  the  position  of  a  soldier  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  was  overcome  by  your  devotion  to 
your  country.  Their  courage  and  desperate  fighting  at  Millikin's 
Bend,  June  7th,  won  your  sympathy  and  respect;  and  the  23rd 
Iowa — a  regiment  especially  distinguished  for  its  gallantry — 
that  lost  in  that  terrible  combat  nearly  one  half  of  their  number 
it  had  engaged,  but  expressed  the  magnanimity  of  the  old  army 
in  accrediting  the  enemy's  severe  repulse  to  the  colored  sol 
diers. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation  and  the  arming  of  the  ne 
groes  (formerly  slaves)  intensified,  if  such  were  possible,  the 
enemy's  opposition  to  us.  He  refused  to  recognize  them  as  sol 
diers  or  accord  to  them  when  captured  the  rights  of  prisoners 
of  war.  July  i8th,  1864,  it  was  in  effect  announced  by  the 
President  that  no  proposition,  unless  it  embraced  the  restoration 
of  peace,  the  integrity  of  the  whole  Union  and  the  abandonment 
of  slavery,  would  be  considered  by  the  Executive  Government 


468  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  the  United  States.  This  abolition  of  slavery  was  thenceforth 
one  of  the  conditions  to  peace.  You  continued  to  fight  on  until 
the  enemy  not  only  recognized  the  colored  soldier,  when  captured, 
as  entitled  to  be  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  but  until  the 
Rebel  Congress,  a  Congress  of  slave  holders,  notwithstanding 
the  bitterness  with  which  they  had  denounced  the  National  Gov 
ernment  for  the  same  act,  passed  a  law  authorizing  the  arming 
of  negro  slaves  and  putting  them  in  the  ranks  side  by  side  with 
the  white  soldiers  of  the  rebel  army.  Thus,  before  the  conflict 
ceased,  they  stood  elevated  to  the  dignity  of  defenders  of  the 
flag  they  were  under,  whether  national  or  rebel,  representing 
freedom  or  slavery. 

But  you  fought  on  until  the  military  power  of  the  rebellion 
was  destroyed — until  the  national  flag,  with  two  more  stars  than 
when  you  began,  waved  over  every  foot  of  soil  of  the  United 
States — until  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  was  maintained, 
and  the  Union  preserved  with  all  the  dignity,  equality  and 
rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired,  and  the  Southern  States, 
with  those  of  the  North,  were  willing,  as  they  subsequently  did, 
to  ratify  the  constitutional  amendment  submitted  by  Congress, 
forever  abolished  slavery  in  the  United  States ;  and  secure  to  us, 
without  question,  the  fruits  of  the  great  Emancipation  Procla 
mation — freedom  to  all.  In  your  burning  patriotism  the  preju 
dice  against  race  perished  as  that  of  party  in  the  commencement 
of  the  contest ;  and  you  could  read  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  as  Jefferson  wrote  it,  and  see  realized  the  grand  truth, 
"that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they  are  endowed  by  the 
Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness."  That  which  was  the 
subject  race  under  the  law  was  the  equal  of  other  races ;  and 
if,  in  the  Providence  of  God,  greater  privileges  were  to  be  ex 
tended  to  it,  you  could  answer  in  your  dead,  "The  sacrifice  has 
been  made,  the  lamb  has  been  slain  upon  the  altar,  and  the  in 
cense  has  risen  to  Heaven/' 

Such,  gentlemen,  is  a  brief  presentation  of  the  career  and 
character  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  There  are  many  con 
flicts  and  combats  reflecting  honor  upon  the  national  arms,  and 
upon  those  engaged  in  them,  scarcely  or  even  incidentally  al 
luded  to.  To  collect  and  preserve  reports  of  all  battles,  combats, 
skirmishes  and  reconnoissances,  with  the  names  of  the  organiza 
tions  or  detachments  of  troops  engaged,  and  of  the  officers  com- 


APPENDIX  469 

manding  them,  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  would  be  an 
object  worthy  of  your  consideration. 

They  were  in  defense  of  the  nation  and  the  integrity  of  the 
whole  Union.  And  if  this  national  Union  of  ours  is  to  be 
perpetuated,  the  heroic  achievements  of  the  whole  national  sol 
diery,  not  only  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  but  of  all  the 
national  armies  who  contributed  in  an  equal  degree  to  the  na 
tional  triumph,  must  be  commemorated  as  the  deeds  of  Wash 
ington  and  his  compeers,  as  those  of  the  heroes  of  1812,  and 
as  those  of  our  countrymen  in  the  war  with  Mexico;  they  were 
all  alike  under  the  national  flag. 

The  objects  of  your  Society  are  to  keep  alive  and  preserve 
that  kindly  and  cordial  feeling  which  was  one  of  the  chief 
characteristics  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  which  gave 
it  such  harmony  of  action  and  contributed  so  much  to  its  glori 
ous  achievements  in  our  country's  cause,  and  to  hold  in  sacred 
trust  the  fame  and  glory  of  the  officers  of  that  army  who  fell 
on  the  field  of  battle  or  in  the  line  of  duty,  or  who,  since  the 
war,  have  been  or  may  hereafter  be  stricken  down  by  death ;  and 
to  cause  proper  memorials  of  their  services  to  be  collected  and 
preserved,  and  thus  transmit  their  names  in  honor  to  posterity; 
and  to  relieve  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  its  members, 
whenever  brought  to  their  attention,  the  families  of  such  offi 
cers  who  may  be  in  indigent  circumstances — all  such  families 
having  a  claim  upon  the  generosity  of  the  Society. 

Your  dead  line  the  banks  of  the  great  Mississippi  and  its 
tributaries  and  sleep  upon  every  field  of  conflict  in  which  you 
were  engaged  along  the  line  of  weary  march  and  in  the  ceme 
teries  of  hospital  and  of  home.  To  cause  proper  memorials 
of  their  services  to  be  collected  and  preserved  and  thus  transmit 
their  names  in  honor  to  posterity,  and  to  relieve  their  distressed 
families  as  far  as  we  are  able,  will  be  to  us  not  only  a  work  of 
love,  but  a  Christian  duty.  The  Bible  commands  forgiveness  of 
our  enemies,  but  never  forget  fulness  of  our  friends ;  and  in 
heaven's  plan  for  the  restoration  of  man  to  the  high  estate  from 
which  he  fell — life  eternal — remembrance  of  and  belief  in,  the 
efficacy  of  the  sacrifice  made  is  especially  required.  We  know 
the  greatness  of  the  sacrifice  made  that  the  nation  might  live — 
we  appreciate  its  efficacy  and  will  not  forget  the  dead — the  sacri 
ficed. 

What   have   the   dead — the   sacrificed — viewed    as    individual 


470  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

men,  gained  by  this?  Nothing.  But  viewed  in  the  aggregate 
with  other  men  as  constituting  a  nation,  in  the  life  and  per 
petuity  of  which,  under  heaven,  is  involved  the  highest  destiny 
of  the  human  race — in  giving  up  their  lives  that  the  nation  might 
live  and.  be  perpetuated — they  have  gained  the  end  of  their  ex 
istence  here  and  returned  to  their  God. 

We  will  never  forget  them,  but  labor  to  preserve  the  record 
of  their  virtues,  their  deeds  of  devotion  and  self-sacrifice,  that 
it  may  pass  to  coming  generations  so  bright  that  each  suc 
cessively  may  be  inspired  to  emulate  it  and  forever  preserve 
and  perpetuate  the  national  life  and  virtue.  The  nation  will 
never  forget  its  dead  nor  those  dependent  on  them.  If  it  should, 
it  would  be  like  the  forest  oak  girdled  in  midsummer.  The 
spring  would  come,  but  with  it  no  sap  to  send  forth  its  leaves 
in  beauty  again.  Dangers  would  threaten  the  nation,  perils 
would  environ  it,  but  there  would  be  no  patriotism  to  send 
forth  soldiers  in  its  defense — there  would  be  no  voluntary  offer 
of  lives  that  it  might  live.  But  the  nation  will  not  forget  them. 


IV 


ADDRESS    OF    GENERAL    RAWLINS,    DELIVERED   AT   GALENA,    ILLINOIS, 

JUNE    14,    1867 

FELLOW  CITIZENS: 

When  a  boy,  bringing  the  produce  of  my  father's  farm — of 
his  forests  and  of  his  quarries — to  your  market,  I  always  met 
with  favor  and  kindness.  When  grown  to  be  a  man,  as  a  student 
of  law  I  had  your  words  of  encouragement.  When  a  practi 
tioner  of  law,  I  had  your  support  and  patronage ;  and  when  the 
roll  call  of  the  nation  sounded  to  arms,  with  your  fathers,  your 
sons,  husbands  and  brothers,  I  went  out  from  among  you,  with 
your  blessings  and  your  prayers,  to  aid  in  maintaining  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union;  and  after  four 
years'  participation  in  the  bloodiest  war  ever  waged  among  men, 
and  two  years'  cognizance  of  the  restoration  of  civil  authority 
and  constitutional  government  from  its  wreck  and  ruin,  I  come 
back  to  you  and  meet  with  a  welcome  that,  were  it  not  for  the 
friendship  you  have  always  evinced  towards  me,  I  should  at 
tribute  wholly  to  my  long,  intimate  association  with  that  most 


APPENDIX  47i 

successful  of  the  world's  military  chieftains,  General  U.  S. 
Grant,  and  the  great  cause  in  which  he  achieved  success.  For 
this  welcome,  friends  of  my  boyhood,  friends  of  my  manhood, 
friends  of  my  whole  life,  accept  my  sincere  thanks. 

Many  of  those  who  went  from  among  you  have  not  returned, 
and  many  who  have  are  battle-scarred  and  maimed.  This  glooms 
your  homes,  and  over  your  reception  hangs  like  a  pall.  Where 
are  those  unreturned  braves?  Their  bodies  sleep  in  death  on 
every  battlefield  and  in  every  patriot  cemetery  in  this  broad 
land,  but  their  souls  awake  in  Christ — have  found  peace  with 
the  God  of  Washington  and  of  Lincoln. 

In  no  spirit  of  partisanship,  but  from  the  eminence  of  our 
nationality,  let  us  review  the  cause  of  the  war,  the  acts  of  the 
Government  to  prevent  it,  and  while  it  was  raging  to  induce  its 
abandonment  by  those  who  controlled  it ;  its  effect  upon  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  and  upon  the  gov 
ernments  of  the  States  that  made  it,  and  the  acts  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  restore  to  their  proper  efficiency  and  relation,  every 
thing  affected  by  it.  They  are  the  questions  with  which  we 
are  dealing  to-day,,  and  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  to  consider  well 
the  probable  effect  of  this  dealing  on  the  future  of  our  country 
and  of  mankind. 

The  Constitution  adopted  by  our  fathers,  although  the  word 
slave  or  master  does  not  appear  in  it,  recognized  their  existence 
in  the  States,  and  provided  for  the  protection  of  the  master  in 
his  right  to  his  slave,  in  the  apportionment  of  representatives 
and  direct  taxes,  and  in  providing  for  the  delivery  up  of  per 
sons  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  who  might  escape  into 
another,  on  a  claim  of  the  party  entitled  to  such  service  or  labor. 
In  accordance  with  public  opinion  at  the  time,  the  Constitution 
was  so  formed  that  any  one  or  all  of  the  States  might  abolish 
slavery  without  any  other  effect  than  the  increase  of  the  repre 
sentatives  and  taxes  of  the  State  or  States  abolishing  it.  It  was 
thought  by  a  majority  of  the  \distinguished  statesmen  who 
formed  the  Constitution  that  slavery  would  gradually  and  in 
time  disappear  from  all  the  States.  Massachusetts  had  abolished 
it,  and  it  had  been  forever  prohibited  in  the  Northwestern  Terri 
tory.  Seven  others  of  the  States  abolished  it,  but  the  increased 
value  of  slave  labor  put  a  stop  to  its  abolition  in  other  States, 
and  their  legislation  tended  to  strengthen  the  title  of  the  master 
and  degrade  the  slave  and  free  persons  of  his  race.  All  sources 


472  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

of  education  were  denied  to  them,  and  the  right  of  suffrage, 
which  free  persons  of  color  enjoyed  in  some  of  them,  was  taken 
away,  and  they  were  prohibited  from  coming  into  and  settling 
in  these  States.  In  the  free  States,  too,  public  opinion  in  sup 
port  of.  compromises  in  the  interest  of  slavery  that  Southern 
threats  of  secession  and  disunion  had  forced  them  into  under 
went  a  change,  and  in  many  of  them  disabilities  were  imposed 
upon  free  persons  of  color  nearly  if  not  quite  as  severe  as  in 
the  slave  States.  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
which,  to  get  Missouri  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State,  forever 
prohibited  slavery  in  the  territory  north  of  36  deg.  39  min.  north 
latitude,  aroused  the  people  of  the  free  States  upon  the  subject 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  made  a  decided  change  in 
public  opinion.  But  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the 
Dred  Scott  case — that  those  of  the  enslaved  African  race, 
though  free  men,  were  not  nor  could  not  be  citizens  of  any 
State,  in  the  sense  in  which  that  word  was  used  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  could  not  be  parties  to  suits  in  any  Federal  Court,  not 
even  to  those  involving  their  rights,  under  the  laws,  to  freedom ; 
that  neither  the  enslaved  African  race  nor  their  descendants, 
whether  free  or  not,  were  included  or  intended  to  be  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  formed  no  part  of  the  people 
who  framed  and  adopted  the  Constitution — returned  public  opin 
ion  in  the  free  States  to  the  point  of  its  departure  from  the 
opinion  of  our  fathers. 

The  correctness  of  this  decision,  which  involved  the  right  of 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  as  well  as  negro  citizenship,  was  the 
main  issue  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1860. 

Against  its  correctness  and  justice,  and  in  favor  of  Congres 
sional  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  was  recorded  a 
majority  of  the  popular  vote,  in  all  the  free  States,  of  293,767, 
in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  electoral  vote  of  every  one  of 
them,  except  four  from  New  Jersey.  From  the  slave  States 
there  were  recorded  against  it,  and  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
26,430.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  180  of  the  electoral  votes  to  123  for 
all  others.  The  result  was  held  by  the  slave  States  as  de 
structive  of  their  rights  in  the  Union,  and  especially  endanger 
ing  their  title  to  their  slaves,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  in 
both  branches  of  Congress  they  had  a  majority  in  their  favor; 
that  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  were  in  their  interests, 
and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  popular  vote  was  930,170  in  the 


APPENDIX  473 

minority.  With  this  apprehended  danger  as  a  pretext,  eleven  of 
the  States  withdrew  their  representatives  from  Congress,  and, 
in  hostility  to  the  Union,  organized  a  Government  which  they 
styled  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  in  which  slavery  was 
to  be  forever  perpetuated. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens,  the  vice-president  of  this  rebel  gov 
ernment,  in  his  exposition  of  its  constitution,  and  contrasting  it 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  declared  that  the 
prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  Jefferson  and  most  of  the  lead 
ing  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  old  Constitu 
tion  were  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was  in  violation 
of  the  laws  of  nations;  that  it  was  wrong  in  principle,  socially, 
morally  and  politically;  that  it  was  an  evil  they  knew  not  well 
how  to  deal  with,  but  the  general  opinion  of  the  men  of  that 
day  was  that  somehow  or  other,  in  the  order  of  Providence,  the 
institution  would  be  evanescent  and  pass  away ;  that  this  idea, 
though  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  was  the  prevailing 
idea  at  the  time;  that  those  ideas,  however,  were  fundamentally 
wrong.  They  rested  upon  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of 
races.  This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  foundation  and  the 
idea  of  a  government  built  upon  it !  When  the  storm  came  and 
the  wind  blew,  it  fell.  "But  our  new  government,"  he  said, 
"is  founded  upon  exactly  the  opposite  idea.  Its  foundations 
are  laid;  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the  great  truth  that  the 
negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man;  that  slavery,  subordination 
to  the  superior  race  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  This, 
our  new  government,  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world  based 
upon  this  great  physical,  philosophical  and  moral  truth." 

Upon  the  issues  so  clearly  stated  by  Mr.  Stephens,  war  was 
made  upon  the  United  States,  and  for  more  than  four  years 
the  lawful  authority  of  the  Union  was  resisted.  Everything  was 
done  that  could  be  done  to  induce  the  States  and  the  people 
in  rebellion  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  their  allegiance. 
The  Territories  of  Colorado,  Nevada  and  Dakota,  comprising 
nearly  all  our  remaining  territory,  were  organized  without  any 
prohibition  of  slavery.  President  Lincoln  in  his  inaugural  ad 
dress,  March  4,  1861,  denied  the  purpose  or  lawful  right  of  the 
Government  to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  existed,  and  de 
clared  that  he  would  enforce  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves ;  that  the  Government  would 
not  assail  the  South,  and  that  they  could  not  have  conflict  with- 


474  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

out  themselves  being  the  aggressors.  And  Congress  resolved, 
by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  on  July  22nd,  1861,  that  the  war 
was  not  waged  on  our  part  in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  or  for  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the  rights  or  estab 
lished  institutions  of  the  States  in  rebellion,  but  to  defend  and 
maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve 
the  Union  with  all  the  dignity  and  equality  of  the  several  States 
unimpaired,  and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  were  accomplished 
the  war  ought  to  cease.  But  all  these  acts,  declarations  and 
resolutions  had  no  effect  upon  those  in  rebellion.  They  strength 
ened,  however,  our  hold  upon  the  border  slave-holding  States, 
and  made  many  in  the  free  States,  who  seemed  to  hesitate, 
active  supporters  of  the  war  measures  of  the  Government,  and 
answered  the  arguments  of  Confederate  agents  to  the  crowned 
heads  of  Europe  for  recognition,  that  we  were  making  war 
upon  them  with  a  view  to  their  subjugation  and  the  destruction 
of  their  individual  rights.  No  nation  ever  before  so  literally 
obeyed  the  scriptural  injunction,  "that  ye  resist  not  evil,  but 
whosoever  shall  smite  thee  on  the  right  cheek,  turn  to  him  the 
other  also."  It  was  not  until  the  seceding  States  opened  their 
guns  upon  Fort  Sumter  that  the  majesty  and  manhood  of  the 
nation  was  aroused  to  resistance — a  resistance  the  magnitude 
and  grandeur  of  which  was  only  equaled  by  the  good  resulting 
from  it  to  the  human  race. 

The  only  legislation  in  1861  affecting  slavery,  after  the  war 
began,  was  to  declare  the  forfeiture  of  the  master's  claim  to  his 
slave  if  he  permitted  him  to  be  employed  in  any  military  or 
naval  service  against  the  Government.  April  16,  1862,  slavery 
was  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  July  12,  1862,  Con 
gress  passed  a  law  declaring,  among  other  things,  that  all  the 
slaves  of  those  engaged  in  rebellion  thereafter,  or  were  in  any 
way  giving  aid  and  comfort  therein,  coming  within  the  lines 
of  the  army  and  the  control  of  the  Government  in  the  manner 
therein  described,  should  be  deemed  captives  of  war  and  for 
ever  free ;  and  authorizing  the  employment  and  enlistment  of 
negroes  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  authorizing  the 
President  at  any  time  thereafter  by  proclamation  to  extend 
pardons  and  amnesty  to  persons  who  might  have  participated 
in  the  rebellion,  with  such  exceptions,  at  such  times,  and  on 
such  conditions  as  he  might  deem  expedient  for  the  public  wel 
fare. 


APPENDIX  475 

September  22,  1862,  the  President  issued  his  preliminary 
proclamation  of  emancipation,  in  which  he  proclaimed  that  on 
the  ist  day  of  January  thereafter  all  persons  held  as  slaves 
within  any  State,  or  part  of  a  State,  to  be  then  designated,  the 
people  whereof  should  then  be  in  rebellion,  should  be  then, 
thenceforward  and  forever  free;  that  the  fact  that  any  State, 
or  the  people  thereof,  should  on  that  day  be  in  good  faith  repre 
sented  in  Congress,  should,  in  the  absence  of  strong  corroborat 
ing  testimony,  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  that  such  State, 
and  the  people  thereof,  were  not  then  in  rebellion  against  the 
United  States. 

January  I,  1862,  President  Lincoln  issued  the  emancipation 
proclamation  as  promised.  The  organization  of  negro  troops 
was  begun,  and  carried  on  with  great  success.  During  the  war 
we  had  in  the  army  over  200,000  of  them,  who,  by  their  bravery 
and  good  righting,  proved  the  wisdom  of  the  Government.  They 
hurt  the  enemy  by  leaving  his  plantations,  as  well  as  by  the 
deadly  aim  of  their  muskets. 

April  24,  1863,  Mr.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  published  to 
the  country  what  the  United  States  held  to  be  the  laws  of  war 
between  them  and  a  belligerent,  which  admitted  of  slavery, 
which  was  that  if  any  person  held  in  bondage  by  that  belligerent 
was  captured,  or  came  as  a  fugitive  under  the  protection  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  United  States,  he  was  immediately  en 
titled  to  his  freedom,  and  that  a  person  so  made  free  by  the 
law  of  war  was  under  the  shield  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the 
former  owner  or  State  could'  have  by  the  law  of  post  liminy 
no  belligerent  lien  or  claim  of  service. 

December  8,  1863,  President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation  to 
the  States  and  people  in  rebellion,  extending  amnesty  and  par 
don  to  all,  except  certain  classes  therein  specified,  who  would 
take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  and  Union  and  the  acts 
of  Congress  and  the  proclamations  of  the  President  relating  to 
slaves  during  the  rebellion,  so  long  and  so  far  as  not  repealed, 
modified,  or  made  void  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  promising 
the  guarantee  of  the  United  States  to  any  republican  government 
in  no  wise  contravening  said  oath  that  one-tenth  or  more  of  the 
voters  therein  mentioned  as  qualified  to  vote  might  establish. 
This  was  with  the  view  of  forming  a  nucleus  around  which  the 
loyal  people  could  gather  for  protection.  Tennessee  organized 
under  this  proclamation,  and  abolished  slavery.  Arkansas  and 


476  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Louisiana  commenced,  but  did  not  complete  their  organization 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Government. 

On  the  i8th  day  of  July,  1864,  President  Lincoln  gave  notice 
to  the  people  in  rebellion  that  any  proposition  embracing  the 
restoration  of  peace,  the  integrity  of  the  whole  Union  and  the 
abandonment  of  slavery,  and  coming  by  and  with  an  authority 
that  could  control  the  armies  then  at  war  against  the  United 
States,  would  be  received  and  considered  by  the  Executive  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  would  be  met  by  lib 
eral  terms  on  substantial  collateral  points.  The  South  still  per 
sisted  in  the  maintenance  of  the  rebel  government  and  the  per 
petuation  of  slavery.  Sherman  had  not  taken  Atlanta  nor  made 
his  famous  march  to  the  sea.  Early  had  not  yet  been  defeated 
by  Sheridan,  nor  the  Shenandoah  Valley  so  stripped  of  supplies 
that,  in  the  words  of  Grant's  order,  "Crows  flying  over  it  would, 
for  the  season,  have  to  carry  their  rations."  Thomas  had  not 
broken  to  pieces  Hood's  army,  nor  had  Grant  destroyed  and 
captured  the  army  of  Lee.  Enough  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
men  had  not  yet  fallen  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  rebellion  or 
been  sacrificed  upon  the  altar  of  freedom.  The  rebel  govern 
ment  still  maintained  its  power  and  authority,  and  sent  forth  its 
edicts  of  war,  bitter  war,  from  the  gates  of  Richmond.  It  still 
persisted  not  only  in  not  giving  freedom  to  the  slaves,  but  in 
not  recognizing  them  as  prisoners  of  war,  when  captured  in  our 
service,  in  our  uniform,  and  under  our  flag.  It  continued  in  its 
ranks  tens  of  thousands  of  prisoners  who  had  been  captured  and 
paroled  by  us,  without  giving  the  equivalents  required  by  the 
cartel  agreed  upon  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  To  redress 
this  gross  injustice  and  violation  of  the  laws  of  war,  all  ex 
changes  were  suspended,  and  continued  suspended  until  the  cry 
of  our  prisoners,  "We  starve,  we  starve,"  came  to  us  from  Belle 
Isle,  Andersonville  and  Salisbury. 

February  3,  1866,  found  Sherman  moving  from  Savannah 
northward  through  the  Carolinas;  the  forts  at  the  entrance  of 
Mobile  and  Fort  Fisher,  commanding  the  entrance  to  Wilming 
ton,  in  our  possession;  the  troops  moving  from  Thomas's  army, 
both  east  and  south,  by  rail  and  river,  to  complete  the  capture  of 
these  important  cities;  the  fragments  of  Hood's  army  moving 
to  join  the  force  under  Hardee  that  had  fled  from  Savannah  to 
interpose  between  Sherman  and  Richmond ;  and  rebel  commis 
sioners,  headed  by  their  vice-president,  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  in 


APPENDIX  477 

conference  with  President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward,  Secretary 
of  State,  in  Hampton  Roads,  on  the  subject  of  peace. 

Mr.  Lincoln  still  insisted  upon  the  integrity  of  the  whole 
Union  and  the  abandonment  of  slavery,  and  promised  great 
liberality  upon  all  collateral  issues.  But  the  representatives  of 
the  rebellion  declined  to  accede  to  these  terms.  In  March  the 
rebel  Congress  authorized  the  enlistment  of  negro  slaves  in 
the  Confederate  service  as  soldiers.  This  was  the  first  inroad 
of  the  rebel  government  upon  the  ideas  on  which  it  was  founded. 
It  was  a  concession  that  there  was  enough  of  the  man  left  in 
the  slave  for  a  soldier,  and  entitled  him  to  be  treated  when 
captured  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  It  went  far,  too,  toward  remov 
ing  the  prejudice  against  him. 

The  war  for  the  perpetuation  of  slavery,  however,  continued — 
the  earth's  thirst  was  still  slaked  by  freemen's  blood  until  the 
glittering  bayonets  of  Grant's  army  flashed  the  sunlight  in  the 
face  of  Lee's,  as  they  interposed  between  him  and  all  hope  of 
escape  at  Appomattox  Court  House,  and  Johnston  surrendered 
to  Sherman,  and  Dick  Taylor  and  Kirby  Smith  to  General 
Canby,  and  all  the  conditions  of  the  laws  of  Congress  and  of 
war,  as  announced  by  the  Government,  entitling  the  slave  to 
freedom,  were  complied  with,  and  the  great  emancipation  procla 
mation  of  President  Lincoln  obtained  throughout  the  land.  The 
rock  upon  which  the  Confederate  government  was  founded  was 
calcined,  and  the  base  fabric  it  supported  sunk  from  the  sight 
of  men. 

The  South  was  one  vast  camp  of  paroled  prisoners,  and  the 
four  millions  of  slaves  constituted  as  many  millions  of  their 
free  population,  and  the  military  authority  of  the  United  States 
alone  afforded  it  protection.  If  the  African  or  enslaved  race 
had  no  Moses  to  lead  them  from  the  land  of  bondage  through 
the  Red  Sea  of  deliverance,  they  had  masters  whose  hearts  were 
hardened  by  the  Almighty,  through  the  agency  of  the  Liberal 
party,  to  inaugurate  a  civil  war  that  made  the  very  land  in 
which  they  dwelt  a  sea  of  blood  which,  when  it  arose  sufficiently 
high  to  slacken  their  bonds  so  that  they  slipped  from  their  limbs, 
Liberty's  God  made  the  earth  drink  up,  and  left  them  free. 

The  restoration  of  the  States  that  had  been  in  rebellion  to 
their  proper  relations  with  the  Government  required  the  action 
of  both  the  President  and  Congress.  President  Johnson,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  Presidency  upon  the  death  of  the  lamented 


478  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

and  immortal  Lincoln,  entered  at  once  upon  this  important  duty, 
and,  had  the  Southern  States  filled  their  offices  with  men  of 
the  most  approved  loyalty  among  them,  recognized  not  only  the 
settlement  of  the  question  of  secession,  but  also  the  settlement 
of  the  citizenship  of  the  emancipated  race  among  them,  and  their 
right  to  the  benefit  of  all  the  laws  for  the  protection  of  life,  lib 
erty  and  property  equally  with  white  men,  and  extended  to  such 
as  could  read  or  write  or  paid  a  certain  amount  of  taxes  the  right 
of  suffrage,  as  suggested  to  them  by  the  President,  and  chosen 
representatives  to  Congress  whose  loyalty  during  the  war  was 
above  question,  with  what  they  did  do  in  the  ratification  of  the 
constitutional  amendment  abolishing  slavery  and  the  repudiation 
of  the  rebel  debt,  it  might  have  been  concurred  in  by  Congress 
and  approved  by  the  people.  But  as  they  did  not  do  this,  Con 
gress  through  a  joint  committee  of  fifteen,  known  as  the  Com 
mittee  on  Reconstruction,  instituted  an  inquiry  into  the  character 
of  their  laws  and  governments,  and  their  manner  of  administer 
ing  justice,  pending  which  their  representatives  were  refused  ad 
mission  into  Congress.  At  this  time  none  of  the  prominent  citi 
zens  in  these  States,  or  officers  of  the  army  and  civil  departments 
of  the  Government,  thought  it  practicable  to  withdraw  the  mili 
tary  force,  for  both  whites  and  blacks  mutually  required  its  pro 
tection,  and  it  was  so  reported  officially  to  the  Government. 

On  the  1 2th  of  January,  1866,  official  information  from  the 
South  made  it  necessary  to  protect  officers,  soldiers  and  others 
who  had  been  connected  with  the  army  and  persons  charged  with 
offences  done  against  the  rebel  forces  during  the  rebellion,  and 
the  occupants  and  custodians  of  abandoned  lands  and  property, 
to  issue  an  order  from  the  headquarters  of  the  army  directing, 
where  it  had  not  already  been  done,  orders  to  be  issued  by  local 
commanders  prohibiting  the  prosecution  of  these  classes  for  acts 
done  under  proper  orders,  or  against  the  rebellion,  in  the  State 
and  municipal  courts,  and  also  to  protect  colored  persons  from 
prosecutions  for  offences  for  which  white  persons  were  not  pun 
ished  in  the  same  manner  and  degree. 

April  2nd,  1866,  President  Johnson  issued  his  proclamation  de 
claring  the  end  (except  in  Texas)  of  the  insurrection  which  had 
existed  in  the  seceding  States,  and  that  it  was  thenceforward  to 
be  so  regarded.  On  the  1st  of  May,  in  an  order  relating  to  mili 
tary  courts  and  commissions  in  these  States,  the  President  di 
rected  that  thereafter  whenever  offences  committed  by  civilians 


APPENDIX  479 

were  to  be  tried  where  civil  tribunals  were  in  existence  which 
could  try  them,  these  cases  were  not  authorized  to  be,  and  would 
not  be,  brought  before  military  courts,  but  would  be  committed 
to  the  proper  civil  authorities. 

The  result  of  the  Congressional  inquiry  into  the  character  of 
the  laws  and  governments  of  the  seceding  States,  and  the  manner 
of  administering  justice  there,  was  to  satisfy  Congress  that  the 
governments  in  those  States  were  illegal  or  anti-republican  in 
form,  and  that  the  emancipated  race  was  not  afforded  the  equal 
protection  of  the  laws  with  the  governing  class;  that  many  of  the 
disabilities  that  attached  to  them  when  slaves  had  not  been  re 
moved,  and  that  in  fact  in  some  districts  they  had  no  protection  at 
all,  owing  to  the  prejudice  of  the  governing  class  against  them 
and  the  neglect  of  the  civil  authorities  to  arrest  and  punish  those 
who  committed  the  crime  of  murder  or  other  offences  against 
them.  Whereupon  Congress,  by  virtue  of  the  constitutional  obli 
gation  guaranteeing  to  each  State  within  the  Union  a  republican 
form  of  government,  and  the  provision  that  no  person  should  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty  or  property  without  due  process  of  law, 
and  its  duty  to  settle  the  questions  growing  out  of  the  war,  passed 
the  civil  rights  bill,  and  proposed  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion  known  as  "article  fourteen."  And  as  the  right  of  States  in 
this  Union  to  representation  in  Congress  is  not  greater  than  their 
right  to  republican  forms  of  government,  and  in  fact  depends 
upon  the  existence  of  such  forms  of  government,  Congress  de 
termined  to  withhold  from  the  States  lately  in  rebellion  the  en 
joyment  of  the  right  of  representation  until  they  returned  to  their 
republican  character,  or  ratified  the  proposed  amendment  to  the 
Constitution,  which,  it  was  believed,  would  in  the  end  result  in 
their  return  to  such  character  of  government  without  further 
action  or  interposition  of  the  General  Government.  This  amend 
ment  was  at  once  ratified  by  Tennessee,  and  her  representatives, 
all  of  whom  were  loyal  during  the  wrar,  were  admitted  to  their 
seats  in  Congress,  and  she  has  since  extended  the  elective  fran 
chise  to  her  colored  citizens  the  same  as  her  white  ones. 

The  civil  rights  bill  met  with  great  opposition  in  the  South. 
The  provision  therein  that  citizens  of  every  race  and  color,  with 
out  regard  to  any  previous  condition,  should  have  the  same  right 
in  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  United  States  to  the  rights 
therein  enumerated,  among  which  was  the  full  and  equal  benefit 
of  all  laws  and  proceedings  for  the  security  of  person  and  prop- 


480  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

erty,  as  is  enjoyed  by  white  citizens,  and  to  be  subject  to  like 
punishment  with  the  white  man  and  none  other,  instead  of  secur 
ing  to  colored  persons  the  protection  intended,  seemed  to  increase 
their  danger,  in  exciting  and  intensifying  the  prejudice  of  certain 
classes  against  them,  and  also  against  the  officers  of  the  army 
and  of  Hie  Freedman's  Bureau,  and  those  who  were  Unionists 
during  the  war.  They  were  frequently  murdered  and  no  attempts 
were  made  to  arrest  their  murderers,  although  they  remained 
quietly  in  the  neighborhood.  This  failure  to  enforce  the  laws 
was  sometimes  from  fear  on  the  part  of  the  better  class  of  the 
people  that  their  own  lives  and  property  would  be  endangered 
thereby,  but  more  frequently  from  indifference  on  the  subject. 
And  when  arrested  and  tried  they  were  generally  acquitted,  or 
the  punishment  inflicted  was  but  trifling. 

To  remedy  this  condition  of  things,  an  order  was  issued  from 
the  headquarters  of  the  army,  June  6th,  1866,  directing  the  mili 
tary  commanders  to  arrest  all  persons  who  had  been,  or  might 
thereafter  be  charged  with  the  commission  of  crime,  when  the 
civil  authorities  failed,  neglected  or  were  unable  to  arrest  and 
bring  them  to  trial,  and  to  hold  them  until  a  proper  judicial  tri 
bunal  might  be  willing  to  try  them. 

August  2Oth,  1866,  President  Johnson  issued  his  proclamation, 
in  which,  after  reciting  among  other  things  that  adequate  pro 
visions  had  been  made  by  military  orders  to  enforce  the  execu 
tion  of  the  acts  of  Congress,  to  aid  the  civil  authorities  and  se 
cure  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  laws,  if  a  resort  to  military 
force  for  such  purpose  should  at  any  time  become  necessary,  he 
declared  the  insurrection  that  had  existed  in  Texas  at  an  end, 
and  was  thenceforth  to  be  so  regarded  as  the  other  States,  and 
that  peace,  order,  tranquillity  and  civil  authority  then  existed 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  United  States. 

The  Constitution  provides  that  representation  and  direct  taxes 
shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be 
included  within  this  Union  according  to  their  respective  num 
bers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number 
of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of 
years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other 
persons.  The  "all  other  persons"  were  slaves,  and  numbered,  at 
the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  nearly  four  millions.  They  were 
regarded  in  the  mixed  character  of  person  and  property.  Each 
one  was  three-fifths  of  a  person  and  five-fifths  a  chattel.  He 


APPENDIX  481 

was  a  peculiar  kind  of  property  and  hard  to  hold,  yet  subject 
to  taxation  as  any  other  kind  of  property.  He  was  therefore 
invested  with  three-fifths  of  the  human  character,  which  was 
represented  in  the  person  of  his  owner.  This  enabled  his  owner 
to  securely  hold  and  enjoy  him  in  the  full  character  of  a  chattel, 
two-fifths  of  which  was  exempt  from  taxation.  This  was  a  com 
promise  between  those  in  the  interests  of  slavery  and  those  who 
desired  its  extinction.  The  provision  for  the  return  of  fugitives 
from  service  to  their  masters  was  incidental  to  this,  and  applied  as 
well  to  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years. 

The  result  of  the  war  was  the  freedom  of  all  the  slaves,  who, 
with  the  free  persons  of  color,  constituted  more  than  two-fifths 
of  the  inhabitants  in  the  eleven  States  in  rebellion,  and  to  render 
surplusage  the  words  "three-fifths  of  all  other  persons"  in  the 
Constitution,  and  settled  the  question  of  their  right  to  citizen 
ship  adversely  to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  as  well  as  the 
right  of  secession  forever.  These  were  questions  directly  in 
volved  in  the  contest.  These  were  the  auxiliaries  to  slavery  for 
which  the  seceding  States  made  war,  and  with  it  slavery  ended. 

To  hold  otherwise,  what  would  be  its  effect  upon  the  States 
and  citizens  and  their  rights  expressly  derived  from  the  Constitu 
tion?  We  would  have  four  millions  of  people,  each  one  a  free 
agent  to  come  when  he  pleases  and  go  when  he  pleases,  at  least 
in  the  State  where  he  resides,  free  to  enter  into  contracts  with 
States  and  citizens,  contracts  that  may  become  subject  to  litiga 
tion.  Yet  he  could  not  be  made  a  party  to  any  suit  in  any  court 
provided  for  by  the  Constitution,  nor  could  any  suit  in  a  State 
court  in  which  is  brought  in  question  the  validity  of  any  statute 
of  the  United  States  be  carried  to  any  of  these  courts.  He  is  not 
a  citizen  of  any  foreign  Power.  No  citizen  or  State  can  enforce 
any  rights  they  may  have  against  him  in  any  of  these  courts,  no 
matter  what  the  magnitude  of  their  interests.  This  perhaps  was 
a  small  matter  when  there  was  only  a  few  thousands  of  these 
people,  but  when  you  increase  them  to  millions  it  becomes  a  grave 
and  serious  one  to  the  State  and  white  citizens,  but  still  more  so 
to  the  colored  race.  Should  not  as  many  rights  be  accorded  to 
liberty,  under  the  Constitution,  as  were  accorded  to  slavery? 
When  the  slave  escaped  into  another  State  the  master  could  fol 
low  him  into  that  State,  no  matter  what  its  laws  might  be,  and 
carry  him  back  to  servitude.  Ought  not  the  free  man  now,  that 
was  the  slave  then,  to  have  the  right  of  a  citizen  of  the  United 


482  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

States  to  go  to  any  State,  and  remain  there,  no  matter  what  its 
laws? 

The  next  question  following  that  of  citizenship  is,  Have  the 
seceding  States  any  equitable  constitutional  right  to  representa 
tion  for  the  persons  made  free  by  the  war,  without  granting  to 
them  the  right  of  suffrage?  Had  slavery  been  abolished  by  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  while  their  relations  with  the 
Government  were  undisturbed — or  had  they  themselves  peace 
ably  and  in  obedience  to  the  laws  and  provision  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  emancipated  and  their  rights  of  life,  liberty  and  prop 
erty — their  equitable  constitutional  right  to  this  representation 
would  not  have  been  questioned.  The  greatest  consideration  the 
party  to  that  compromise  in  the  Constitution  that  desired  the 
extinction  of  slavery  had,  after  the  securing  of  the  Union,  was 
the  hope  that  the  increased  representation  it  would  give  would 
induce  the  States  to  emancipate  their  slaves.  But  the  emancipa 
tion  contemplated  was  peaceable  and  in  accordance  with  law,  and 
not  the  result  of  violence  and  wrong. 

It  may  be  said  that  these  States  have  ratified  the  constitutional 
amendment,  abolishing  slavery  peaceably  and  in  conformity  to 
law.  To  this  we  answer  their  ratification  of  the  amendment  was 
after  their  slaves  had  been  freed.  It  was  only  a  confirmation  of 
that  freedom  which  they  were  powerless  to  prevent,  and  ad 
vanced  them  one  step  nearer  the  restoration  of  their  proper  re 
lations  with  the  Government;  and  this  advanced  step  in  that 
direction  is  the  only  consideration  they  are  entitled  to  for  their 
ratification  of  it.  The  consideration  to  the  Government  was 
that  it  put  the  adoption  of  the  amendment  beyond  all  possible 
question;  but  as  the  destruction  of  this  compromise,  in  the  free 
dom  of  the  slaves,  was  the  result  of  their  own  wrong,  they  not 
only  can  have  no  equitable  claim  under  the  Constitution  to  any 
benefits  flowing  from  it,  however  great  they  may  be,  but  should 
forfeit  to  the  persons  of  these  freedmen  the  right  to  the  three- 
fifths  representation  they  had  for  them  when  they  were  slaves ; 
and  while  they  withhold  from  them  the  right  of  suffrage  they 
not  only  are  not  entitled  to  representation  for  them,  but  they 
render  questionable  their  republican  form  of  government.  These 
persons  are  no  longer  subjects  to  be  bought  and  sold;  their 
owners  no  longer  pay  the  taxes  assessed  upon  three-fifths  of 
their  value  to  the  General  Government,  which  entitled  them  to 
represent  their  three-fifths  human  character.  But  they  are  now 


APPENDIX  483 

free,  and  pay  taxes  for  themselves — all  the  taxes  that  are  as 
sessed,  too,  upon  the  full  value  of  their  property.  And  above 
and  beyond  all  this,  they  furnished  two  hundred  thousand  sol 
diers,  who  freely  shed  their  blood  side  by  side  with  the  two 
million  heroes  of  our  own  race  in  the  maintenance  of  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution.  If  ever  it  could  have  been  plausibly 
argued  that  they  were  not  of  the  people  who  framed  the  Gov 
ernment,  it  can  never  be  said  that  they  were  not  of  those  who 
saved  it. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  and  the  further  fact  that  the  repre 
sentation  the  States  had  for  them  was  used  as  a  means  to  secure 
and  perpetuate  their  enslavement,  ignorance  and  degradation, 
now  that  they  are  free,  in  the  name  of  justice  and  all  that  is 
honorable  among  men,  are  they  not  entitled  to  representation 
to  preserve  that  freedom  and  to  subordinate  the  soil  they  culti 
vated  in  slavery  and  ignorance  to  taxation  for  the  culture  and 
enlightenment  of  their  children  and  the  elevation  of  their  race? 
If  their  ancestors  had  been  freed  in  the  war  for  independence, 
and  fought  side  by  side  with  our  revolutionary  sires  in  denial 
of  the  right  of  taxation  without  representation,  what  would  our 
fathers  have  done?  Why,  sirs,  they  never  would  have  ques 
tioned  their  right  to  representation.  Shall  we,  their  sons,  then, 
after  having  fought  the  great  battle  in  support  of  the  idea  of 
man's  equality,  upon  which  our  Government  is  founded,  which 
they  fought,  over  again,  refuse  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  oppor 
tunity  we  now  have  to  invest  the  descendants  of  the  enslaved 
race  so  far  as  is  within  our  power  with  all  the  rights  they  would 
have  had  if  their  ancestors  had  all  been  free  at  the  formation 
of  the  Constitution?  When  the  compromise  of  human  rights 
made  by  our  fathers  to  secure  the  Union  has  been  swept  away 
by  the  very  party  in  whose  interest  it  was  made,  in  its  mad 
attempt  to  destroy  the  Union,  will  we  any  longer  withhold  from 
those  whose  liberties  and  human  character  were  involved  in 
that  compromise  the  inalienable  rights  of  man?  No;  we  will 
restore  to  them  these  rights  as  our  fathers  would  were  they 
living. 

James  Madison,  one  of  the  authors  of  the  Constitution  and 
its  ablest  expounder,  in  discussing  the  subject  of  representation, 
said:  "It  is  only  under  the  pretext  that  the  laws  have  trans 
formed  the  negroes  into  subjects  of  property  that  a  place  is 
disputed  them  in  the  computation  of  numbers,  and  it  is  admit- 


484  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

ted  if  the  laws  were  to  restore  the  rights  which  have  been  taken 
away  the  negroes  could  no  longer  be  refused  an  equal  share 
of  representation  with  other  inhabitants."  Their  right  to  repre 
sentation  when  free  was  unquestioned.  It  was  admitted  by 
all  the  leading  statesmen  of  that  day.  It  was  a  right  to  be  en 
joyed  by  themselves,  and  not  by  the  other  inhabitants  for  them, 
and  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  in  at  least 
five  of  the  States  they  were  entitled  to  and  did  enjoy  the  right 
of  suffrage,  and  were  represented  in  the  convention  that  framed 
that  instrument  in  the  persons  of  every  delegate  from  the  States 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and 
North  Carolina,  and  were  of  the  people  who,  for  themselves  and 
their  posterity,  ordained  it  to  be  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

By  the  first  section  of  the  constitutional  amendment  now 
pending,  citizenship  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  States  is 
clearly  defined,  and  not  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  several 
States  or  decisions  of  courts.  It  provides  that  all  persons  born 
or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdic 
tion  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State 
wherein  they  reside,  and  that  no  State  shall  make  or  enforce 
any  laws  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  nor  deprive  any  person  of  life  or  prop 
erty  without  due  process  of  law,  nor  deny  to  any  person  within 
its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws.  The  second 
section,  intended  as  a  settlement  of  the  question  of  representa 
tion,  apportions  representation  among  the  several  States  accord 
ing  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of 
persons  in  each  State,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  but 
when  the  right  to  vote  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants, 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  over  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  except  for  crime,  the  basis  of  representation  shall  be  re 
duced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male  citi 
zens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens,  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  in  the  State.  This  secures  the  equal  political  power 
of  voters  in  the  Government. 

In  deference  to  the  acknowledged  right  of  the  State  to  regu 
late  the  question,  suffrage  was  not  expressly  conferred  upon  the 
emancipated  race,  but,  constituting  so  large  a  body  of  the  people 
of  many  of  the  States,  and  affecting  to  such  an  extent  as  they 


APPENDIX  485 

do  the  representation,  there  was  but  little  doubt  that  the  States 
would  extend  to  them  that  right. 

The  Constitution  defines  treason  against  the  United  States  to 
consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their 
enemies,  or  giving  them  aid  and  comfort,  and  empowers  Con 
gress  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason,  but  provides  that 
no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  for 
feiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  so  attainted.     Con 
gress  declared  the  punishment  of  treason  to  be  death  or  impris 
onment  for  not  less  than  five  years,  and  by  a  fine  of  not  less  than 
ten  thousand  dollars,  the  freedom  of   slaves   and   inability    to 
hold  office  under  the  United   States.     Under  the  Constitution 
any  one  charged  with  treason  has  a  right  to  a  speedy  and  public 
trial  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein  the 
crime  may  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have  been 
previously  ascertained  and  fixed  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of 
the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation  by  presentment  or  in 
dictment  of  a  grand  jury.     They  cannot  be  tried  in  any  other 
place  or  manner.     The  war  embracing  as  it  did  the  great  mass 
of  the  people  in  the  States  and  districts  where  it  was  mostly 
carried  on,  and  the  prevalence  of  the  belief  of  the  people  there 
in  the  lawful  right  of  secession,  together  with  the  conspicuous- 
ness  of  the  principal  leaders  and  the  notoriousness  of  their  par 
ticipation  in  it,  in  effect  put  a  bar  to  all  punishment  for  the 
crime  of  treason,  under  the  Constitution.     All  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution   for  its  punishment  were  rendered  inoper 
ative,  as  it  were,  there  was  no  such  thing  as  jurors,  such  as 
the  Constitution  contemplates,  in  these  States  and  districts,  to 
sit  in  cases  of  treason.     All  had  made  up  their  minds  on  the 
question  of   treason  and  secession,  and  those  believing  in  the 
right  of  secession  would  not,  of  course,  find  one  guilty  of  treason 
who  has  only  attempted  secession;  and  the  notoriousness  of  the 
participation  of  the  principal  leaders,  the  ones  that  ought  to  be 
punished,  was  such  that  few,  if  any,  of  those  who  believed  levy 
ing  war  against  their  Government  was  treason,  when  examined 
as  jurors  could  say  they  had  not  made  up  their  minds  as  to  the 
guilt  or  innocence  of  the  accused.     Besides,  the  great  majority 
of  them  were  themselves  guilty,  and  one  would  scarcely  expect 
them  to  render  verdicts  of  guilty  that  might  be  pointed  to  as 
precedents  against  their  own  lives,  liberty,  property  and  eligibil 
ity  to  office. 


486  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

The  result  of  the  war  upon  the  Constitution,  then,  in  so  far 
as  it  relates  to  treason  and  its  mode  of  punishment,  was  to 
render  the  infliction  of  punishment  so  uncertain  as  to  destroy 
its  usefulness  as  a  preventive  of  treason  almost  entirely,  as  well 
as  to  render  the  Government  in  a  measure  powerless  to  inflict 
any  of  Hie  pains  and  penalties  prescribed  for  it  upon  the  leaders 
of  the  rebellion;  for  unless  conviction  for  the  offence  could  be 
had  no  punishment  whatever  could  be  imposed.  No  one  could 
be  put  to  death  for  treason,  no  matter  how  much  the  safety  of 
society  demanded  it ;  no  one  could  be  imprisoned  for  it ;  no  con 
fiscation  of  property  or  forfeiture  of  real  estate  for  the  life 
time  of  the  person  convicted,  the  constitutional  limitation  to 
such  forfeitures,  could  be  had,  nor  could  any  one  guilty  of 
treason  be  held  incapable  to  hold  office  under  the  United  States. 
These  convictions  could  only  be  asked  for  from  the  communities 
most  deeply  stained  with  treason,  and  their  refusal  was  almost 
certain. 

Thus,  at  the  end  of  the  most  gigantic  civil  war  that  ever 
attempted  the  destruction  of  a  nation,  the  Government  found 
itself  powerless  to  punish  those  who  inaugurated  and  directed 
it  in  its  fell  purpose.  The  third  section  of  the  constitutional 
amendment,  now  pending,  in  a  measure  gets  over  the  obstacles 
the  rebellion  has  placed  in  the  way  of  punishing  treason,  and 
makes  its  punishment  certain  to  the  extent  it  goes.  It  provides 
that  no  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress, 
or  elector  of  President  and  Vice  President,  or  hold  any  office, 
civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or  any  State,  who, 
having  previously  taken  an  oath  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or 
as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State 
Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State, 
to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have 
engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given 
aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof;  but  Congress  may,  by  a 
vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability.  This 
is  not  only  magnanimous  to  the  people  in  rebellion,  but  it  is  a 
wise  precaution  against  treason;  it  renders  none  ineligible  to 
office  except  those  who  had,  previous  to  their  rebellion,  held 
office  under  the  United  States,  and  taken  the  oath  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which,  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  they  were  expressly  required  to  take.  To  this  exception, 
it  seems  to  me,  no  reasonable  objection  can  be  had.  To  those 


APPENDIX  487 

included  in  it  was  once  intrusted  the  power  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  had  they  been  true  to  their  offices  and  their  oaths, 
there  could  have  been  no  rebellion;  and  had  it  been  at 
tempted,  the  Government  could  have  given  that  protection  to 
the  people  in  the  rebellious  States  they  were  entitled  to;  but 
the  unfaithfulness  of  these  officers  rendered  the  Government 
powerless  to  prevent  the  rebellion,  or  to  protect  those  of  its 
people  who  would  have  been  loyal  could  they  have  had  protec 
tion.  Those  rendered  ineligible  to  hold  office  are  not  disfran 
chised,  but  all  the  rights  appertaining  to  citizens  are  theirs  to 
enjoy,  save  that  of  holding  office.  Every  other  citizen  of  the 
United  States  who  has  the  requisite  qualifications,  no  matter 
how  conspicuous  he  was  in  the  rebellion,  no  matter  how  hard 
he  fought  against  the  Government,  is  eligible  to  any  office,  civil 
or  military,  State  or  Federal,  even  to  the  Presidency.  If  this 
is  not  magnanimity,  what  is? 

This  amendment  empowers  Congress,  by  a  two-thirds  vote, 
at  any  time  to  remove  the  disability  it  imposes.  Let  the  persons 
to  whom  the  disability  attaches  pursue  a  wise  course  in  support 
of  the  Government,  and  they  may  look  forward  to  a  time,  and 
that,  too,  at  no  distant  day,  when  their  disability  will  be  removed, 
and  all  the  rights  of  citizens  restored  to  them. 

Another  result  of  the  rebellion  upon  the  people  of  the  United 
States  was  the  entailing  upon  them  of  a  public  debt  of  two  thou 
sand  five  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  and  obligating  the  pay 
ment  of  large  sums,  for  pensions  and  bounties,  for  services  in 
suppressing  it.  The  rebel  government  and  States,  in  aid  of 
the  rebellion,  had  an  outstanding  indebtedness  of  about  two 
thousand  millions  of  dollars,  and  obligations  for  pensions,  too, 
in  aid  of  it,  and  the  claim  of  payment  for  emancipated  slaves 
was  unsettled. 

Who  could  say  that  there  might  not  be  danger  at  some  time 
of  the  repudiation  of  our  public  debt  and  of  our  obligations  for 
pensions  and  bounties,  or  assumption  of  the  rebel  debt  and  its 
obligations,  and  payments  be  made  for  emancipated  slaves?  It 
is  hard  to  tell  what  a  people  who  had  lost  so  much  by  the  war 
as  those  of  the  rebellion  lost  might  not  be  stimulated  to  do  to 
avoid  the  payment  of  a  debt  and  obligations  directly  incurred  in 
producing  that  loss,  or  what  two  thousand  millions  of  money, 
aided  by  the  millions  claimed  for  emancipated  slaves,  might  not 


488  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

effect  in  the  Legislatures  of  the  seceding  States,  or  even  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States. 

The  purpose  of  the  fourth  section  of  the  constitutional  amend 
ment  is  the  settlement  of  these  questions.  It  provides  that  the 
validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States  authorized  by 
law,  including  debts  incurred  for  the  payment  of  pensions  and 
bounties  for  services  rendered  in  suppressing  insurrection  or 
rebellion,  shall  never  be  questioned;  but  neither  the  United 
States  nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation 
incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  United 
States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave, 
but  all  such  debts,  obligations  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and 
void. 

It  may  be  said  that  this  amendment  is  unnecessary,  that  no 
one  would  think  of  repudiating  our  national  debt  or  our  obliga 
tions  for  pensions  and  bounties ;  that  if  they  did,  the  amendment 
would  be  no  preventive;  they  would  only  have  to  elect  a  Con 
gress  that  would  refuse  the  necessary  appropriations  to  meet 
them ;  and  that  it  was  idle  to  think  of  either  the  United  States 
or  any  of  the  States  assuming  the  rebel  obligations  of  the  pay 
ment  of  claims  for  emancipated  slaves.  To  this  it  may  be  re 
plied  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  any  one  to  go  before  the  peo 
ple  and  advocate  the  repudiation  of  an  obligation  expressly  de 
clared  in  the  Constitution,  when,  but  for  its  being  so  declared, 
they  might  be  found.  And  as  to  the  rebel  obligations  and  the 
payment  for  emancipated  slaves,  it  not  only  settles  them  for 
ever,  but  will  make  men  cautious  about  giving  credit  to  such 
rebellions  in  future. 

Of  the  necessity  of  these  amendments  to  settle  the  questions 
that  had  been  involved  in  the  war  and  resulting  from  it  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  yet  all  the  seceding  States,  excepting  Tennes 
see,  rejected  them  as  an  infringement  upon  their  constitutional 
rights. 

Was  Congress  correct  in  its  decision  that  the  States  lately  in 
rebellion  have  illegal  or  anti-republican  forms  of  government? 
Of  the  want  of  protection  of  the  persons  and  property  of  freed- 
men,  there  is  no  question.  James  Madison,  in  discussing  the 
conformity  of  our  Constitution  to  republican  principles,  in  an 
swer  to  the  question:  "What,  then,  are  the  distinctive  charac 
ters  of  the  republican  form  ?"  which  he  put,  said :  "If  we  resort 
for  a  criterion  to  the  different  principles  upon  which  different 


APPENDIX  489 

forms  of  government  are  established,  we  may  define  a  republic 
to  be,  or  at  least  may  bestow  that  name  on,  a  government  which 
derives  all  its  powers  directly  or  indirectly  from  the  people, 
and  is  administered  by  persons  holding  their  offices  during  pleas 
ure,  for  a  limited  period,  or  during  good  behavior.  It  is  essen 
tial  to  such  a  government  that  it  be  derived  from  the  great  body 
of  the  society,  not  from  an  inconsiderable  portion,  or  a  favored 
class  of  it;  otherwise  a  handful  of  tyrannical  nobles,  exercising 
their  oppressions  by  a  delegation  of  their  powers,  might  aspire 
to  the  rank  of  republicans,  and  claim  for  their  government  the 
honorable  title  of  republic."  This  we  hold  to  be  the  true  defini 
tion  of  a  republican  form  of  government  in  the  sense  in  which 
that  term  is  used  in  the  Constitution.  Do  the  forms  of  Govern 
ment  in  these  States  come  up  to  this  definition  ? 

It  may  be  replied  that  these  States  had  republican  forms  of 
government  under  the  Constitution  and  Union  before  the  re 
bellion,  or  the  withdrawal  of  their  representation  from  Congress, 
and  that  their  rights  under  the  Constitution  and  Union  were  not 
affected  by  these  acts;  that  they  are  still  in  the  Union  and 
never  were  out.  To  the  proposition  that  they  are  still  in  the 
Union  and  never  were  out  we  subscribe,  and  still  continue  to 
subscribe,  while  we  remember  the  dead  heroes  whose  eyes,  be 
fore  they  were  glazed  in  death,  mirrored  all  the  stars  upon  our 
flag,  and  who  in  their  hearts  believed,  before  they  had  ceased  to 
beat,  that  they  represented  freedom,  Union,  and  the  indestructi 
bility  of  States. 

But  the  republican  character  of  their  State  governments  was 
affected  by  these  acts  in  so  far  as  they  resulted  in  admitting  a 
class  of  freemen  into,  and  constituting  them  a  part  of,  the  so 
ciety  or  people  of  these  States,  so  long  as  the  right  to  partici 
pate  in  the  affairs  of  State  is  withheld  from  them.  It  is  only  to 
States  in  the  Union  that  the  Constitution  guarantees  republican 
forms  of  government.  In  discussing  this  provision  of  the  Con 
stitution,  James  Madison,  in  answer  to  the  questions  that  it  was 
not  needed,  and  that  it  might  become  a  pretext  for  alterations 
in  State  Governments  without  the  concurrence  of  the  States 
themselves,  said:  "If  the  interposition  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  is  not  needed,  the  provision  for  such  an  event  will  be  a 
harmless  superfluity  in  the  Constitution;  but  who  knows  what 
experiments  may  be  produced  by  the  caprice  of  particular  States, 
by  the  ambition  of  enterprising  leaders,  or  by  the  intrigues  and 


490  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

influence  of  foreign  powers.  To  the  second  question  it  may  be 
answered  that  if  the  General  Government  should  interpose  by 
virtue  of  this  constitutional  authority,  it  will  be  of  course  bound 
to  pursue  the  authority.  But  the  authority  extends  no  further 
than  to  a  guarantee  of  a  republican  form  of  government,  which 
supposes  a  preexisting  government  in  the  form  which  is  to  be 
guaranteed.  As  long,  therefore,  as  the  existing  forms  are  con 
tinued  by  the  States  they  are  guaranteed  by  the  Federal  Consti 
tution.  Whenever  the  States  may  choose  to  substitute  other 
republican  forms,  they  have  a  right  to  do  so,  and  to  claim  the 
Federal  guarantee  for  the  latter;  the  only  restriction  imposed 
on  them  is  that  they  shall  not  exchange  republican  for  anti- 
republican  constitutions,  a  restriction  which  it  is  presumed  will 
hardly  be  considered  as  a  grievance." 

Before  these  States  attempted  secession,  and  while  their  rela 
tions  with  the  Government  were  undisturbed,  there  ^vvere  about 
one  hundred  thousand  free  persons  who,  on  account  of  their  race 
and  danger  to  slavery,  were  denied  any  voice  in  their  govern 
ment.  And  there  were  of  the  same  race  over  three  and  one-half 
millions  who  were,  in  the  language  of  James  Madison,  "by  the 
compromising  expedient  of  the  Constitution,  regarded  as  in 
habitants,  but  debased  by  servitude  below  the  equal  level  of  free 
inhabitants,  which  regarded  the  slave  as  divested  of  two-fifths 
of  the  man."  Under  the  Constitution  they  were  not  regarded  as 
a  part  of  the  society  of  these  States  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the 
Government;  and  while  this  compromise  continued,  denial  of  it 
to  them  did  not  affect  their  republican  forms.  But  these  States, 
in  their  own  caprice  and  the  ambition  of  enterprising  leaders, 
relying,  too,  upon  the  aid  of  foreign  powers,  withdrew  their 
representation  from  Congress,  organized  a  government  of  their 
own,  declared  by  themselves  to  be  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
ideas  upon  which  ours  was  founded,  and,  by  the  most  bloody 
war  that  ever  deluged  a  land  with  blood,  maintained  it  for  more 
than  four  years,  forcing  us,  in  order  to  overthrow  it  and  save 
the  Union,  for  which  the  compromise  of  the  slaves'  manhood 
was  made,  to  free  the  slaves,  and  restore  to  them  their  manhood. 
At  the  close  of  this  bloody  struggle,  instead  of  one  hundred 
thousand  free  persons  to  whom  is  denied  a  voice  in  their  Gov 
ernment,  we  find  nearly  four  millions. 

The  compromise  of  the  Constitution  that  saved  to  these  States 
republican  forms  of  government,  and  exempted  them  from  the 


APPENDIX  491 

Madisonian  definition  of  one,  was  swept  away  in  their  mad  at 
tempt  at  secession.  And  their  governments,  derived  as  they  are 
in  some  of  them  from  a  minority  of  the  people,  an  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  society,  instead  of  from  the  great  body  of  it,  from 
which  it  is  essential  to  the  republican  character  they  should  be 
derived,  and  in  all  the  others  from  a  favored  class  of  society' 
which  is  destructive  of  the  republican  character,  and  who  do  not 
afford  to  the  other  class  the  proper  protection  of  persons  and 
property,  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Constitution;  when  that 
class,  too,  from  whom  they  are  not  derived,  was  the  only  one 
in  many  of  them  who  fought  to  maintain  the  Union  and  the 
rights  of  States  unimpaired,  fall  far  below  the  Madisonian  defi 
nition  of  a  republican  form  of  government  in  the  sense  of  that 
term  as  used  in  the  Constitution.  In  view  of  these  facts,  to  hold 
otherwise  would  be  not  only  degrading  the  character  of  re 
publics,  and  violative  of  the  laws  of  nations  under  whose  shield 
persons  made  free  by  war  are,  but  an  outrage  made  upon  the 
rights  of  those  who  helped  to  fight  for  the  Union  and  the  rights 
of  the  States  under  it,  and  we  "would  deserve  and  receive  the 
universal  rebuke  and  reprobation  of  mankind." 

The  Constitution  guarantees  to  each  State  in  the  Union  a 
republican  form  of  Government,  and  also  provides  that  no  per 
son  within  this  Union  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty  and  prop 
erty  without  due  process  of  law.  That  is  to  say,  if  any  State 
in  this  Union,  in  its  own  wrong,  ceases  to  be  republican  in  form, 
the  Government  will  restore  it  to  a  republican  form ;  or  if  a  State 
fails  or  refuses  to  protect  persons  within  its  jurisdiction  in  their 
lives  and  property,  the  Government  will  give  that  protection. 

The  manner  in  which  and  the  means  to  be  used  in  executing 
these  constitutional  obligations  are  for  the  President  and  Con 
gress  to  decide,  and  if  they  deem  it  necessary  they  may  make 
use  of  the  army.  In  fact,  ever  since  those  States  withdrew  their 
representation  from  Congress,  and  organized  a  Government  in 
hostility  to  the  republican  idea  upon  which  the  Union  was 
founded,  it  has  been  deemed  necessary  by  the  President  and 
Congress  to  use  the  army — first  to  break  down  and  destroy 
their  governments  in  hostility  to  the  Union,  and,  secondly,  to 
enable  them  to  revive  and  put  in  motion  the  State  governments 
they  had  when  they  attempted  secession,  and  adapt  them  to  the 
new  condition  of  society.  But  as  they,  in  their  adaptation  of 
these  governments  to  the  new  state  of  society,  failed  to  come  up 


492  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

to  the  requirements  of  the  republican  form,  and  refused  their 
assent  to  the  amendments  of  the  Constitution  where  its  pro 
visions  had  been  affected  or  impaired  by  the  war,  and  failed  to 
properly  enforce  the  civil  rights  bill  for  the  protection  of  life 
and  property,  it  was  continued  there. 

The  manner  and  means  decided  to  be  necessary  for  the  execu 
tion  of  these  constitutional  obligations,  and  the  restoration  of 
these  States  to  their  proper  relations  with  the  Government,  are 
set  out  in  what  is  known  as  the  military  reconstruction  bills. 
They  are  divided  into  five  military  districts,  subjected  to  the 
military  authority  as  prescribed  in  the  bills,  and  each  district  is 
commanded  by  an  officer  of  the  army,  whose  duty  is  to  protect 
all  persons  in  their  rights  of  persons  and  property,  to  preserve 
order,  and  cause  criminals  and  disturbers  of  the  peace  to  be  pun 
ished  ;  and  to  that  end  he  is  authorized  to  allow  the  local  civil 
tribunals  to  try  offenders,  or  when  in  his  judgment  it  is  neces 
sary  he  may  organize  military  commissions  to  try  them,  but  no 
sentence  of  death  can  be  carried  into  effect  without  the  approval 
of  the  President. 

To  enable  the  people  of  each  of  these  States  to  form  a  con 
stitution  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  in  all  respects,  and  extending  the  elective  franchise  to 
their  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  old  and  upwards,  of  what 
ever  race,  color,  or  condition,  who  have  been  one  year  resident 
of  the  State  previous  to  any  election — except  such  as  may  have 
been  disfranchised  for  participation  in  the  rebellion  or  for  felony 
at  common  law — and  to  enable  them  to  participate  in  the  pres 
ent  governments  in  those  States  until  the  new  constitutions  shall 
go  into  effect,  the  right  of  suffrage  is  extended  to  all  male  citi 
zens,  irrespective  of  color  or  previous  condition,  who  can  take  an 
oath  that  they  have  been,  for  one  year  previous  to  the  election 
or  registration,  residents  of  the  State,  and  twenty-one  years  old, 
and  have  not  been  disfranchised  for  participation  in  any  re 
bellion  or  civil  war  against  the  United  States,  and  have  never 
been  members  of  any  State  Legislature  nor  held  any  executive 
or  judicial  office  in  any  State  and  afterwards  engaged  in  insur 
rection  or  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or  given  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof,  and  have  never  taken  an  oath 
as  member  of  Congress  or  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as 
member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  executive  or  judicial  office  of 
any  State  Legislature,  or  executive  or  judicial  office  of  any  State 


APPENDIX  493 

to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  afterwards 
engaged  in  insurrection  and  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
or  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof ;  and  to  all  who 
cannot  take  this  oath  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  is 
denied,  but  the  moment  the  new  constitutions  go  into  effect  the 
denial  of  its  exercises  ceases.  Because  of  their  exercise  of  the 
offices  they  once  held  against  the  Government  and  their  unfaith 
fulness  to  their  oaths  to  support  the  Constitution — the  right  to 
exercise  the  elective  franchise  and  to  hold  office  is  withheld 
from  them  until  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  States  shall  be 
made  known  through  their  constitutions  respectively.  When 
these  States  respectively  shall  have  adopted  their  new  constitu 
tions  and  organized  their  governments  under  them,  and  the 
Legislatures  of  their  new  governments  shall  have  ratified  the 
constitutional  amendment  now  pending,  if  Congress  approves  of 
their  new  government  as  republican  in  form,  their  representa 
tives  will  be  admitted  to  their  seats  in  Congress. 

These  acts  and  the  disabilities  they  impose  are  temporary, 
and  are  to  end  upon  the  accomplishment  of  their  purpose, 
namely,  the  restoration  of  these  States  of  republican  forms  of 
government,  secure  the  protection  of  life  and  property,  and 
settle  the  questions  of  the  war  affecting  the  Constitution  and 
people  of  the  United  States. 

The  elective  franchise  is  the  only  sure  protection  to  person 
and  property.  It  gives  one  a  voice  in  government,  secures  to 
him  respect,  and  insures  him  the  equal  benefit  of  the  laws.  And 
when  these  acts  have  accomplished  their  purpose  there  will  be 
no  male  citizen  in  all  these  States,  of  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years  or  upwards,  except  such  as  are  disfranchised  for  rebellion, 
or  felony  at  common  law,  who  is  not  entitled  to  this  right  of 
suffrage,  to  this  voice  in  their  government.  The  only  disability 
attaching  to  any  such  citizens  will  be  that  imposed  by  the  third 
section  of  the  constitutional  amendment. 

That  the  objects  and  purposes  of  the  acts  are  constitutional, 
there  can  be  no  reasonable  question,  nor  do  I  think  the  matter 
and  means  adopted  by  the  Government  to  secure  these  objects 
unconstitutional.  They  are  in  the  nature  of  a  writ  or  execution 
issued  by  a  court  upon  a  judgment  or  decree  that  it  has  arrived 
at  after  a  full  hearing  of  the  facts  and  examination  of  the  law 
in  the  case,  in  the  hands  of  a  sheriff  to  execute.  If  it  is  for  the 
possession  of  houses  and  lands,  he  goes  to  the  occupant,  and  if 


494  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

he  gives  up  the  possession  to  the  person  entitled  to  it  peaceably 
and  in  obedience  to  the  writ,  that  is  the  end  of  it;  but  if  he  re 
fuses  to  give  up  the  possession,  in  virtue  of  the  authority  of  his 
writ  of  execution,  he  calls  in  the  posse  comitatus,  or  power  of 
his  country,  and  puts  him  out  by  force,  and  restores  the  pos 
session  to  the  rightful  person,  and  that  is  the  end  of  the  writ 
and  the  authority  of  the  officer  under  it. 

So  the  Government  having,  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the 
facts,  and  their  constitutional  obligations,  determined  the  neces 
sity  of  restoring  to  these  States  republican  forms  of  govern 
ment,  and  of  securing  to  all  the  people  thereof  protection  in  their 
persons  and  property,  and  of  settling  the  questions  affecting  the 
Constitution  and  people  resulting  from  the  war,  issued  its  order, 
the  purpose  of  which  is  fully  set  out  therein,  and  placed  it  in  the 
hands  of  officers  of  the  army  of  the  rank  therein  named,  with 
authority  to  exercise  such  military  power  as  was  necessary  to 
the  execution  of  the  purpose  of  their  order,  and  the  moment 
this  purpose  is  executed  their  authority  ceases.  That  the  use 
of  the  military  authority  contained  in  these  laws  was  necessary 
to  enable  the  Government  to  perform  its  constitutional  obliga 
tions,  there  is  no  doubt.  In  all  its  efforts  through  the  civil 
authorities  it  had,  we  might  say,  wholly  failed.  And  under  the 
provision  of  the  Constitution  authorizing  Congress  to  make  all 
laws  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  out  the  powers  vested 
by  the  President  and  Congress  are  the  judges  of  the  necessity, 
and  having  determined  it,  the  validity  of  their  acts,  being  purely 
political,  cannot  be  questioned.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  a  case  involving  the  constitutionality  of  the  charter  of 
the  United  States  Bank  is  applicable  to  this.  In  that  case  the 
charter  was  sustained  on  the  ground  that  the  bank  was  a 
necessary  fiscal  agent  of  the  Government,  the  court  holding 
unanimously  that,  "If  the  end  be  legitimate,  and  within  the  scope 
of  the  Constitution,  all  the  means  which  are  appropriated,  which 
are  plainly  adapted  to  that  end,  and  which  are  not  prohibited, 
may  constitutionally  be  employed  to  carry  it  into  effect ;  that  if  a 
certain  means  to  carry  into  effect  any  of  the  powers  especially 
given  by  the  Constitution  to  the  Government  of  the  Union  be 
an  appropriate  measure,  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution,  the 
degree  of  its  necessity  is  a  question  not  of  judicial  cognizance." 

It  may  be  asked  what  becomes  of  the  constitutional  amend 
ment  abolishing  slavery  which  the  Southern  States  have  ratified, 


APPENDIX  495 

if  they  have  illegal  or  anti-republican  forms  of  government.  The 
answer  is  they  are  governments  de  facto,  nevertheless,  and  acts 
of  theirs,  especially  those  directly  tending  to  the  settlement  of 
the  questions  involved  in  the  war,  or  to  render  unquestionable 
the  acts  of  the  Government  necessitated  by  the  war,  if  accepted 
and  ratified  by  the  Government,  as  their  action  in  this  case  has 
been,  are  binding  and  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes.  Besides, 
it  is  not  admitted  that  the  amendment  was  not  valid  without 
their  concurrence.  To  hold  that  it  was  not  would  be  to  admit 
a  weakness  in  our  Constitution  inconsistent  with  the  national 
life  it  is  intended  to  perpetuate. 

At  the  time  of  the  attempted  secession  of  the  Southern  States 
there  were  in  this  Union  thirty-four  States,  twenty-three  of 
which  constituted  the  required  two-thirds  to  apply  for  a  conven 
tion  to  propose  amendments  to  the  Constitution.  Had  the  eleven 
which  withdrew  from  Congress  and  made  war  upon  the  Govern 
ment  succeeded  in  getting  one  more  to  do  so,  which  they  came 
near  doing,  one  of  the  modes  provided  for  the  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  would  have  been  gone  to  us  if  we  held  to  the 
construction  that  those  do  who  insist  that  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  to  be  valid  must  be  ratified  by  three-fourths  of  all 
the  States,  no  matter  what  their  relations  or  attitude  to  the  Gov 
ernment  may  be.  And  that  is  not  all;  it  would  render  question 
able  the  constitutionality  of  an  amendment  proposed  by  two- 
thirds  of  a  Congress  in  which  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  States 
were  represented,  and  might  even  make  questionable  the  validity 
of  an  amendment  proposed  by  two-thirds  of  a  Congress  in 
which  only  two  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  States  were  repre 
sented. 

By  this  rule  of  construction,  had  one  more  of  the  States  gone 
into  rebellion  and  no  new  ones  been  admitted,  the  result  of  the 
election  for  President  and  Vice  President  in  1864  might  have 
been  such  as  to  have  ended  the  Government  under  the  Constitu 
tion  altogether.  Had  General  Fremont  continued  in  the  can 
vass  and  divided  the  electoral  vote  between  the  three  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice  President,  respectively,  so  that  no  one 
had  the  required  majority  to  an  election,  as  was  the  case  in  1824, 
there  would  not  have  been  a  quorum  of  two-thirds  of  all  the 
States  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  or  of  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  number  of  Senators  in  the  Senate,  for  the  election  of 
either  President  or  Vice  President,  as  provided  by  law  for  the 


496  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

case  of  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the 
President  and  Vice  President,  and  not  for  the  case  of  a  failure 
to  elect  a  President  or  Vice  President,  on  the  4th  day  of  March, 
1865,  the  office  of  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States  would  have  expired,  with  no  authority  in  the  Constitution 
for  their  revival,  and  our  Government  under  the  Constitution 
would  have  been  at  an  end.  Even  with  the  States  that  were 
represented,  had  the  election  resulted  as  supposed,  by  this  rule 
of  construction  the  eleven  States  at  war  against  the  Government 
and  their  Senators  would  have  counted  against  the  candidate 
having  the  highest  number  in  either  House,  getting  a  majority 
of  all  the  States,  or  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators.  The  Con 
stitution  should  never  be  construed  so  as  to  defeat  itself,  or  the 
rights  of  the  people  and  States  under  it. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  all  the  States  that  have  not  conferred 
the  right  of  suffrage  on  the  emancipated  race  may  deem  it  the 
part  of  wisdom,  as  well  as  justice,  to  do  so  at  the  earliest  prac 
tical  period,  and  not  by  delay  in  doing  so  compel  an  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  for  that  purpose — an  amendment  which, 
with  the  aid  of  the  eleven  Southern  States,  in  which  it  is  ex 
tended  to  them,  would  be  sure  to  be  adopted.  It  may  be  thought 
by  some  that  these  States  could  not  be  relied  on  for  such  aid, 
because  of  the  hope  that  may  exist  among  their  white  citizens 
of  securing  at  some  time  the  disfranchisement  of  the  colored 
citizens,  as  was  once  done  in  North  Carolina  and  Tennessee; 
but  if  there  is  any  such  hope  it  will  be  forever  dissipated  by  a 
clause  that  I  have  no  doubt  will  be  inserted  in  all  of 
their  constitutions,  providing  that  no  amendment  to  them  shall 
ever  be  made  abridging  the  elective  franchise  as  therein  de 
clared. 

There  need  be  no  apprehension  of  danger  to  our  institutions 
from  the  extension  of  the  elective  franchise  to  the  African  race 
on  account  of  their  great  number  and  ignorance.  The  love  of 
liberty  and  of  the  forms  of  free  government  are  too  much  a 
part  of  the  American  character  ever  to  be  affected  in  any  such 
way.  The  men  of  the  South  who  made  the  determined  and  des 
perate  fight  for  the  enslavement  of  the  African  because  of  his 
value  as  property,  nevertheless  love  and  appreciate  liberty  for 
themselves.  And  the  African,  elevated  from  the  degradation  of 
slavery,  rendered  respectable  by  his  voice  in  government,  admit 
ted  to  all  sources  of  intelligence,  inspired  by  the  same  love  of 


APPENDIX  497 

freedom,  speaking  the  same  language  and  worshiping  the  same 
God,  will  rise  rapidly  in  the  scale  of  knowledge  and  the  cloud 
of  ignorance  that  envelops  him  will  as  rapidly  pass  away,  and 
he  will  not  fail  "to  help  to  keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  in  the  family 
of  freedom."  And  that  peace  so  long  desired,  but  which  can 
never  be  had  in  a  government  like  ours  while  a  political  right 
accorded  to  one  is  denied  to  another,  will  prevail  through  all  the 
land. 

Nor  need  fears  be  entertained  of  danger  to  the  people's  liber 
ties  from  the  army.  The  army  is  of  the  people,  and  has  ever 
been  with  the  Government,  and  no  one  has  been,  or  ever  will  be, 
mad  enough  in  their  purpose  to  destroy  the  liberties  of  the  coun 
try  to  rely  upon  its  assistance.  On  the  contrary,  the  first  thing 
they  would  do  would  be  to  get  rid  of  it.  What  did  the  leaders 
in  the  rebellion  just  closed  do  ?  With  the  Secretary  of  War 
(Floyd),  the  adjutant  general  of  the  army  (Cooper),  the  quar 
termaster  general  of  the  army  (Joe  Johnston),  and  the  chief 
of  staff  to  the  lieutenant  general  commanding  the  army  (Lee) — 
all  in  their  interest,  did  they  concentrate  the  army  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Richmond  or  Harper's  Ferry,  that  they  might  at 
the  opportune  moment  seize  the  capital  and  Government  of  the 
United  States  ?  Far  from  it.  They  placed  it  beyond  the  people's 
reach,  virtually  abolished  it,  and  sent  our  ships  of  war  into  the 
furthest  seas.  They  knew  too  well,  when  the  hour  of  trial  came, 
on  which  side  the  army  and  navy  would  be  found ;  that  "Yankee 
Doodle,"  and  not  "Dixie,"  would  be  the  tune  they  would  march 
and  fight  to. 

At  the  close  of  the  rebellion  among  no  part  of  the  people 
of  the  country  was  there  a  greater  desire  to  be  found  than  in 
the  army  for  the  immediate  restoration  of  the  people  in  the 
rebellious  States  to  their  rights  of  civil  government,  and  the 
withdrawal,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  of  military  au 
thority  from  among  them.  And  to-day,  whatever  may  be  said 
to  the  contrary,  there  are  no  men  in  all  the  United  States  more 
anxious  to  have  the  people  of  the  South  comply  with  the  re 
quirements  of  the  Government,  that  they  may  be  relieved  of  the 
exercise  of  the  authority  that  has  been  imposed  upon  them,  than 
are  the  five  military  commanders  there.  And  whatever  they 
may  do,  you  may  rest  assured,  is  intended  by  them  to  facilitate 
the  complete  restoration  of  civil  authority,  and  to  end  their 
military  power. 


498  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

Nor  need  the  people  have  fears  of  danger  to  their  liberties 
from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Its  recent  de 
cisions  on  the  military  commission  and  test-oath  cases,  that 
seemed  to  create  such  uneasy  apprehensions  in  the  public  mind, 
were  in  the  interest  of  individual  liberty  and  the  vindication  of 
men's  rights  under  the  Constitution,  and  not  the  imposing  of 
disabilities  on  them.  They  do  not  seek  to  deny  the  validity  of 
military  tribunals  in  States  and  districts  where  all  civil  tribunals 
were  suspended  or  destroyed  by  actual  war,  or  where,  resultant 
from  that  war,  the  civil  tribunals  had  ceased  to  protect  society 
by  the  punishment  of  offenders  against  it.  They  are  far  differ 
ent  from  the  decision  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  which,  after  deny 
ing  a  man's  right  to  a  hearing  in  court  on  the  question  of  his 
freedom  and  remanding  him  to  bondage,  sought  to  doom  the 
very  earth  to  constitutional  slavery. 

Government,  in  the  exercise  of  its  war  powers,  may  find  it 
necessary  sometimes  to  deal  arbitrarily  with  individual  rights, 
or  in  the  tread  of  mighty  armies  they  may  be  trampled  under 
foot,  but  they  are  never  lost  sight  of  by  an  independent  and  hon 
est  judiciary.  Much  has  been  said  of  the  power  of  one  of  the 
judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  cases  where  the  court  is  equally 
divided,  to  declare  unconstitutional  and  void  a  statute  or  act  of 
the  United  States  which  has  met  the  approval  of  both  the  other 
departments  of  the  Government,  or  been  passed  by  the  requisite 
majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  who,  equally  with  the  Su 
preme  Court,  are  judges  of  the  constitutionality  of  their  own 
acts.  By  the  Constitution  the  people  vested  the  establishment 
of  the  Supreme  Court  in  Congress,  and  extended  its  jurisdiction 
to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under  the  Constitution,  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  might 
be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 

Suits  are  usually  brought  to  obtain  decisions,  and  the  simpler 
and  less  difficult  the  mode  of  arriving  at  them  is  the  better  it 
is  for  the  suitors.  And  Congress  and  the  President  in  its  estab 
lishment,  perhaps,  had  more  in  view  the  interests  of  suitors 
than  decreasing  the  chances  of  their  own  acts  being  declared  null 
and  void  by  requiring  the  concurrence  of  a  greater  number  of 
the  judges  in  any  opinion  having  that  effect.  Otherwise  they 
would  have  gone  to  the  Constitution  and  ascertained  what  rule 
the  people,  whose  agents  they  were,  adopted  relative  to  the  other 
departments  of  Government,  or  affecting  the  Constitution,  and 


APPENDIX  499 

applied  the  rule  they  there  found  to  all  decisions  of  the  court 
invalidating  any  law  or  act  of  the  United  States. 

If  the  executive  department  of  Government  disapproves  of 
any  law  or  resolution  of  Congress  requiring  its  approval,  two- 
thirds  of  both  houses  are  required  to  concur  in  its  passage  or 
adoption.  To  convict  the  President  in  case  of  impeachment 
two-thirds  of  all  the  Senators  present  must  concur.  To  expel 
a  member  from  either  branch  of  Congress,  two-thirds  of  the 
branch  to  which  he  belongs  must  concur.  When  the  choice  of 
President  and  Vice  President  devolves  upon  Congress,  it  re 
quires  a  quorum  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators 
to  enable  the  Senate  to  choose  the  Vice  President.  To  propose 
amendments  to  the  Constitution,  two-thirds  of  both  branches 
of  Congress  must  concur,  or  the  Legislatures  or  conventions  of 
two-thirds  of  all  the  States  must  join  in  proposing  them.  To 
enter  into  any  treaty  with  foreign  nations,  requires  the  concur 
rence  with  the  President  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate.  To  re 
quire  the  concurrence  of  all  the  judges  would  enable  any  one 
of  them  to  prevent  any  decisions,  and  destroy  the  greatest  consti 
tutional  purpose  of  the  court  altogether. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  rebellion,  in  fifteen  States  of  this 
Union,  except  in  one  or  two  places,  that  provision  of  the  Con 
stitution  that  Congress  shall  never  make  any  law  abridging  free 
dom  of  speech  or  of  the  press  was,  when  they  related  to  the 
subject  of  slavery,  entirely  nullified.  No  one  could  speak  or 
print  anything  against  the  impolicy  or  evil  of  it,  or  in  favor  of 
its  abolition,  and  in  the  other  States  and  Territories  it  was  seri 
ously  impaired  by  the  same  subject — the  only  one  that  did  ever 
seriously  affect  it.  Now  that  it  is  gone,  and  the  people  whose 
rights  it  involved  are  having  those  rights  restored  to  them,  may 
we  not  reasonably  hope  that  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the 
press  may  obtain  to  their  pristine  vigor  in  all  the  United  States 
of  America,  never  again  to  be  impaired? 

When  the  measures  of  the  Government  for  the  restoration 
of  the  seceding  States  to  their  proper  relations  in  the  Union  are 
consummated,  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  will  be  main 
tained,  and  the  Union  preserved  with  all  the  dignity,  equality, 
and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired.  There  will  be 
representatives  in  Congress  from  every  one,  and  the  State  gov 
ernments  of  each  will  alone  afford  protection  to  persons  and 
property,  and  regulate  in  their  own  way  their  domestic  affairs. 


5oo  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

And  in  our  example  "of  a  government  of  the  people  and  by 
the  people"  will  be  echoed  back  to  Ireland  through  the  extension 
of  the  elective  franchise  to  all  classes  of  Englishmen,  rich  and 
poor  alike;  her  shout  of  "manhood  suffrage"  in  her  recent  but 
vain  attempt  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  oppressor,  and  the  land 
of  Burke,  who  fought  in  America  for  that  high  boon  to  all, 
through  it  will  be  free. 

The  right  of  searching  merchant  ships  and  vessels  of  neutrals 
in  time  of  war,  in  denial  of  which  we  made  the  war  of  1812, 
which  ended  in  peace  without  its  settlement,  has  been  settled 
in  the  one  just  closed,  by  Great  Britain's  taking  substantially 
the  same  ground  that  we  then  held,  and  still  hold,  in  her  denial 
of  it  in  the  Trent  case.  The  reason  for  this  change  of  ground 
was  her  impatience  to  see  perish  from  the  earth  the  only  Gov 
ernment  whose  example,  if  a  success,  endangered  the  titles  of 
English  peers  and  princes  to  their  right  to  govern,  without  its 
having  been,  in  each  individual  case,  confirmed  by  the  people 
through  the  ballot  box. 

The  practicability  and  effectiveness  too  of  the  Monroe  Doc 
trine,  which  was  regarded  by  foreign  powers  as  American  elec 
tioneering  buncombe,  has  been  firmly  established  by  the  result 
of  the  war,  by  Louis  Napoleon's  withdrawal,  at  our  behests, 
of  his  troops,  and  abandonment  of  his  idea  of  empire  on  this 
continent,  although  it  left  the  one  on  whose  brow  his  hand  had 
placed  an  Imperial  crown  to  be  captured,  and  notwithstanding 
our  intercession,  shot  by  the  people  whose  rights  he  had  usurped. 

Russia  in  a  spirit  of  amity  had  relinquished  to  us  all  her  vast 
possessions  in  America,  and  England  is  quietly  preparing  for 
separation  from  the  Canadas.  Separation  is  what  their  Con 
federation  means.  England,  too,  manifests  a  disposition  to  settle 
the  claims  for  damages  done  our  merchantmen  by  privateers 
fitted  out  in  her  ports  in  aid  of  the  rebellion;  but  should  she 
fail  in  properly  adjusting  them,  it  may  become  the  duty  of  the* 
people's  representatives  to  issue  their  writ  in  the  form  of  a 
declaration  of  war  for  the  seizure  of  her  possessions  in  America 
in  satisfaction  of  these  claims,  and  thereby  facilitate  the  de 
parture  of  the  last  foreign  power  from  this  continent. 

We  are  coming  into  the  realization  of  a  republican  govern 
ment,  the  grandeur  and  glory  of  which  was  in  the  contemplative 
minds  of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  had  the  same  state  of 
society  existed  at  the  end  of  their  rebellion  as  existed  at  the 


APPENDIX  501 

end  of  ours,  the  inheritance  of  it  and  its  blessings  from  them 
would  have  been  all  that  remained  to  us  to  do.  But  as  it  un 
fortunately  was  not  the  same,  it  has  cost  us  more  than  half  a 
million  of  lives  of  the  flower  of  youth,  intelligence  and  energetic 
manhood,  and  a  national  debt  and  obligations  of  nearly  three 
thousand  millions  of  dollars.  To  meet  the  accruing  interest 
on  this  indebtedness,  and  the  payment  of  pensions,  and  bounties, 
and  the  current  expenses  of  the  Government,  which  are  large, 
requires  millions  of  revenue,  which  is  derived  through  taxes  and 
tariffs.  In  view  of  these  facts,  is  it  not  the  part  of  wisdom  and 
sound  policy  to  aid  in  the  settlement  of  the  questions  now  in 
process  of  settlement,  rather  than  put  obstacles  in  the  way? 
When  this  is  done  the  military  force  in  the  South  can  be  with 
drawn,  and  employed  in  the  protection  of  the  great  routes  across 
the  continent,  and  the  settlement  of  our  Indian  troubles,  and 
exploration  of  our  yet  unexplored  mining  regions,  if  their  ser 
vices  should  be  required  there,  and  if  not,  the  army  could  be 
reduced  to  the  standard  necessary  to  these  purposes.  The  Freed- 
man's  Bureau  would  no  longer  be  a  drain  upon  the  national 
treasury;  the  civil  rights  bill  would  enforce  itself.  And  Con 
gress  could  give  its  undivided  attention  to  our  financial  policy, 
national  economy,  and  development  of  our  resources. 

Political  economy  would  then  become  the  study  of  our  repre 
sentatives  to  the  proper  discrimination  of  the  articles  to  be  taxed, 
or  on  which  duties  are  to  be  imposed,  that  their  burdens  and 
benefits  may  be  extended  equally  to  all  sections  of  the  country, 
as  well  as  the  best  mode  of  their  reduction. 

With  a  wise  and  economical  administration  of  public  affairs, 
and  all  the  energies  of  this  mighty  people  directed  to  the  devel 
opment  and  making  available  of  our  unsurpassed  mineral  and 
agricultural  wealth,  may  we  not  confidently  hope  the  financial 
future  of  our  country  will  equal  the  desires  of  its  most  ardent 
friends  ? 

Our  geographical  position,  the  development  of  our  great  mili 
tary  character  and  resources,  and  our  leniency  to  the  subdued, 
give  us  a  power  and  influence  among  the  nations  none  other  ever 
had.  And,  if  we  are  but  true  to  the  principles  of  our  Chris 
tianity  and  republican  government — making  honesty  and  virtue 
necessary  passports  to  private  and  public  station,  we  may  hope 
to  see  the  "standard  of  our  Republic  still  high  advanced,"  and 
the  aegis  of  our  power  spread  over  this  continent  protecting 


502  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

our  sister  republics — grown  strong  in  virtue  and  self-reliance, 
in  our  example — from  the  influence  and  dangers  of  mon- 
archism. 

And  if  our  experiment  of  manhood  suffrage  to  all,  without 
distinction  of  race,  proves  the  success  we  believe  it  will,  we  may 
hope  to  see  our  republican  principles  engrafted  upon  all  the 
other  governments  of  the  world,  and  the  inalienable  rights  de 
clared  by  our  fathers,  in  their  Declaration  of  Independence,  en 
joyed  by  all  mankind. 


EXTRACTS     FROM     THE     FUNERAL     ORATION     OF     GENERAL     ELY     S. 

PARKER,     TO     THE     MEMORY     OF     JOHN     A.      RAWLINS LATE 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR  IN  THE  CABINET  OF  PRESIDENT  GRANT 

.  .  .  He  went  to  the  field  of  blood.     But  not  professionally  a 
soldier — 

.  .  .  The  plumed  troop,  and  the  big  wars, 

That  make  ambition  virtue; 

.  .  .  The  neighing  steed,  and  the  shrill  trump, 

The  spirit-stirring  drum,  the  ear-piercing  fife, 

.  .  .  The  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war, 

with  all  its  ghastly  carnage  and  heart-rending  spectacles,  had  no 
charms  for  him.  But  he  did  not  shrink  from  it.  He  entered 
the  service  from  a  profound  sense  of  duty  to  his  country  and 
his  God.  His  knowledge  of  the  cause  of  the  war;  his  acquaint 
ance  with  men,  and,  above  all,  his  integrity  and  talent,  made  him 
a  valuable  aid  to  the  General  commanding.  From  the  battle 
of  Belmont  to  the  final  surrender  of  the  opposing  forces  at 
Appomattox  he  did  not  miss  a  battle  in  which  his  chief  par 
ticipated.  He  was  a  most  valuable  executive  officer.  Though 
not  educated  in  arms,  his  knowledge  of  legal  forms  and  of  the 
law  made  him  an  almost  indispensable  aid  to  his  chief.  In  his 
counsels  he  constantly  kept  the  main  end  in  view,  viz.,  the  sup 
pression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  reestablishment  of  one  flag, 
one  Constitution,  and  one  Government  over  our  common  coun 
try.  He  discarded  collateral  and  new  issues,  and  turned  neither 
to  the  right  nor  left  in  the  discharge  of  what  he  deemed  a 
sacred  duty.  Having  entered  the  military  service,  he  was 


APPENDIX  503 

subordinate  and  obedient  to  all  orders  emanating  from  superior 
authority.  So  far  as  it  became  him  to  do,  he  exacted  the  same 
subordination  and  obedience  from  the  men  and  officers  around 
him.  He  was  just  to  the  last  degree.  Being  of  the  people,  and 
educated  to  believe  in  the  practical  doctrines  of  equality,  he  had 
no  horror  or  fear  of  caste.  To  him  there  was  one  law  of  equal 
and  exact  justice  for  the  high  and  low.  He  was  no  believer  in 
hereditary  aristocracy.  His  sole  faith  was  in  the  distinction 
created  by  true  merit.  He  was  therefore  preeminently  the  friend 
of  every  soldier  and  officer  of  the  army.  He  excused  their  short 
comings,  and  palliated  their  supposed  offenses.  No  enlisted 
man  ever  received  injustice  at  his  hands,  and  no  officer  ever 
applied  to  him  for  counsel,  aid,  or  advice  without  receiving  it. 
He  was  consequently  beloved  as  a  near  and  dear  friend  by  all 
who  knew  him.  Those  who  knew  him  best  loved  him  most.  His 
mind  was  methodical  in  its  reasoning,  and,  as  is  generally  true 
of  upright  and  true  natures,  his  conclusions  were  equally  just 
and  correct.  He  was  a 

".  .  .  Friend  to  truth !  of  soul  sincere, 
In  action  faithful,  and  in  honor  clear." 

...  It  cannot  be  said  that  our  noble  brother-in-arms  distin 
guished  himself  as  a  soldier,  inasmuch  as  his  every  duty  was 
altogether  executive.  He  never  had  the  personal  command  of 
troops,  but  was  ever  the  true  and  trusty  confidential  adviser 
of  the  commander  of  the  armies.  That  he  was  susceptible,  how 
ever,  of  the  highest  order  of  military  culture,  will  not  admit  of 
discussion. 

The  war  ended,  the  great  contending  armies  were  disbanded, 
and  the  breaches  caused  by  the  shock  of  arms  required  to  be 
healed.  One  section  needed  what  was  termed  reconstruction, 
the  execution  of  which  was  placed  by  Congress  mostly  in  the 
hands  of  the  General  of  the  army.  In  this  difficult  task  he  was 
ably  assisted  by  the  talent  and  legal  acumen  of  his  chief  of  staff. 
The  most  complicated  and  conflicting  questions  were  presented 
almost  daily,  and  though  for  a  long  time  in  the  most  feeble 
health,  his  anxiety  and  watchfulness  to  see  the  whole  country 
once  more  united  and  prosperous,  prevented  him  taking  time  to 
recruit  his  shattered  frame.  He  was  eminently  a  patriot.  He 
loved  his  whole  country. 

He  entertained  no  enmity  against  any  part  of  it.     He  had 


504  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

once  believed  that  inherited  slavery  was  a  necessary  evil.  Its 
existence  was  sustained  by  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  land.  By 
the  arbitrament  of  arms  it  lived  no  longer.  The  voice  of  God 
and  the  will  of  the  sovereign  people  had  dissipated  the  sophis 
tries  of  the  courts,  and  at  last  the  immortal  truths  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  .Independence  were  vindicated,  and  he  who  was  lately  in 
bondage  could  now  raise  his  unfettered  hands  towards  high 
heaven  and  thank  his  Maker  that  he,  too,  was  a  freeman.  Yet 
there  was  much  to  be  done  before  the  broad  aegis  of  the  law 
could  be  made  to  overshadow  all  alike.  To  accomplish  this  end, 
and  again  settle  this  country  in  a  lasting  peace,  with  every  in 
terest  harmonized,  was  the  great  study  and  labor  of  General 
Rawlins.  He  daily  advised  with  his  chief,  and  took  his  orders 
upon  all  matters  requiring  his  attention  and  action. 

He  carried  the  same  views  and  principles  with  him  in  the 
Cabinet.  He  believed  in  maintaining  by  legislation  the  results 
of  the  war.  A  wonderful  change  and  advance  had  been  made 
in  the  progress  of  civilization.  Millions  of  human  beings  re 
cently  enslaved  had  become  free,  and  their  newly  acquired  rights 
demanded  many  guarantees  by  legislation.  This  Rawlins  was 
willing  to  give  them  to  the  fullest  extent.  He  did  not  believe  in 
a  temporizing  policy  and  in  doing  things  by  halves.  If  he  was  a 
friend,  he  was  a  friend  indeed,  and  many  there  are  among  his 
comrades-in-arms  and  others  who  are  willing  living  witnesses 
of  the  fact. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1867  he  visited  his  native  county,  and 
before  those  who  had  known  him  from  infancy  and  among  his 
boyhood  acquaintances,  all  now  grown  to  manhood,  he  face  to 
face  with  them  reviewed  the  causes  of  the  war  and  its  results, 
which  under  Providence  was  after  all  to  become  one  of  the 
greatest  blessings  to  the  whole  human  race,  and  then  in  his 
straight,  clear  and  forcible  manner  elucidated  and  eliminated 
the  lessons  the  war  taught  us  as  individuals  and  as  a  nation. 

In  1868  during  the  Presidential  campaign,  he  again  visited  his 
native  town  and  county,  and  again,  in  a  well-digested  and  pre 
pared  speech,  did  he  impress  his  old  friends  with  his  views  of 
their  duty  to  themselves  and  their  country.  He  now  regarded 
the  question  of  the  capacity  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves 
as  no  longer  a  doubtful  one,  and  that  monarchial  croakers  might 
safely  hang  their  doubting  harps  upon  the  willow,  and  mourn 
the  sad  progress  and  spread  of  republican  principles.  The 


APPENDIX  505 

isothermal  line  of  liberty  was  no  longer  to  be  regarded  as  a  mere 
belt  reaching  from  ocean  to  ocean,  but  it  was  to  become  a  re 
public  embracing  a  continent.  The  leaven  of  republican  liberty 
was  already  working  in  the  new  dominion  of  the  North,  and  the 
Mexican  republic  on  the  south  was  rapidly  assimilating  its  tra 
ditions  of  liberty  to  ours,  and  the  index  of  destiny  seemed  al 
ready  to  indicate  that  the  beautiful  gems  of  the  Greater  and 
Lesser  Antilles  would  soon  fall  into  the  queenly  lap  of  America. 
This  General  Rawlins  believed  and  declared  to  his  neighbors 
and  the  country.  What  he  preached  he  carried  into  every-day 
practice.  Hence,  when  he  was  admitted  to  a  voice  in  the  Cabi 
net,  he  was  always  to  be  found  on  the  side  of  right  against 
wrong,  freedom  against  oppression.  He  was  so  progressive  in 
his  ideas  that  he  chafed  and  fretted,  as  the  untamed  steed,  when 
ever,  in  his  attempts  to  befriend  a  people  struggling  for  liberty 
he  found  himself  fettered  by  the  vague  generalities  of  interna 
tional  law.  He  claimed  that  as  a  republican  government,  a 
model  republic,  it  was  our  duty  to  insert  such  laws  in  the  inter 
national  code,  at  least  for  ourselves,  as  were  in  accord  with 
our  free  institutions,  that  it  was  base  in  us  to  yield  implicit 
obedience  to  laws  enacted  by  governments  founded  on  principles 
antagonistic  to  our  own,  and  that,  moreover,  did  conflicts  arise 
by  reason  of  our  course  we  were  strong  enough  to  maintain 
them,  and  that  God  would  decide  for  the  right. 

He  was  no  sycophant  to  those  in  power,  no  respecter  of  those 
boasting  of  a  long  line  of  ancestry,  no  stickler  for  blood,  except 
the  blood  of  honesty,  and  was  in  favor  of  no  government  except 
a  government  of  the  people,  where  the  lowest,  poorest  and 
humblest  individual  had  the  same  voice  and  weight  in  the  affairs 
of  the  nation  as  the  highest,  wealthiest,  and  proudest  of  the  land. 
He  was  in  the  largest  sense  of  the  term  a  democrat  in  all  his 
instincts,  not  one  as  now  understood  in  this  country,  but  a  re 
publican  democrat,  which  constitutes  the  only  true  democracy  in 
the  whole  world.  The  pomp  and  glitter  of  wealth  never  dazzled 
his  clear  eagle  vision  as  he  searched  for  the  talisman  which 
would  bring  the  largest  happiness  to  the  greatest  number.  He 
never  seemed  to  have  a  thought  for  self,  but  was  ever  intent 
upon  plans  to  benefit  his  fellow  men,  whether  high  or  low,  black 
or  white.  Hence,  he  took  the  liveliest  interest  in  the  struggles 
of  the  people  everywhere  for  popular  liberty  and  republican 
institutions. 


506  LIFE  OF  JOHN  A.  RAWLINS 

This  idiosyncrasy  of  his  mind  had  but  one  prayer  for  the 
oppressed  among  all  nations,  and  to  give  them  the  largest  liberty 
consistent  with  the  interests  and  welfare  of  all  human  kind. 
He  was  too  direct  in  his  speech  ever  to  be  a  flatterer,  nor  was 
he  at  all  susceptible  to  that  subtle  weapon  of  the  politician  and 
demagogue.  His  integrity  of  purpose  in  the  advocacy  of  any 
question,  whether  of  a  public  or  private  character,  was  unim 
peachable,  and,  therefore,  whether  he  was  right  or  wrong,  his 
opinions  commanded  respectful  attention.  Jealousy  was  utterly 
foreign  to  his  character,  hence  he  rejoiced  whenever  success 
crowned  the  right,  no  matter  by  whom  achieved. 

In  the  prime  of  manhood,  as  his  name  and  character  were  just 
becoming  known  to  the  general  public,  and  just  when  he  hoped 
from  the  high  position  he  had  attained  to  press  for  humanity's 
good  his  convictions  of  political  expediency,  General  Rawlins 
was  laid  low  by  disease  contracted  while  a  soldier  in  the  service 
of  his  country.  In  the  black  days  of  October,  1863,  while  pass 
ing  around  from  Vicksburg  to  Chattanooga,  whither  General 
Grant  had  been  ordered,  he  took  cold,  from  which  he  never  re 
covered.  Though  at  times  suffering  severely  from  it,  he  never 
left  his  post  of  duty  at  the  side  of  his  beloved  chief.  It  is  true 
he  hoped  that  with  the  close  of  the  war  he  would  be  enabled  to 
devote  ample  time  to  the  restoration  of  his  health.  Of  a  strong 
physical  frame,  and  always  a  stranger  to  sickness,  he  made  light 
of  the  fell  disease  which  had  fastened  itself  upon  him. 

The  close  of  the  war  imposed  new  responsibilities  and  duties 
upon  his  chief  and  his  most  cherished  friend  and  fellow  soldier. 
The  new  order  of  things  was  not  less  difficult  of  management 
than  those  of  the  field,  and  General  Rawlins  still  felt  it  his  duty, 
and  perhaps  his  right,  to  continue  his  aid  and  counsels,  until 
perfect  peace  and  order  were  restored  to  a  distracted  country. 
A  good  captain  never  deserts  a  sinking  ship;  but  if  a  captain 
has  safely  weathered  a  desolating  hurricane,  he  takes  pride  in 
guiding  his  vessel  into  a  safe  harbor.  Thus  General  Rawlins, 
finding  so  much  imposed  upon  his  commander,  felt  it  his  duty, 
as  his  first  mate,  to  stand  by  him  until  permanent  peace  had 
found  a  resting  place  upon  every  foot  of  our  country.  Though 
every  day  and  week  and  month  found  him  worse  and  weaker, 
he  never  abandoned  his  post  of  duty  as  chief  of  staff  or  as  a 
cabinet  minister.  His  mind,  ever  vigorous,  never  for  one  mo 
ment  lost  its  strength  to  the  day  of  his  death.  I  repeat  again 


APPENDIX  507 

that  his  every  thought  was  for  his  country's  good,  and  all  who 
knew  him  will  cheerfully  testify  with  me  that  he  never  seemed 
more  inspired  or  eloquent  than  when  with  burning  words  he 
portrayed  the  future  glory  and  destiny  of  this  country.  His 
eagle  eye  and  face,  illumined  with  glowing  enthusiasm,  was  wont 
to  animate  and  transport  his  hearers  into  the  same  belief.  He 
was  ever  earnest  in  whatever  he  undertook,  as  all  his  comrades 
in  the  field  will  aver,  and  as  his  colleagues  in  the  Cabinet  will 
attest. 

Many  rejoiced  when  a  seat  in  the  executive  councils  was  given 
him,  because  they  believed  that  his  indomitable  will,  his  force 
of  intellect,  his  earnestness  in  putting  forward  his  convictions, 
would  have  their  proper  influence  with  his  colaborers  upon  the 
great  measures  pending  before  them,  and  upon  which  the  public 
mind  is  ill  at  ease.  He  himself  stated  that,  at  the  last  cabinet 
meeting  he  ever  attended,  he  made  a  labored  effort  to  secure  a 
certain  recognition  by  our  Government  of  the  struggling  Cu 
bans,  and  feared  that  in  his  enfeebled  condition  he  had  over 
exerted  himself,  which,  alas !  was  too  true,  for  from  that  excite 
ment  his  disease  redoubled  its  violence,  and  his  frame,  already 
exhausted,  was  too  weak  to  resist,  and  on  the  6th  of  September, 
1869,  at  12  minutes  past  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  in  the 
thirty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  he  quietly  and  peaceably  resigned 
his  noble  spirit  to  the  God  who  gave  it.  But  to  the  last  his  words 
evinced  that  his  thoughts  were  intent  upon  his  country's  good, 
and  upon  the  success  of  republican  principles  everywhere.  The 
nation  knew  not  the  value  of  the  rough  diamond  it  possessed 
until  it  had  passed  beyond  its  reach.  He  had  ever  wished  to  die 
doing  his  duty,  and  his  wish  was  gratified;  and  if  his  spirit  still 
takes  cognizance  of  the  concerns  of  this  earth  and  his  country's 
welfare,  it  is  with  a  clearer  view  of  the  wise  purposes  of  God 
in  the  conduct  of  human  affairs,  and  that  whatever  is  done  is 
for  the  best.  , 


INDEX 


Alexander,  Gen.  E.  P.,  174. 
Allen,  Gen.  Robt,  95. 
Amphictyonic  Society,  30. 
Anderson,  Maj.,  48. 
Antrobus,  Artist,  266. 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  176,  324. 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  191. 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  135. 
Atlantic  Monthly,  158,  377. 
Augur,  Gen.,  342. 
Appendix  I,  384  et  seq. 
Appendix  II,  428  et  seq. 
Appendix     III,     Address     to     the 

Army  of   the  Tennessee,  435   et 

seq. 
Appendix  IV,  Galena  Address,  470 

et  seq. 
Appendix  V,  Oration  of  Gen.  Ely 

S.  Parker,  502  et  seq. 


B 


Babcock,  Lt.-Col.  O.  K,  192,  240. 

Badeau,  Adam,  14,  182. 

Baird,  Gen.,  173. 

Banks,  Gen.,  137,  152. 

Barnes,  Surg.-Gen.,  335,  364. 

Barnes,  G.    C,  29. 

Bartlett,  Gen.,  219. 

Bates,  Homer,  138. 

Bayon,  Pierre,  126,  127. 

Beauregard,  Gen.,  91. 

Belknap,  Gen.  W.  W.,  333. 

Belmont,  battle  of,  65,  67,  72,  176. 

Berthier,  17. 

Big  Black,  135. 


Blair,  Maj  .-Gen.  F.  P.,  333. 

Blucher,  17. 

Bowers,  Theodore  S.,  56,  124,  157, 

211,  216,  217,  225,  242,  256,  257, 

258,   327. 
Bragg,  Gen.,  62,  91,   153,  175,   178, 

333- 

Breckenridge,   91. 
Bristow  Station,  138. 
Buckner,  Gen.,  62. 
Buell,  Gen.,  81,  83,  88,  89. 
Buford,  Col.,  66. 
Burnside,  Gen.  A.  E.,  179,  225. 
Butler,  Gen.  B.  R,  206,  234,  251. 
Brooklyn  Bridge,  363. 


Cadwallader,   S.,   14,   173,  335,  381. 

Carling,   Col.,  341. 

Cass,  Lewis,  40. 

Castor  Oil  Expedition,  103. 

Champion's  Hill,   127,   135. 

Chancellorsville,  214. 

Chase,  Secy.,  241. 

Chattanooga,  138. 

Chetlain,  Gen.,  38. 

Chickamauga,  135,  136,  159. 

Chronology,   15. 

Clay,  Henry,  40. 

Cold  Harbor,  199,  229  et  seq. 

Coldwater  River,  in. 

Comstock,  Col.  C.  B.,  198,  205. 

Corse,  Gen.,  139. 

Cox,  Gen.  J.  D.,  302,  376. 

Crittenden,  Gen.,  67,  90. 

Crump's  Landing,  86. 

Cuba,  359,  360. 


509 


5io 


INDEX 


Cullom,  Shelby  M.,  29. 
Culpepper  C.  H.,  205. 
Cumberland  Gap,  175. 


Dana,  Charles  A.,  14,  60.  Joins 
Grant,  120,  121,  122,  123.  Opin 
ion  of  Rawlins  and  Wilson,  123, 
124,  164,  171,  192,  211,  228,  361. 

Dent,  Col.,  240. 

Dodge,  Maj.-Gen.  G.  M.,  14,  77, 
301,  338,  342,  346,  353- 

Donelson,  Fort,  capture  of,  72. 

Dougherty,  Col.,  66. 

Douglas,  John  M.,  32,  37,  39. 

Douglas,  Senator,  30,  39,  43. 

Doyle,  Maj.-Gen.,  265. 

Duff,  Col.,  242. 

Drummond,  Judge  Thos.,  338. 


Fairchild,  Gen.,  333. 
Farragut,  329,  330,  336. 
Felt,  Mr.,  264. 
Fish,   Hamilton,  353. 
Floyd,  Gen.,  62. 
Force,  Gen.,  139. 
Forrest,  Gen.,  201. 
Fort,  Greenbury  L.,  29. 
Fort  Henry,  73. 
Fort  Donelson,  64. 
Fortress  Monroe,  206. 
Foulke,  Col.,  66. 
Fulton,  Allen  C.,  38. 
Forsyth,    Gen.    Jas.    W.,   214,   307, 
et  seq. 


Galena  Mass  Meeting,  46,  47. 
Ger manna  Ford,  214. 
Gneisenau,  17. 
Goode,   Col.,   51. 
Gordon,  Gen.,  213. 


Granger,  Gen.  Gordon,   170,  171. 

Grant,  Captain  U.  S.,  49,  50,  52. 
Rumors  affecting,  79  et  seq. 

Grant,  Gen.  U.  S.,  14,  17,  18,  19,  21. 
Letter  to  Washburne,  54,  55,  66, 
76.  Letter  to  wife,  71,  78.  Opin 
ion  of  Gen.  C.  F.  Smith,  80.  Pe 
riod  of  discouragement,  81,  84. 
"I  haven't  despaired  of  whip 
ping  them  yet,"  88,  91,  92,  93- 
Friendships,  94.  Order  expelling 
Jews,  96.  Report  Pittsburg 
Landing,  97.  Goes  to  front,  105, 
106.  Arrives  at  Young's  Point, 
108.  Dinner  on  Magnolia,  113, 
114.  Back  of  Vicksburg,  128. 
Up  Yazoo  "sick,"  128,  132,  136. 
At  Chattanooga,  138.  Endorses 
Rawlins,  139,  140.  Poor  corre 
spondent,  147,  153,  155,  156,  162. 
Meets  Stanton,  163,  165.  Meets 
General  Thomas,  165,  167,  169, 
175,  180.  Goes  to  Washington, 
188,  190,  191,  192,  195,  197,  215, 
253,  255.  Memory  at  fault,  312 
et  seq.  Demands  Lee's  surrender, 
318,  322  et  seq.,  327,  329,  347,  351, 
357- 

Gresham,  Gen.,  139,  201. 

Grouchy,  90. 


H 


Haines  Bluff,  108. 

Halleck,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  74,  75,  76, 

78,  80,  82,  183,  191,  215,  262. 
Hallett,  Judge  Moses,  29. 
Hancock,   Gen.,    196. 
Hankinson's  Ferry,   127. 
Hare,  Gen.,  219. 
Heckadelphoi,  41. 
Hillyer,    Capt.    W.    S.,   69   et   seq., 

237,  353. 

Holly  Springs,  103,  384. 
Holt,  Judge  Advocate  Gen.,  365. 
Hood,  Gen.,  365. 


INDEX 


Hood,  Gen.  J.  B.,  267,  278,  279. 
Hooker,  Gen.  Jos.,  138,  164,  171. 
Howard,  Gen.,  164,  178. 
Humphreys,  Gen.,   196,  317. 
Hurlbut,  Miss,  150,  384. 
Hurlbut,  Gen.  Stephen  A.,  73,  87. 


Island  Number  Ten,  103. 


Jackson,  capture  of,  135. 
Jefferson,  Thos.,  30,  41. 
Johnston,  Albert  Sidney,  62,  120. 
Johnston,  Jos.  E.,  62,  134. 
Johnson,  Andrew,  329,  336. 
Jones,  Hon.  J.  Russell,  14,  182,  338. 


Kautz,  Gen.,  236. 

Kitto,  Doctor  E.  D.,  14,  37,  163,  200. 

Knoxville,   E.  Tenn.,   175. 


Lanman,  Col.,  66. 

Lawrence,  Lord,  26. 

Ledlie,  Gen.,  254. 

Lee,  Robt.  E.,  62,  190,  192.     Staff, 

196,  197.     Surrenders,  317  et  seq. 
Leet,  Capt,  258,  327. 
Leggett,  Col.  Mortimer  D.,  73. 
Lieutenant-Generalcy,    181    et   seq., 

186,  188,  190. 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  39,  45,  78,   188, 

236,  337,  357- 

Logan,  Gen.  John  A.,  301,  333,  353. 
Longstreet,  Gen.,  62,  136,  137,  138, 

161,  162,  163,  179,  186. 
Lopez,  filibuster,   51. 

M 

Maltby,  James  A.,  38,  51. 
Marcy,  Gen.  Randolph,  364. 


Marsh,  Col.,  134. 
Maximilian,  328,  359. 
McClellan,  Gen.,  50,  81. 
McClernand,    Gen.,  66,   78,   82,  87, 

92,  105,  106,  125,  126,  131  et  seq. 
McCook,  Gen.  Alex.,  90,  170. 
McPherson,  Gen.  J.  B.,  87,  98,  117, 

153,  167,  188,  196. 
Meade,  Gen.,  212,  253,  322,  365. 
Meigs,  Gen.,  364. 
Mexico,  328,  360. 
Meyer,  Chief  Signal  Officer,  365. 
Millikin's  Bend,  107. 
Milroy,   Gen.,  219. 
Missionary  Ridge,  168,  177. 
Mississippi   Military   Division,   107, 

275; 
Mississippi  River,  opening  of,  135, 

138. 

Missouri  Compromise,  39,  48. 
Muffling,  17. 

N 

Napoleon,  17,  90. 
Napoleon,  Louis,  359. 
Nelson,  Gen.,  88. 


Oglesby,  Gen.,  120,  333. 
Orchard  Knob,  171,  174,  177. 
Ord,   Gen.  E.  O.   C,   196. 
Order  expelling  Jews,  96. 
Overland  Campaign,  195,   196,  209, 
249. 


Paducah,  occupation  of,  64,  65,  67. 
Parker,   Col.   E.   S.,  264,   266,  327. 

Funeral    oration,    Appendix    V, 

502. 

Pease,  Maj.,  322. 
Pemberton,  Gen.,  161. 
Petersburg,  233. 


512 


INDEX 


Pillow,  Gen.,  61. 

Pittsburg  Landing,  86,  88,  93. 

Policy,  military,   183. 

Polk,  Gen.,  61,  64,  232. 

Porter,   Lt.-Col.   Horace,   192,   199. 

Port  Gibson,  125,  135. 

Post  of  Arkansas,  107. 

Prentiss,  Gen.,  88,  91. 

President,  135. 

Pride,  Col.,  362. 

Prisoners,  exchange  of,  136. 

Providence,  Lake,  in. 


Q 

Quimby,  Gen.,  265. 


Ransom,  Gen.,  301. 

Rapidan,  212. 

Rawlins,  James  D.,  23,  24,  25. 

Rawlins,  John  A.,  chronology,  14, 
17,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  23,  24,  27. 
Education,  28  et  seq.  Studies 
law,  31.  City  Attorney,  32,  33, 
36.  Political  connections,  37. 
Candidate  for  elector,  38.  Joint 
debate,  40,  43.  Slavery,  41,  42, 
43,  45.  Speech  at  mass  meeting, 
46,  47,  48.  First  letter  to  Grant, 
53.  Adjutant-General,  54,  57, 
58,  59.  Counterpart  of  Grant,  61, 
62,  63,  64.  Battle  of  Belmont,  65, 
66.  Letter  to  Washburne,  68. 
Duties  as  A.  A.  G.,  72,  78.  In 
sight,  80.  Letter  to  mother,  90 
et  seq.  Advice  against  expelling 
Jews,  96.  Opinion  of  Lew  Wal 
lace,  97,  98,  loo.  David  Sheean, 
102  et  seq.  Letters  to  Wilson, 
in,  112,  113,  114.  Recommends 
turning  movement  south  of  Vicks- 
burg,  112,  113.  Letter,  118  et  seq., 


123.  Helps  repair  bridges,  125, 
126,  127,  128.  Letter  to  Grant, 
128,  129,  130,  131,  134,  13,5,  138, 
139.  Summation  of  services,  141 
et  seq.  Lieutenant-Colonel,  144. 
Remains  at  Vicksburg,  147.  Brig.- 
Gen.,  148.  Meets  future  wife, 
150,  153,  156.  Apologizes  to 
Grant,  156.  Brig.-Gen.,  160,  166, 
168.  Letter,  169.  Takes  cold, 
174,  175,  176,  177,  1 80.  Letter  to 
Wilson,  184,  188.  Chief  of  staff, 
194,  197,  205.  Marriage,  201,  202, 
208.  Letter  to  wife,  217,  219,  220, 
221,  222.  Letters,  229  et  seq.}  249. 
Sick  leave,  255,  260.  Letters,  264 
et  seq.  Goes  west,  270.  Letters, 
271  et  seq.  Returns  east,  277. 
Letters,  280  et  seq.,  298.  Views 
of  Sherman's  campaign,  299  et 
seq.,  303,  310  et  seq.  Influence  on 
Five  Forks,  314  et  seq.,  317.  Part 
in  Lee's  surrender,  319  et  seq., 
320,  325,  327,  329.  Elected  Presi 
dent  Society  A.  T.,  332,  334,  336 
et  seq.,  339.  Goes  west  and  speaks 
at  Galena,  340.  Letters,  344  et 
seq.  Salt  Lake,  346.  Grizzlies, 
347.  Returns  to  Washington,  348 
et  seq.  Secretary  of  War,  350 
et  seq.  Closing  events,  351  et  seq., 
352,  354,  355,  36o,  362,  364.  Sum 
mary  of  character,  369  et  seq. 
Monument,  382,  383.  Appendix 
I,  384.  Letters,  384  et  seq. 

Rawlins,  Lovisa  Collier,  23. 

Raymond,  battle  of,  135. 

Richardson's   "Life  of   Grant,"  50, 
89,  140,  188,  211. 

Robinson,  Gen.,  219. 

Rock  River  Seminary,  141. 

Rosecrans,    Gen.   W.    S.,    130,    137, 
153,   164,  165. 

Rowley,  Capt.  Col.  Gen.,  38,  60,  86, 
240,  339,  343- 

Ruffin,  Edmund,  227. 


INDEX 


Schofield,  Gen.,  279,  302,  304,  353. 

Sedgwick,  Gen.  John,  213,  214,  219. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  41. 

Seymour,  Gen.,  213,  215,  219. 

Shady  Grove,  223. 

Shaler,  Gen.,  213,  219. 

Shaw,  John  M.,  35. 

Sheean,  David,  14,  35,  102,  103. 

Sheridan,  Col.  M.  V.,  309. 

Sheridan,  Gen.,   174,  205,  211,  213, 

259,  262,  263,  266,  267,  276,  305, 

306,  307,  316. 
Sherman,     W.     T.,     93,     114,     138, 

152,   153,    167,   174,   177,    178,   186, 

188,   189,   196,  201,  276,  278,  331, 

355,  356,  365,  366,  367.     On  Raw- 

lins,  367,  368. 

Shiloh  Meeting  House,  85,  86. 
Slavery,  29,  41,  42. 
Smith,  Gen.  A.  J.,  273. 
Smith,  Bosworth,  26. 
Smith,  Gen.  C.  F.,  83. 
Smith,  Gen.  Giles  A.,  333. 
Smith,  Hiram,  52. 
Smith,  Gen.  John  K,  37,  51. 
Smith,  Morgan  L.,  201. 
Smith,   Gen.   W.   R,   168,   171,   172, 

187,   199,  206,  207,  224,  225,  228, 

233. 
Smith,   Gen.   Wm.   Sooy,   139,   186, 

201. 

Sovereignty  popular,  39. 
Spottsylvania  C.  H.,   198,  211,  221. 
Stanton,   E.   M.,  78,   162,  337,  347, 

357- 

Stevenson,  Ala.,  138. 
Stevenson,  Confed.  Gen.,  177. 
Strategy,  Pepperbox,  95. 


Tallahatchie  River,  no. 

Thomas,  Gen.  Geo.  H.,  67,  165,  168, 


170,   171,   173,   174,   177,   186,  196. 

Defeats  Hood,  275,  276,  300,  302, 

365. 

Thomas,  Lorenzo,  A.  G.,  76. 
Totopotomoy,  223. 
Townsend,  Adj. -Gen.,  364. 
Tunnel  Hill,  177. 


U 


Upton,  Gen.  Emory,   196,    199,  274. 


Vicksburg  Campaign,  104,  105,  107. 
Plan,  108,  109,  no,  116,  117. 


W 


Wadsworth,  Brig.-Gen.,  219. 
Walden's  Ridge,  164. 
Wallace,  Gen.  Lew.,  86,  88,  97,  98. 
Wallace,  W.  H.  L.,  87,  88,  90. 
Warren,  Gen.  G.  K.,  225. 
Washburne,    Elihu   B.,   52.     Heads 

off  censure,  96,  141,  185,  215,  302, 

325,  326,  353- 
Webster,  Daniel,  40,  41. 
Webster,  Col.,  60,  72. 
Welles,  Gideon,  meets  Rawlins,  158, 

329- 

Wickham,  Gen.,  211. 

Wilderness,  tavern,  210,  211. 

Willard,  a.d.c.,  166. 

Wilmot  Proviso,  41. 

Wilson,  James  H.,  Reports  for  duty 
on  Grant's  staff,  97.  Interview 
with  Rawlins,  98.  Against  Over 
land  campaign,  103.  Goes  down 
Mississippi,  106.  Yazoo  Pass, 
116.  Returns  to  Vicksburg,  116, 
123,  124.  Carries  order  to  Me- 


514 


INDEX 


demand,  131,  132,  134,  153. 
Writes  Rawlins,  154,  156.  Re 
lieved  from  Grant's  staff  for  duty 
in  War  Department,  181,  182. 
Letter  to  Rawlins,  183,  205,  215, 
224,  227,  236,  238,  240,  264, 
272. 

Wood,  Gen.,  173,  202. 

Wright,  Gkm.  H.  G.,  196,  218. 


Yallabusha  River,  no. 
Yazoo  Pass  and  River,  no,  113. 
Young,  Brigham,  346. 
Young's  Point,  108. 


Zollicoffer,  Gen.,  67. 


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